Rensselaer Republican, Volume 16, Number 52, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 4 September 1884 — Page 9

national politics, be is on that account the nominee of his parte. Bayard was named by friends, and forthwith his Dover speech was recalled, and his doom v. as sealed, though the speech was fairly expressive of the party sentiment when it was delivered. Carlisle, a man of ability, was named, but he had a record. His residence south of the Ohio would, revive recollections of the attitude of the party during the war, and his clear utterances on the tariff question would uncover the jugglery of the platform. , McDonald was urged upon the convention by Mr. Hendricks with ‘‘all the earnestness that the subject inspired.’’ as Mr Hendricks has himself told us. But McDonald, too, had a reeord; in line with hip party, you say. Yes, that was the trouble. It was the trouble with Thurman; but it was not in Cleveland's way. No Brevier Report, no Congressional Record could convict him of having views. Sheriff of his county, it could be shown that bis return to the subpoßna was in good form. Exercising that office in the execution of a felon, it could be shown that the proceedings were decent, orderly and successful. Mayor of Buffalo, it could be shown, perhaps, that the streets were cleanly and the police of average efficiency. Governor of New Yoqk—elected not by the votes he received,'but by Republicans who did not vote —he has managed by his vetoes to alienate the laboring men from bis party. If the convention were reassembled he would hardly be renominated I think I may announce that Mr. Hendricks has accepted the nomination for the vice-presidency. I heard his speech the day following the nomination, and when he said “I make my appeal for your support for the high office for whieh I have been nominated by the Democracy at Chicago’’ I concluded that the paiuful suspense was ended: but the next day hesaid tos newspaper reporter that he did not intend to be so understood. In 1876 the urgency of a committee of leading Democrats, and, it was rumored, assurances of support for the first place in 1880. were necessary to get his consent to take second place. In 1880 he spurned the vicepresidency, counting it no honor _ to be second to Mr. Tildon, and so prevented the‘‘fraud issue” from ever coming to trial, No increased dignity or salary has been attached to the office since.and yet Mr. Hendricks, being a member of the convention, allowed himself to be nominated without resistance and hastily ratified the nomination by a public speech. Is it that increasing years have given a lower flight to his ambition, or is it that he takes now greedily something he has twice spurned, simply to keep another from getting itT As a Democrat who has filled important public positions, and has been much heard in public-speech in Indiana, Mr. Hendricks is well known. What his party has been he has been, in all the eventful years since the free sentiment of the North revolted against slavery. If there has been a division of sentiment in his party on any ques'"tson, Ke has straddled it, and kept in favor with both sides. Mr. Voorhles by his declaration that a tariff for revenue only was “an absurd issue*” and Mr. McDonald by his expression of the hope that the party would take nostep back warden that subject, may have lost the confidence of some Democrat, but Mr. Hendricks's equivocal utterances on the tariff have kept him in harmony with both sides. General Manson, by the color of his uniform, may have lost influence-with the copperhead Democracy of Indiana, but I never heard that Mr. Hendricks offended them, even iu speech. He may talk of reform: but he has not the spirit of a reformer. If three-fourths of his own party were in favor of a principle that commended itself as true to his own mind, he would never give it such an advocacy as to separate himself from the remaining fourth. He will make some speeches in this campaign, but I venture the prediction that you will not find out whether he favors or opposes the Morrison bill. His friends are attempting, I notice, to organize a colored club in his interest in this city. It may be interesting to those gentlemen and serve as a good illustration of his Bqubonistn to notice that us late as February. 1804, after many colored men had died for the flag. Mr. Hendricks regarded it as an outrage that colored people should be allowed to ride in the same street car with him. In a speqph of that date in the Senate he said: r Itseems to be considered a great outrage that the negroes in the District of Columbia are not allowed to take their seats in the same cars with the white men and women who travel on the railroads of this city. If I were to express any opinion on the subject I should say the outrage would be the other way. Some question having arisen between Senators as to whether separate cars were provided for the accommodation of colored people, Mr. Hendricks farther said:1 will sav to the Senator from lowa that very recently. without observing it, I found myself crowding on the colored population on oue of their own cars, and, as I did not choose to press upon their rights, X. of course, gave them the car.

JAMES O. BLAINE. A few words now about those eminent gentlemen who have been chosen by our State and nutional eonventior.s to represent os in too pending contest. Mr. Blaine needs no introduction to'the Pi-publieans of any State. Onr candidate for tlie vice-presidency did not need to be intro--duced to him. He was nos chosen for the obscurity of liis record, but because he had in all the sharp contests of the last twentyfive years, by speech and vote, made a record which his fellow-citizens approved. Like Garfieid, he has advocated and illustrated the principles or his party, and its history may be read in his public utterances. His conspicuous ability is conceded by bis bitterest enemies. No Democrat ever refused.his challenge out of consideration for Mr. Blaine, or put a “button on his foil" to estatdish a condition of eqnality in the eembat. Place him in toe midst of the most notable assemblies of the world, and he wili be ;\ conspicuous figure. His acquaintance with the history of hi# country and his ready use of his great store of information excites tlie wonder and admiration of those who lUten to him. As student, school teacher, editor, member and Speaker of tlje House of Representatives of Maine, member and Speaker for six years of the Ilonse of Representatives of toe United States, as United States Senator and Secretary of State he has attracted the interest and won tlie admiration of men. The man who has made up his mind hot to like him had better not visit him at his home. He is courageous and aggressive, but those greatly mistake him and mis read his history, who suppose that this aggressiveness ever leads him to fight a battle without a cause, or without the fullest preparation. He is magnanimous towards an adversary.and those with whom he has had his sharpest contests have met bis ready advances and learned from "him to forget toe asperities of debate. The strong support which he received in the national conventions of 1876 and 1880, and the nomination which came to him in ISS4 witness toe abiding and unfaltering fidelity of the Republican masses to this gallant leader. The manly and cordial way in which he threw himself into the campaign for Garfield and the loyal and devoted friendship which he manifested as a cabinet officer to his chief won him new friends. He is no “kicker.” If he cannot carry toe flag he takes a gun. He was associated iu the minds of Republicans, not only with the administration, but with the tragic death of Garfield Bis magnificent tribute to his dead chief, delivered before Congress, so warm, so eloquent, so brave, will keep the memory of Garfield fresh through toe generations Mr. Harper, who now uses the power of pen and - picture to defame him, said of him not long ago: ‘ ’There is no man now living more closely is sympathy with the people than Mr. Blaine.” He has bee# slandered, bpt no slanderer has ever been able to get him on the run. He has driven his traducers from their cowardly ambush, and confronted them with the courage of a self-re-specting man. In nothing has fee been more misrepresented than in his foreign policy. KB. BLAINE'S FOREIGN FOLICY. This policy has been characterized as one of bravado, bluster aad jingoism. It must be ad milted that Mr. Blaine's dispatches were strong, unequivocal and expressive of that American instinct whieh Mr. Curtis ss crihee to him. It was aa American policy. It had relation solely to this hemisphere and to those states here that had an independent 'xisteoce. It express); abjured all right to interfere with the govern meets of th* old world, it mwrvted a peculiar interest in toe affairs of < entrml and Sooth America, superior to, and, in a Ism snase, exclusive of the interest and in terrene* of European nations. It eeatemnlatod ■’oeev relations with the Central and Sente American governments—relations • ol mutual amity aad helpfulness A prime object wsadeclared to be to promote peace by substituting f riendly arbitraments for the sword. It pro T—sed that we shonld hath have and give the benefita of good neighborhood: that repubbesa institutions should be made more stable aad the f.el.t» of commerce more accessible mad productive This policy took shape after Mr. Arthur became President in a project f*r a eongreas off Ameri *aa states. Its scope aad purpoa* wa* declared

to be to •‘geek a way o t permanently evening the herrm of cruel aad bloody combat between countries oftenest of one blood and speech, or the eves worse calamity of internal commotion and civil strife.” The suggestion of this congress and its expressed objects were in line with the highest thoughts of our International Peace Congresses. AIT idea of dictation or supremacy was disclaimed and the one object, that of peace, was made prominent. Another subject upon which Mr. Blaine had a policy, but not a new policy, was that of the canal across the isthmus connecting the Atlantic and Paeiflo oceans. In November, 1881, Mr. Blaine addressed to Mr. Lowell, our minister at London, a communication upon the subject of- the Clay-ton-Bulwer treaty of April 19, 1850, between Great Britian and the United States, looking to the modification or abrogation of that treaty, which contains a provision that neither England nor the United States will ever obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive control over said ship canal and that neither will ever erect or maintain any fortification commanding the same, or in the vicinity thereof In this dispatch Mr. Blaine baldly, yet without bluster, assumed the position for his government tliat in the present condition of this country, having States upon the Pacific, Atlantic and the Gulf, we had a peculiar interest in any ship canal ncross the Isthrans. He pointed out that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, by reason of the greater naval strength of Great Britain, which our policy did not allow us to compete with, surrendered the control of . the canal practically to Great Britain in case of war botween tho two nations, by refusing .to us the benefit of our greater strength upon the land. He said: If a hostile movement shonld at any time be made against the Pacific coast, threatening danger to Its people, and destruction to its property, the government of the United States would feel that it had been unfaithful to its duty and neglectful towards it# own eitizens if it permitted itself to be bound by a treaty which gave the same rights through the canal to a war ship bent on an errand of destruction that is reserved to its own uaVy sailing for the defense of our own people. And as England insists by the might of her power that her enemies in war shall strike her Indian possessions only by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, so the government of the United States will equally insist that the interior, more speedy and safer route of the canal shall be reserved for ourselves, while our enemies, if We shall ever be so unfortunate as to have any, shall be remanded to the voyage around Cape Horn. * * * These were the characterizing incidents of Mr. Blaine's foreign policy. Ah to the abrogation or modification of the Clay-ton-Bulwer treaty, the position of Mr. Blaine was quite as distinctly announced by President Hayes in bis message of March. 1880, and has been supported by the present conservative and respected Secretary of State. The narrow barrier which obstructs the passage of ships from the Gulf to the Pacific ocean will not much longer force commerce around the Horn. When a canal is completed, it will be practically a part of our coast line, and the control of it by any foreign power,would put ns at tremendous disadvantage in time of war. by allowing the enemy to mass her squadrons on either of our coasts at her pleasure. Only the law of superior foree could compel us to submit to this disadv-’ifage. Wo are sorry that Mr. Blaine is not popular among the English, but he was not nominated to an English constituency, but to an American. The declaration of the,Pall Mall Gazette that he would endeavor to replace English influence and trade on this hemisphere, by American influence and trade, may furnish good reason for the opposition of English newspapers, but it ought- not to alienate Americans from him. If the support which those same newspapers openly give to the candidacy of Mr. Cleveland implies, as it would seem,that in their opinion he would give English influence and tradethe preference ,thenhe ougat not only to transfer his .candidacy but his citizenship to England. JOHN A. LOGAN. Soldiers, how shall I speak fittingly of our gallant comrade. John A. Loganl He was no child of fortune. His own strong arm and brave heart have carved out a high career in war and peace. He loved his country above his party, and lias ever since been hated of his old Democratic associates, who made the other choice. He is a man of convictions and fights for them. That he has ability of a high order the positions and influence he lias achieved and held sufficient ly witness. That he is a man of honor, is avouched by all of his associates in iblie life without distinction of party. is three wounds, received in his country's service, show that ho was no carpet knight. He won the praise of Grant and Sherman for his skill as a military commander, and the lovo of his men by his dauntless courage and his gncomplaining participation in all their hardships. In the Senate he has taken a leading part in the great debates of that oody, has a place upon its most important committees, and has won the name of a wise legislator and' patriotic statesman. As an advocate of the most liberal legislation in the interest of the soldiers, as their tireless agent in pressing their pension claims, and as a comrade in the Grand Army of the Republic, he has a strong hold upoa the affeetion of his comrades and upon the respect of his countrymen. STATE TICKET. Of State issues there is not time now to speak. Our distinguished Governor, whose wise and cioan and able administration now nears its constitutional limit, will Boon give in public speech the results of his closer observation of the stupidity and recklessness of a Democratic Legislature. Of our State ticket 1 wish to say a few words. William H. Calkins—to whose hands, sir [turning to Governor Por-.er], you wilt presently commit the office you have exercised so well, is in form, and mind and heart, a magnificent specimen of Western manhood. Not on “flowery beds of ease" was he borne to the honors in his. profession, in the army and in public life, which he has enjoyed. He walked the path of the toiler; he won. he achieved. Like many of his associates on the ticket he served his country gallantly in the war. We hail them a’.l as comrades. In Congress Major Calkins occupies a conspicuous and influential place. He has served his constituency with zeal, industry, intelligence and fidelity. For three years 1 have had a somewhat close observation of him. and it gives me pleasure to say that neither in his public career nor hie private life have I seen anything that could weaken his claims upon your respect and confidence. Of his associates upon the ticket I cannot speak at length. Most of them are young men. bat not too young to have had careers of usefulness, and honor. The young men of the State will hear their call, and come to their support If any one suggests that an element of seriousness and experience should have been added, we point to Barnabas C. Hobbs. It will be his business to keep the boys in order. It will be your business, fellow-citizens. ’ and mine, to see that the work of our conventions is ratified in November. About the time the Democratic Supreme Court was joyously and brilliantly butchering the free schools the Democratic State Agent. Mr. Daniel C. Stover, a nephew of Joseph E. McDonald—a much huger contributor to the peculiar glory of the party than his uncle, however, for the latter has never been known to cheat anybody, or to profit by anvbody else’s cheat—was carrying on the most distinguished or brilliant transaction in State stocks ever attempted. He held several volumes of blank bonus, signed and. sealed, and lacking only his own signature to be complete and negotiable, to give to the purchasers of bonds in place of those purchased, the State preferring to issue new ones at each sale to having the old passing from hand to hand. Mr. Democratic Agent Stover signed some $1,300,000 of these bonds and used them as collaterals of loans made from New York banks. Winslow. ' Lanier & Go. discovered traces of this moat resplendent of all Democratic honor*, and told Governor Morton, in the summer of 1862He and the editor of the Journal at that time, with Colonel Hudson, then State Agent, went to New York and began to press a little warmly for the obscuration of this rather conspicuous glare of Democratic splendor. They wanted the fraudulent bonds redeemed from the banks and destroyed, and about half of them were thus Kb away with. The others wore kept off the market by prompt action of the Stock Board, and tire State never lost—that is, the honor thus added to the State by the Democracy never cost anything of consequence. It Wm a briynat Democratic feat, verily.

SUPPLEMENT.

MR. VOORHEES AS A BOASTER.

An Inquiry into His Claim that Indiana Is Indebted to the Democracy. * A Dissection of the Assertion that the Democrats Created the School System and Fund, and the State Charities. Senator Daniel W. Voorhees has held a conspicuous place in the Democratic party for a quarter of a century, primarily by a large endowment of what Tony Weller calls “the gift o’ the gab werry gallopin’;’’ secondarily, by an amazing facility in the construction of distorted rhetoric, and by an Inexhaustible supply of incorrect historical information. A large pretense of classical culture has, so to speak, varnished over these elementary qualities, and, as it wens, finished or polished them off. No man now liv ing can achieve, in the same time, so bewildering a display of profound misinformation. No other man can so completely misconceive a -subject or — misapply * misstatement His intellect resembles an airbubble in a window-pane. Anything seen through it looks sometimes like a house and sometimes like a plug of tobacco. He never saw -the cantor of anything in the middle in his life, and he never had patience enough to study a subject so closely that he could feel sure that the exemption of whisky from taxation was not an endowment of a religious charity instead of a big speculation of distillers, or that the “salary grab” was not a popular testimonial to immaculate purity instead of a legalized “confidence game” by a combination of sharpers. Reason and rhetoric “do so combine in him” that each bedevils tlio other, like .the mismatched legs of a cross, made by a chieken-breCder, with a shanghai and ft bantam. It had one long leg and one very short one. When it stood on its long leg the short one couldn’t touch the ground, and any attempt to scratch with it or nse it flirted it helplessly about in tlie air Wlien it stood on the snort leg the long one would dig so furiously into the ground in a scratch, that it would tumble the bird over drTSEs head. Whop the ’Senator mounts his stilted rhetoric his short-legged reason can reach nothing and do nothing. When he sinks down upon that in his attempts at the application of history, his unmanageable eloquence is too much for him and pitches him over in the eomicsf fnshion so frequently noted by admiring critics. By way of a brief preface tosoine very recent illustrations of this amusing con trariety, take one just ten years old. whilcfthe Senator was, still on what may be called the classic “lay,” long before it occurred to him to attitudinize in the ludicrously inapt character of “the soldiers’ friend.'’ He was delivering an address to the “Literary .Societies of the University of Missouri,” June 22, 1874. On page 521 of his authorized published speeches, edited by his son, is this astounding eruption of—well, defective classical knowledges CLASSIC IGNORANCE. -f- ---“ That wonderful, though now common article of .wealth and food, designated in general as corn, was then wholly unknown, and Gibbon, the warm eulogist of ancient Romo, in touching on her principal products, condescends to make no mention of any great staple of breadstuff as a substitute.” . The whole continent may be safely challenged to produce a parallel to this amazing display of ignorance. If ho had read fifty pages further he would have found that Gibbon stated the amount of wheat annually imported from Egypt at a half million bushels; and that one’ of Pompey’s first military feats was destroying the pirates of the Tynan coast, who robbed the wheat shijis from Alexandria to Ostium. The most venerated of thegoddessesof the ‘Pantheon’ was Ceres, the patron of agriculture, always represented as crowned with a wreath of wheat. PANBGYETO ON THE DEMOCRACY. Now let us pass to the enjoy ment of some very recent antics of the Senator's mis mated intellectual legs, the funny Democratic hybrid, between a blundering statistician and a blathering stamper. Iu bis speech on the night of Tuesday, the 19th, •which was loudly trumpted in advance as “the key note of the campaign,” he boasted with more than customary “gostration’ of the incalculable and exclusive benefactions bestowed by the Democracy on tho people of Indiana in the benevolent institutions and the public school system.. He gave moat of bis time to the question of “prohibition" and “sumptuary legislation. but just now we are concerned only with his comical blunders in his DanegyricS on the Democratic party as the creator of our educational system and its funds, and our charitable institutions. Of the latter be said: “Indiana has long been famous, too, for her great public charities. Behold her benevolent institutions, where the blind see, the dumb speak, the sick are healed, and the destitute fed and clothed? Yon find their blessed foundations laid deep and strong in that Constitution which the Democratic party created, and with which the Republican party has never been satisfied, and now seeks to change.” If the Senator had known anything of the records of the constitutional convention, he would iiavejknown that the Whigs supported the provision touching these institutions even more heartily and unanimously than the Democrats. Putting aside the dishonest innuendo that “the Republican party seeks to change the Constitution" to the detriment of tho asylums, let us look at the history of their establishment, and see how much the Democracy had to do with it in the Constitution, which Mr. Voorhees affirms “laid the foundation," or in other words created them. ' ESTABLISHMENT Of THE INSANE ASYLUM. Early in 1842, Jan. 81, Governor Bigzer, a Whig, was directed by the Whig Legislature to correspond with the Governors of other States to obtain information as to the character and cost of. the buildings required for the treatment of the insane, and as to the modes of treatment That was the first step in the establishment of onr system of benevolent institutions. It was not taken by the Democrats, though most of them anproved it and none made any decided opposition to it On Christmas day of tho same year. Dr. John Evans, the first superintendent of the Insane Asylum, lectured on the subject of insanity and its treatment before toe legislature. At the same session, in February. 1843. Governor Bigger was directed to correspond with superintendents of insane hospitals and obtain plans for suitable buildings, to be submitted to the next Legislature. This wae all Whig work. On the 15th of January, 1844. after Governor Whitcomb, a Democrat, had been in augurs ted. a tax of one cent on the hundred dollars was levied to erect the required hospital buildings Just a year later, January 13, 1815. Dr. John Evans, James Blake and Dr. Livingston Dunlap, were appointed commissioners to select an asylum site containing at least two hundred acres. The selection —the present site —was reported at the next session of the legislature, with building plans, and on the 19th of January were ordered to go on with the work. To obtain means enough they were directed to. sell the '‘hospital square' in this city, to the pro coeds of which the Legislature added fl 5 009. The present main building was began in 1846 and finished for the admission of patients in 1847. three years before its foundations were laid in “the Constitution by the Democratic party ’ In this work both parties co-operated, the Whig# being in the Ascendancy at the start, the Democrats continuing their good work faithfully and weii.- when they were ra power. This is history and it if the history of human nature the world over in all ages. How ineffably mean and meadaetoas does the panegyric 'off Me. Vooihere look in the tich* of the truth! The Democrats did it all. aad the Republicans want to change it be says; aad what a monstrosity of icnorarw* does he appear—he a national Senator and a leader of his party for a quarter of a century. THE DEAT AND t»niß AZTLC3L His ignorance is equally coasp :ca>u» aad coastal is toe history of the two other asylums. On the l-’Hh of February. 1*43. the Whig Legislature levied a tax of one-fifth of a eeat to provide an asylum and school for the deaf aad dumb Hr. Wi£ mu* Willard, so well known to ati tbs obi ciUr<«s of the State capital, epa* frets Ohio , in the spring of 1843 aad opened ■ private school

for deaf mutes in October. The Legislature of 1844. on the 15th of January, took his school as a public institution, with tho Governor, Secretary and Treasurer of State as trustees, aided by Revs. Love H. Jameson, Matthew Simpson, Phineaa D. Gurley, Henry Ward Beecher. Dr. Livingston Dunlap and Judge James Morrison. They rented the targe two-story frame, built by Dr. G.- W. Stipn, on the southeast corner of Maryland and Illinois streets, Indianapolis, and kept the institution there two years. A new board of trustees then removed it to the Kinder Building, on East Washington ’ street, and in 1850, in October, they removed ii to the present building. Jt was iin constant and beneficent operation for six years before “its foundations wore laid in the Constitution by the Democratic party.” Its foundations were laid in the good feeling and tood sense of- Hoosiera of ali parties, and Mr. Voorbeee only completes, with artistic symmetry, the effort of nature to present him to those same Hoosiers as arfUss of nnusuat magnitude in hla attempt to appropriate the tin nor to any class or party. TltE BLIND ASYLUM. In 1845 the Democratic Legislature levied a two-mill tax on the hundred dollars to establish an asylum for tlie blind. James M. Ray, Dr. George W. Mears and toe Secretary, Treasurer and Auditor of State were made a board to found such an institution and put it in opera tion, or to koop our blind in tlie institutions of Ohio or Kentucky. A later board, iti 1847, opened a school in the building then lately occupied by the deaf and dumb school, on the southeast corner of Maryland and Illinois sleets, at the capital. The next yearit was removed to the brick workshop, thru just completed. ' on the : present grounds of tho institution. Tho main building was finished in 1831, but the institution was established and in opera!iou throe years be foro “its foundations were laid in tho Constitution by tho Democratic party." AN INTEUESTING OMISSION. . We may drop this magnificent mangier of facts hero for the moment, to direct attention to one point of Democratic action touching the benevolent institutions that he carefully remembers to forget. In 1837 the appropriations all failed. In May, or soon after, tho asylum appropriations being exhausted, tho Democratic, Governor, Willard, with the warm approval of every Democratic paper in the State, refused to call an extra session of the Legislature to have the requisite appropriations made, and closed the asylums. ’ The mind and mute were Taken home by their friends when they had any. and when they hadn't, were left to beg on the highway till they reached the shelter of a poor-house or some charitable farmer. Tho interne were emptied into jails and poor farms, except when maintained in the State institution bv private contributions or county appropriations. Marion county, Tippecanoe, Wayne, probably, and two or three other counties, did this. The others couldn’t or wouldn't, and tho unfortunate victims of a Democratic speculation in' party capital went to jails, mostly. Some three or four months later Governor Willard borrowed money from the sinking fund and reopened the asylums. He could just as easily have borrowed that money three months sooner and never have allowed toe institutions, to suspend at all. but he and Ids party thought to make capital of the desolation of the asylums and distress of the inmates, and missed their specula tion. So they opened the institutions again with no more money from appropriations than they had before, by borrowing money that they could just as easily have borrowed before, and avoided untold misery and the paralysis of the system of benevolent institutions for three years. That is a fact Mr. Voorhees doesn’t mention. He may not have known it He knows so little of the history of the Plate that he may easily have missed the account of this. DEMOCRACY AND TlfK SCHOOL SYSTEM. Mr. Voorhees insists that tlie Democratic parly created the public-school system by the Constitution of 1850. Here is what he says: “The Democratic party created the cornmonschool system of the State. The glory of that system, which is no n world wide and spoken on every civilized shore, belongs to the leaders of the Democratic party in Indiana, whose record was made, and still exists, in the convention from which the Constitution emerged. Listen to the words they placed iu that immortal instrument.” He quotes the section of the present Constitution of the State providing for “a general and uniform system of education free and equally open to all,” and then adds: “Every shoo! house, every high school, normal school, seminary, college and university in Indiana, where education is given as the gospel was onco preached, without money and without price, has the same Democratic origin in the Constitu tion. Every dqllar of srimof numay In Indiana,.. amounting to more than ten millions in a per manent school fund, and' more than twelve millions invested in school property, was provided for by the wisdom of the Democratic party a third of a century ago. When history records' the fact, as it is now doing, that no other Commonwealth on the globe, whether ari American State or a European government, is Bpending as much money, according to population, to educate its inhabitants as Indiana, the great work accomplished by her Constitution will' begin to be realized. Let that mighty army of youth—five hundred thousand strong—in annual attendance on our fre« schools, the rising generation around us, the children of the State, be taught tho truth on this subject, and let them know the true source Of the vast and unceasing blessings which they enjoy." Mr. Voorhees may rest in the rapturous confidence that tho “mighty army of youth shall kuow tlie true source of too vast and unceasing blessings which they enjoy,” and know an infinite deal more than he does, or appears to. and they shall know it from the record, and not from the rhapsodical rant of a party mountebank i He says, squarely and unqualifiedly, that the public-school system had its origin in the Constitution, by Democratic action, and that the entire school fund was created by the same agency at the same time, thirty f»nr years ago. It is impossible to deal seriously with such comical absurdity and ignorance as this. There is a kind of absurdity that is not funny, There are many forms of ignorance that no one would think of laughing at. But the infinite foolery of this blundering, blathering boast of Senator Voorheea is laughable, and nothing else. How in the name of Rooms anything with a head on could have been in public life twenty-five or thirty years and learned so little, so much les# or worse than nothing, of State bjatory is a psychological mystery as puzzling as the mixed idiocy and musical talent of Blind Tom. Let u* look to the record for the origin of our school system and our school fund. HOW WE GOT THE CONGRESSIONAL TOWNSHIP FUND. Everybody of mature age in toe State, possibly including Mr. Voorhees, knows that onr school fund is derived mainly from two source*, thy t sale of one section of Land, called the “school section.” in each township, and the avails of the sinking fund connected with the old State Bank. These were created, says the Senator, thirtyfour years ago,” by the Constitution and the Democratic party. Let ns ses On the 20th of May, 1785. toe Continental Congress, which was ail the national government we bad at that time, enacted an ordinance for the survey and government of the Northwest Territory, ceded by Virginia to the nation in December, 1783. That ordinance said: There shall be reserved the lot No. 16 of every township for the maintenance of public schools within the said township." Tnc far more celebrated ordinance of July 13. 1787, declared in article 3, that “religion, morality and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind. school* and the means of edneatton shall forever be encouraged." Away bock, nire-ty-rrine yean ago. the seeds of the cosgres-ional township fund were planted, sixty five years before the ConstiUitien which Mr. Voerhee# say* created .it a*4 *R the rest of the school fund. In 18*8 the Territorial Legislature provided for the tensing of the echoed land* by the eonrts for tho purpose of “improving them.” The people began early to cultivate that fund which Mr. Vworboos, says did not exist till forty two years after. In 181® the Territorial Lcgtoiatare provided for the appointment of trustee# for there school and prohibited Lite dattraettoe ot timber os them. CREATION or A SCHOOL «*. The first constitutional conv< *t m. in 1816, mad* the (editoring emphatic decUrption in eeetlost: ' “Knowledge and icariiing zftfjreaiiT diffused a eoxau/ it&iuf motßUsu to toe preser-

vation of a free government, and spreading the opportunities and advantages of education through the various parts of' th* country being hisrhly roodnoive to this end, It shall be the duty of the General Assembly to provide by law for the improvement of such lands as we or may be granted to this State for toe use of schools,’ and to apply any fund which may be mired from such lands, or from any other quarter, to tho accomplishment of the grand object for which they are or may bo Intended. * r " The Genera! Assembly shall from time to time pass .each laws a* shall be calculated to encourage intellectual, scientific and agricultural Improve ment It shall be the duty of the General As sembly to provide for a general system Of edn cation in a regular gradation from township schools to a State university wherein tuition shall be gratis and equally open to all.” Here was a constitutional provision for a freoschool system, with a fund derived from Congress to sustain it, thirty-four years before any such provision li.nl been made or fund created, according to Mr. VoorheoA The Constitution of 1850, says: “Knowledge and learning generally diffused throughout tlie community being essential to the preservation of a free government, it shall be the duty of the General Assembly to encourage by all suitable means, moral, intellectual, scientific and agrirnltural Improvement, and to provide by law for a general and uniform system of common schools, wherein tnition shall be without charge nnd equally open to all. 1 * This merely re enacts or confirms the order of the first Constitution. Thus the record shown that tho Democratic warty, in tho constitutional convention of 1850, had nothing at all to do with tho creation of the public school system ortho (fiat was intended to support it. The ftm'd" was sixty-five years old, the provision for the system thirty-four yeArs obi, when that convert tion met. Such ignorance as Mr. Yoorhecs displays in this matter, we say is ludicrous. No other public man in tho State could have made so laughable q blunder. How WE GOT TllK SINKING FUND. The largest component of the school fund came from tho sinking fund created by the charter of tho old State Bank, January 28, 1834. sixteen years before it existed, according to Mr. Voor bees. Here aro tho provisions, copied from the Acte of 1833-34: Section la. There shall be deducted from the dividend* and retained in hank each year, the sum of twelve and a half cents from each share of stock, other -than tJiat held by tho biatu. which shall couslitut* part of the permanent, fund to be devoted to the p irI >'•*•••< of common school education, under the direction of tho General Assembly, and shall tri suffered to remain in hank and accumulate until such appropriation by the General Assembly, and said tax shall be in lieu of all other taxes and assossmentH on the Mock in Raid bank. ■ This provision applied all the taxes paid by the hank to the establishment and support of free schools. The followinz sections, 113 and 114, created thesinkingftmd and appropriated its final assets to toe creation of a permanent fund for the support of free schools. Section 113. There shall be created a fund to be called the sinking fund, which shall consist of all unapplied balances of the loan or loans jirocured on the part of the State for it* stock m the State Bank, or for tho purpose of baimr loaned to stockholder* to moot their stock installments in tbo bank; tho semiannual payments of interest oa tlie Ntate loans to stockbuldcrx, and the aunu that shall bo received in payment of raid loans; the dividends Unit shall be declared and paid by tho Ntoto Bank on the Stale stock, and the interest accruing on such portions of t he stock tsdongiriff to tho other stockholders shall have been paid for by tho loan on the part, of the Stare, and which shall not have berm repaid by such stockholders. •Sec. 114. The principal and interest of said sinking fund shall bo reserved and set apart for the purjmse of liquidating and paying off the loan or loan* and the interest thmon that shall be negotiated on the. part of the State for the payment of it* stock in the State Bank, and the second and third installments on the shares of the other stockholders in said bank, and shall not be expended for any.other purpose until said loan or loans, and the interest thereon, and incidental expenses shall have bean fully paid; and after the payment of said loan or loans, the interest and ex peuves, tlie residue of Said fund shall he a permanent fund, and appropriated to tho can sc of coin ittmi-«cb</oi education in such manner as tho General Assembly shall hereafter direct Part of this fund, as it was realized, was dig tributed to the counties to make loans on mortgage security; but most of it was invested in the State’s Ovu per cent bonds, issued under the,“Butler compromise” of 184G-'47 for half of the State debt. This gives the interest to tlie schools instead pf foreign bondholders. This fund being created by the bank charter of 1834, was not in the least helped or hurt hy the constitutional convention of 1850. ho, on a momentary review of the record and the situation, we find that the constitutional convention of 1830, and the Democratic party therein, by which it was controlled, did not create either of tho con stituenta of the school fund, and did not create the school system. Both and ail were created years before, ami when that convention met were in partial operation. The hard times prevailing from 1840 to 1846-’47 made it itn 4 (Ossicle for the people to bear the aration necessary to help out the school fund, and little was done till '47. Then an act of the Legislature allowed some school districts to tax themselves hy popular vote to assist in the establishment of a school system, in Indian*;*.!* the vote waa 406 for toe tax. 20 against it The State icvenue previously sufficed to maintain the school# only one quarter in each year. The addition from the local tax and private contributions vterted greater activity and lot* were bought and house* built, and a very fair preparation for toe system under th# old Constitution made before the constitutional convention of 1850 wa» called. The reader can make his own comment on the infinite ignorance that couill assert the creation of the whole seined system and it* funds by tlie convention of 1850 ANOTHER INTERESTING OMISSION. Mr. Voorhees forgot to tell how hi* party killed the asylums in 1857. I!e also forgot to toil how it killed toe schools in 1853. We have filled one omission. Now we will attend to the other. Without the aid of local taxes the avails of the permanent school fund and of the State tax were not enough to keep the schools in operation the usual time. The Democratic Supreme Court, cori dtally supported by every Democratic paper in the State, decided that this local tax was unconstitutional, because it was not “uniform” with other means of support This was the first thing the new Democratic Constitution did for the school#, and the first thing the Democratic party nnani rncrasly approved, ft killed the schools in the State capital and all other localities that helped the State fond with local taxation. They were kept open as long a* the mean* in tlie hands of the trustees would allow, and then they were dosed, some of toe houses rented to teacher* of private school*, and some of them turned into brothels and store houses of stolen goods It took fire year* to overcome the deadly effect of the-Demoeratic sympathy and support of the free school system. ponrf* IN Hl* RKOOBJO. This exhibit of the Senator's means and methods of political management may be fitly con eluded by a glance at one or two conspicuous point* in hi* record when be know less than he doe* now possibly —but this is a speculation off such infinite subiety. with material to elusive and impalpable, that it can never be satisfactorily settled. His attitude at the opening of toe war; his repeated profession* of admiration for the system of slavery, in literary amt otoer speeches in tlie slave Htatea before tlie war, hi* promise to his uncle to help the South, if necessary, with a hundred thousand men: his malignant hostility to the soklsers. which would have male them hang him more than once, if they could of him; hi* trafficking with rebel agent# in Canada. and hi* preterit ludicrous a#*u'option of the character of tto-soldiers" frifend, are ail f«m*it*r to ail ertiz'-B* of a period a# early a* 1801 There are not so many who know that in 18S3-4H fee ardently supported the exemption of whisky *ia stock” from toe tax of *2 a gallon, imposed on all other whisky. This, measure gave to large distillers and jobber* about fifty million dollars, which amount the people had to make good by taxation on other articles. The “ring"' of disinter* ih sari t»> have spent more than 82.809.000 in .Orngross to secure that profitable exemption. WbOfotlh is only kn-«w» to toe lucky and-raoraily recipients- la 1873 Hr. VoofHres followed the iris of Ben But ter in voting the “salary grab.' a year * pay of 83.'rid extra, for nothing, with no pretefi-e of extra (service. It was simply as impudent robbery of the people. It put to.MO into th* pocket of Mr. VoorWa, azaiaot the tmohUo rt ail through, of Judge Wn*. E. Niblank. He ate* mad* himself unpteae*ntiy prom inent in porno of the early land grabs mad* by git*’. ; tjoaftiMßlsl "friiffMT

line*. Finally, the very first time that he appeared a# a public man In the capital. In tho Democratic convention of 1858, as a delegate from Fountain county, he took eager and §«*■ si*tent part with the infernal slavery villaW of tho ' LecompUm Constitution," mods by a mob of pro slavery horse thieve* and counterfeitor*, from Missouri, to establish slavery in Kansas. Tie want# to go to the Senate for six year* more. Ho need# to go to * primary school for a few years, and to so hauled off to a UathotiT confessional every week in the term to get hi* head filled and hte *oul cleaned. , W—y——llPilWlßp—l .3 STATE HONORS WOS BY THE DEMOCRACY. Mr. Voorhees, in hi* “key-note" speech at Teife Haute, last Tuesday night, acid th* provision* in the Constitution of 1850, for th* beMVolent institutions wwi the school system, were the work of Democrats entirely, though th# Whig* supported them a* heartily, and more unanimously than the Democrat*, though Whigs took the first atepa in estate halting the benevoleui institutions, and there were neither Whigs nor Democrats when the school system was made a feature of th* Oonstitution of 1816, nor when the first school fund was created in 1785, by the ordinance of May 20, which gave every sixteenth section ot land in every township to the support of school*. Oil this a'ry foundation Mr. Vnayh<e* proceed* to build an encomium oo big as it* basis. The earliest, but nob the most conspicuous, of these radiant points of Democratic glory appeared in 1844, when the Democratic Lieutenant governor, Jesse D. Bright, the most honor.-d of all liis party's leaders in Indiana, gave the casting vote in a tied Senate to postpone the election of United State* senator o.i* year, that he might get the office himself.' The Senate journal of that year will show th* vote, and that of the following year will show tlie election and explain the motive of this, ai the time, unprece ixoilcd defiance of law-and duty. It “pales its ineffectual fires,” however, beside the next outburst of Democrat!* glory. Among the assets that came to this State from her debtors in the [>ant«’ of 1837, was a tract of some seventy-five thousand acre* of laud in Georgia, heavily timbered, and mad* - immediately and largely valuable by a number of saw mills to reduce the timber ta marketable lumber. The Democratic Btato agent sold these lands, worth at th# lowest estimate, $5 an acre, to one Martin K. Green, for SI,OOO, or three-fourth* of a cent an acre, not counting the mills. In 1851, John P. Usher, a member of the lower house from Viga eounty, afterward Mr. Lincoln's Hecretary of the Interior, discussed this eminently Democratic transaction, and hxki particular stress on the breadth and brilliance of Democratic glory diffused over the Btate's reputation by it. Ash bel P. Willard, representing Floyd county, by no means satisfied with t.ne honor reflected by tho act of a single Democrat iu officer, demanded the ratification of the sal* by the Legislature that the glory might spread all over the mrty like the brilliant hues of a dying dolphin, or the fragrant radiance of a dissolving mackerel. The Democratic legislature, with a possible prophetic eye to supplying Mr. Voorhees with material for a panegyric, confirmed the sale, and $350,000 worth of land and $20,000 worth of mill* wont for SI,OOO. How much of the profits of this sjieeiilation went to gild the private comfort# of the confirming Democrats, is not of record. ——- »- -

A brighter concentration of Democratic glory than this—the brightest, probably, that ap[*-arg in forty year* of its history—blazed out a# suddenly as Tycho Brahe’s star in two or three year* from 1855 to IKSB. Congress, about the year 1850. had donated to each Htat* tho nnsnrveyed swamp land* it held, amounting in this State to a million and a quarter, ot acres. An act of the Legislature appropriated the proceeds of these lands, after paying the expense of their reclamation—estimated at two millions of dollars—to the school fund. The schools never got enough of- it to teach the babies of a single tow mm ip the alphabet. Democratic speculators, that is, glory accumulator*, gloriouriy gi>t away with every acre of it, and two of them tried to get away with the bottom of a lake of ten square miles, tea feet deep. These very enterprising glorytuakers were Michael G. Bright and John P, Dunn, oue previously Democratic State agent, the other Democratic Btate Auditor. Th* chief remaining polishers Of Democratic rustinee* into lesplendence were Ashbel P. Willard, Democratic Governor; James P. Drake, Democratic State Treasurer; Phineaa M. Kent, Democratic member of the glorious constitutional convention of 1850 from Floyd county; Col. Allen May, Democratic State agent, and Joseph Merkte. Democratic Swamp land Commissioner for Jasper county. He was sued on his bond for swindling the State and the schools, anil Governor Willard dismissed the suit Them fact* are ail of record. Dr. Norman Eddy, jb Democrat, who wasn’t largely interested m the “glory” business, made an investigation of these brilliant Democratic operations, and reported in 1861 the various artifices frequently called “frauds'’ and “swindles-” by tho*e who have no appreciation of glory of the Democratic kind—by which this particular spot of undying Democratic lustre waa brought to its full splendor, such as “advance contract*,” and “sham ditching,” and similar contrivances. In 1857, the appropriations having failed, the Democratic Governor, Willard, hacked by the whole pres* ami party, refused to call the Legislature together in extra session to obtain appropriations, and refused to borrow money to keep open the benevolent institutions whieh Mr. Voorhees glow* over with food but belated adoration. He thought the chance of making party glory and capital by th* ruin of the institutions too good to waste. Ho h* closed them all, left such es the inmate* aa could get home to go home, and such as couldn't to go to jail and poor bouse. Mori of the insane went to jail, it was said at tb# time, though probably half or more went to poor-house*. A tew counties k«i»t th-dr* in the asylum by their own friend*. , Finding that Democratic glory did not pile up extensively by this operation, the Governor borrowed money of the sinking fund sad «pe«*d the asylum* in three or four month*. Hs had no apnropriai ion* then, and could bars borrowed the money four month* before as easily ~ and cheaply a* be did after he had broken tip the institution* for the manufacture of Democratic glory. In January. 1838, when th# school system was moving along steadily and beneficently, largely stspjanted by local taxes asset*»rt by authority of a popular vote, the Democrat!* Supreme Court took up a case in volving th* constitutionality es the local tax, and held it unconstitutional, as an infraction of the pro:» vision fora “uniform” system of education. The load tax varied in amount in different h>eaii tie*, though assessed under the same law and applied to tho same system- On this pretext, tb* brilliance el which the Democracy -ha* sooi -how felt disiactined to boari es inonewtlv. the party's court, with the party'* unaaimoa* ajttAgnem, derireved the local hut and killed every effective school M t he State hut these ol Bvarawrilte, which wore mainici tied by s special charter provision. The glory of this act remains to tiffs day, but it* direct effect lasted only four or fits* year*. It took that long to onrewue the p*ntlyas» of ** glutton* a jfrmtnm—i