Rensselaer Republican, Volume 16, Number 48, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 August 1884 — Page 7

WILL VOTE FOR BLAINE.

Mr. W. J. GleAson, Chairman of the Cleveland Democratic Central Comrpittee, A Life-Long Democrat and a Prominent Irishman, Tenders His Resignation, ' ‘ '/„ ' ■ ’ <£ And Addresses an Open Letter to James G. Blaine Giving Reasons for His Change of Views. ’ FFxom the Cleveland Herald.] Mr. W. J. Gleason, ever since the day he casthis first ballot, has been one of the most prominent Irish Democrats in the city. He was a delegate to all the Irish-American conventions that have been held in this country since 1866* Last Sunday he was elected delegate to the coming Boston .convention. He is State delegate to the Irish National League, and President of the Parnell Branch of this city. He is Secretary Of the Cuyahoga County Soldiers and Sailors’ Union, Chairman of the Monument Committee, and Secretary of the Library Board. With four exceptions he was a candidate to every Democratic county and State convention for twenty, years, and permanent Secretary of four Democratic State conventions under such men as Senator Thurman and Senator Pen die ton. He was Chairman of the Parnell reception, the largest Irish demonstration ever held in Cleveland, and Chairman of the Emmet centennial celebration. All positions he ever held were offices requiring executive ability and experience; they -were all positions of trust and honor, not one cent of compensation being attached to any of the offices either in the past or present, unless the usual compensation of votes of thanks are taken into - consideration. Immediately after taking this step of resignation from the committee, Mr. Gleason addressed the following open letter to the Republican candidate for the Presi- '

Cleveland, Ohio, July 21, 1884.— The Hon. James G. .Blaine—Dear Sik: As a lifelong Democrat and as an Irish-American permit me to congratulate you on your nomination for President of the United States by the Republican National Convention. Your bri»'nt record as a statesman, your earnest and scholarly advocacy of the principles of the Republican party, fully entitled you to the high and honorable recognition you have so enthusiastically received at the hands of your party. Your unflinching, patriotic, and gallant record in defense of the rights of American citizens, of native or foreign birth, at home and abroad, is worthy of the gratitude, the respect, and support of every man who loves his country better than his party. The Republican party in National Convention assembled acted generously toward the men of my race. That party is not under many obligations to the Irish race in this country, speaking from a political standpoint, and their action is therefore the more commendable. It must be admitted that they did only the right thing. Yet it is generous to do the right thing at the request of those-to whom a party owes nothing. Under all the existing circumstances, and taking your record and candidacy into consideration, the Irish-Ameri-cans cannot consistently and will not any longer wear a Democratic party collar. It is a well-known fact that the Irish-Americans have -marched in nearly solid column under the Democratic banner for the last twenty-four years to local victories occasionally, but to national defeats regularly. In sunshine and shadow, when all other classes wavered, the Irish-Americans, as a body, have been loyal Democrats; and this, too, in the face of the fact that they have been repeatedly stabbed in the back by the bigoted members of the Democratic party. Your nomination, however, coming as it did from the people, your record as a liberal-minded American, your antecedents, the of John A. Dogan, your gallant, brave, and chivalrous copatriot on the ticket; have sSt my couptrymen to thinking for themselves. Under your magnetic leadership, particularly with reference to your grand Americanism and the rights to foreign-born citizens, the hitherto solid Democratic IrishAmerican army will be badly shattered, if not entirely disbanded. Gratitude is one of the strongest characteristics of the Irish race. As an Irishman by birth, and proud of it; an American by choice, and glorying in it, and sjreaking for a large number of the leading and thinking men ot my race in this country, we owe you a debt of gratitude for breaking and casting to the winds the old moss-covered shibboleth, "Once a British subject always a British subject.” Of what earthly use is any Government that does not jealously protect the rights of its citizens at home and abroad ? None! Your broad and comprehensive American statesmanship has struck a responsive chord in the hearts of every native and adopted citizen of this free and glorious country. A firm believer in America for the Americans, and the perpetuation oljts free institutions, I appreciate the freedom we here enjoy. In common with my countrymen the world over, I will write, speak, work, and earnestly agitate at all suitable times and places fpr the same blessing ot freedom for the green isle beyond the sea, the beautiful land of my nativity. In conferences with a largo number of my countrymen in this city and State, and in correspondence with scores of them from all parts of the Union, since your nomination, especially among the boys who wore the blue during the late unpleasantness (having personally had that honor as a volunteer private soldier, from Ohio, in the Union army at 17 years Of age), the aggregate ®f opinion, I found, is crystallizing in your favor —the gentlemen to whom I refer having been hitherto leading and working Democrats in their respective locaUtles. THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. The planks of the Republican platform relative to the "duty of our Government to protect the rights ami promote the interests of our own people; protection to American industry; the establishment of a National Bureau of Labor; the enforcement of the eight-hour law; the public lands a heritage of the people of the United States for actual settlers in small holdings; opposition to the acquisition of large tracts of lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such holdings are in the hands of nonresidents and aliens; liberal pensions to disabled Union soldiers and sailors, and the widows and orphans of those who died in the war; the restoration of the navy to its old-time strength and efficiency; the people of the United States, in their organized capacity, constitute a nation, and not a mere confederacy of States; a free ballot, ap honest count, and a correct return; the passage ot such legislation as will secure to every citizen, of whatever race or color, the full and complete recognition, possession and exercise of all civil and political rights,” appeals to the national pride, the sound judgment, the wisdom and support of every thinking, patriotic, independent, fair-minded American citizen. THE JANUS-FACED DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. The platform of principles ot the Democratic party, where it speaks plain, simply continues that organization where it has been for the last twenty-four years as the opposition party. The main section of the declaration of principles, however, is, as usual, made up of shuffling cowardice, Janus-faced professions, intentionally deceptive, the creation of non-producing theorists, who are more interested in their pet hobbies than in the building up and continued growth of the industries of the country. On the substantial, living issues that interest the people of the United States the platform of the Democracy is all things to all men, and bears no certain sound to any one. It is, therefore, undeserving of the support of all citizens who admire honesty and candor in public matters as well as in the every-day affairs of life. THE MONOPOLIST CLEVELAND. When a universally recognized statesman and a leader of the old guard that has kept the Democratic flag nailed to the masthead the last quarter of a century, like Allen G. Thurman, is set aside, through the machinations ot the most corrupt and despicable gang of monopolistic conspirators and political pirates that ever purchased a Senatorship or scuttled the Democratic ship, because he was a fitting representative of all that had been pure in Democracy and had a record on the side of the masses of the people, for an untried accident, a creature of circumstances, a willing tool of monopolists like Cleveland, it is high time that the heretofore faithful old Democratic guard, wno have had notice served upon them that their services are no . longer required, should vigorously repudiate the cheap pygmy that has been forced upon them by the coal-oil Johnnies and Olivers of the SAaodard Oil ring. All of the pld ’, uard, who prfa# square dealing above hypocrisy, brain more than matter, the interests of the whole people more than the abject tO 'l of the monopolists, should work and vote against a man who was placed in Reinitiation th catch a half-dozen Independent Republican dudes, one two-hundred-dollar-a-night kicker dike Schurz), one preacher advocate of bread and water for workingmen (Beecher), one imported English caricaturist.

the English press, and English free-trade sympathizers. « Very cheap raw material may be sometimes used sot Mayors ot cities, and occasionally in tidal wave years for Governors of states, as can be safely interred without going a thousand miles away from home, but the enlightened people of this grand republic will not elevate to the highest office within their gift an enemy of the Workingmen, a bigoted accident, a willing and subservient tool of grasping monopoly that has been put up as the figure-head of the party by the National Democratic Convention. Wnen bigotry becomes patriotism, when deception Is, preferred to truth, when mediocrity overshadows ability, then, and not till then, will the people of this country elect a nonentity like,Cleveland over a brainy, gifted statesmen like Blaine. In 1776, 1812. and from 1861 to 1865 England remonstrated that she did not admire the growth, freedom, and unity in the United States. Perfidious Albion’s 700 years of unrelenting persecution and tyranny over Ireland shows her hatred for the unconquered and unconquerable people ofthe Green Isle. ALL THE BRITISH PRESS ADVOCATING CLEVELAND. It is only necessary to add that every English Celt-hating journalfavors the Democratic candidate, Cleveland. Every Celt-hating English journal opposes the Republican candidate, Blaine. It is a safe rule for every’ man of Irish descent or liberty-loving sympathies to favor whatever or whoever the mouthpieces ot English tyTanny oppose. That there was a steady, persistent, ill-concealed determination on the part of the Democratic convention to ignore and treat with contempt every one and everything that had even a semblance of justice, favor, or concession to the Irish-American element is a recognized fact. When the ides ot November roll around the Irish-American element can by the potency of its ballots silently but emphatically resent the issue and assert the dignity of its manhood. OPPOSED TO DEMOCRATIC FREE-TRADE DOCTRINE. The Democratic free-trade doctrine, as advocated by a two-thirds majority of Democratic Congressmen, reasserted as a rallying cry in the Democratic platform, means the decadence of America, the building up of English manufacturers, the reduction of the wages of American workingmen to the level of the pauper labor of Europe, the accumulation of wealth in the hands of the few to the detriment of the many, the creation of an aristocracy and the consequent degrading of American manhood, the turning of the wheels of American progress backward, never-ending labor, destruction of our industries for the momentary gratification of petty theorists and English sympathizers. Under the teachings of the Republican party, as contended for nearly unanimously by its representatives in Congress, and as is squarely set forth in that party’s<national platform, protection to American industry, the splendid growth of our country will continue; America will have a prosperous, intelligent, self-reliant people, homes tor the workingmen, competition in trade; the workman of to-day with the ambition and opportunity to become the employer to-morrow; the more equal distribution of the results of labor, the continuance of the independent, defiant, manly spirit that characterizes every sovereign American citizen. MERELY A PUTRID REMINISCENCE. In the light of recent events the Democratic party can only take pride in its ancient glories. If the spirits of the illustrious dead could return to this terrestrial sphere, what a feeling ofindignation would be expressed by. Jefferson and Jackson, the founders of the Democratic party, to see their mantle on the shoulders of a man whose only title to distinction is the name of the beautiful city he bears. The Republican party, true to its patriotlcliistory, has proven itself equal to the living present and hopeful future of our magnificent country. For fifteen out of the last twenty ye:<rs the writer hereof has been Chairman or Secretary of the Cuyahoga County and City of Cleveland Democratic Committees. Immediately after writing this letter, and prior to its publication, I called a meeting of the Democratic City Committee, and tendered my resignation to the Chairman, in order that I ..might honorably support the principles and men that appeal to the best impulse of. every independent, patriotic citizen. It will afford me special gratification in the ensuing election, as a matter of consistency, to cast my first Republican vote for Blaine and Logan, the true representatives of American supremacy. The Republican party, by its platform and candidates, has shown its Ability to keep up with the march of progress; of its determination to stand fully abreast of the unparalleled growth and increasing intelligence of our country. The principles of the Republican party, as enunciated ih Its platform, as well as its standard-bearers, place our immortal Stars and Stripes high above all other flags on the globe, and guarantee to every lover of liberty that America’s charming banner, borne aloft by an intelligent, free, united people, will maintain its proud and well-earned position as the grandest emblem that represents the most prosperous and powerful nation that the glorious sunlight of heaven shines upon. Very respectfully, William J. Gleason.

IRISH - AMERICAN INDEPENDENTS.

Accessions to the Republican Ranks from Every Quarter. [New York telegram.) ~ The Irish-American Independents met at Clarendon Hall, on East Thirteenth street. After the invitation to enroll had been responded to by about twenty newcomers, A. E. Ford, Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, announced the following speakers would address the Blaine and Logan demonstration at Chickering , Hall, Monday evening, viz • The Bev, George W. Pepper, of Wooster, Ohio; Judge John Brennan, of Sioux City, Iowa; the Hon. Edward Condon; Counselor Corkery, of Trenton; and Assemblyman P. T. Barry, of Illinois. The Chairman called for reports of the delegates from the various Assembly districts. Sir. Ford, of the First District, reported that a club had been formed there. John Roach was applauded when he announced that 150 Democrats had signed the roll in the Second District. “After* one night’s canvass,” remarked John Moynehan, of the Fourth District,, “I got the names of fifty Democrats who have revolted against Dan Manning’s candidate, Gov. Cleveland.” On behalf of the Fifth and Sixth Districts, Mr. Murphy stated that all they needed there was the order to fall in. Loud cheers greeted the announcement made by Michael McSweeney that 150 Irish Democrats in the Se-venth District had “come out for Blaine and victory.” “One hundred Democrats have cast off the ring-yoke in the Tenth District, ” replied Joseph Keeley, when asked for an account of his stewardship. Thomas Doyle promised to give the Fourteenth District to “Jim Blaine of Maine.” Col. O’Flynn reported shit the outlook was good in the Fifteenth District, and William Stanley brought down the house when he informed his co-delegates that the Irishmen in the Sixteenth District were up in arms against Gov. Cleveland. — ~ Mr. Martin, a member of the Tammany Hall General Committee, said all the old warriors in the Seventeenth District were out for Blaine.

The question of name was again brought up. Chairman Rowe informed the assemblage that the title “Irish-American'lnde-pendents” was definitely settled upon by the Committee of Fifteen. A motion prohibiting officeholders of any kind in the movement was adopted without dissent. Among the Irishmen who have come out against Gov. Cleveland are the following: Patrick Ford, editor of the Irish World; Gen. Michael Keywin, editor of the Tablet; John Devoy, editor of the Irish Nation ; and James McMasters, editor of the Freeman's Journal. Charles Kelly, a Tammany Democrat, and late President of the Land League,- said: “Mr. Cleveland is a Republican, and I am a Democrat; he is a monopolist, and I am an anti-monopolist; he is a free-trader, I am a protectionist; he is a pro-Englishman, and lam an American citizen. For these reasons I will talk, work, and vote against Mr. Cleveland.” Edward J. Rowe, ex-President of the Irish Confederatioh, said: “If the sentiments I he ar expressed by my countrymen, who have always voted the regular Democratic ticket, be an indication of the final result in November, I don’t see how Gov. Cleveland is going to carry a singleßtate.” C ol.’-Charles Mulhall, formerly of the Irish Brigade, said: “ , “I have voted my l&Bt Democratic ticket. The soldier element has been snubbed by the party.” “ ’

Thomas Doyle, of the Innesfail Association; Thomas Clifford, Vice President of the Irish Confederation; Patrick Logan, President of the Galwaymen’s Association; and W. F. O'Crowley, of the Corkmen’s Association are out against Cleveland.

YOUNG MEN!

“Come Out of There”—You Have No Business in the Democratic Party. Put Tour Faces Toward the Sunlight, and Turn Tour Backs on the Moldering Past.

[From a speech by James Abram Garfield, Sat- • ' —. nrday, Nov, 4. 1876. J Now, fellow-citizens, a word before I leave you, on the very eve of the holy day of God—a fit moment to consecrate ourselves finally to the great work of next Tuesday morning. I see in this great audience to-night a great many young men—young men who are about to cajt their first vote. I want to give you a word of suggestion and adyioe. I hearda very brilliant thing said by a boy the other day, up in one of our northwestern counties. He said to me: "General, I have half a mind to vote the Democratic ticket." That was not the brilliant thing. I said to him: "Why?" “Why.’ixsaid he; “my father is a Republican, and my brothers are Republicans, and I am a Republican all over, but I want to be an independent man, and I don’t want anybody to say: ‘That fellow votes the. Republican ticket just because his dad does,’ and I have half a mind to vote the Democratic ticket just to prove my independence." I did not like the thing the boy suggested, but I did admire the spirit of the boy that wanted to have some independence of his own. Now, I tell you, young man, don’t vote the Republican ticket just because your father votes it. Don’t vote the Democratic ticket, eVen if he does Wke it. But let .me give you this one word of advice, as you are about to pitch your tent in one of the great political camps. Your lifq is full and buoyant with hope now, and I beg you, when you pitch your tent, pitch it among the living, and not among the dead. If you are at all inclined to pitch it among the Democratic people and with that party, let me go with you for a moment while we survey the ground where I nol>e you will shortly lie. It is a sad place, young man, for you to put your life into. It is to me far more like a graveyard than like a camp for the living. Look at it I Lt is billowed all over with the graves of dead issues, of buried opinions, of exploded theories, of disgraced doctrines. You cannot live in comfort in such a place. Why, look here! Here is a little double mound. I look down on jt and read: “Sacred to the memory of Squatter Sovereignty and the Dred Scott decision.” A million and a half of Democrats voted for that, but it has been dead fifteen years, died by the hand of Abraham Lincoln, and here it lies. Young man, that is not the place for you. But look a little farther. Here is another monument—a black tomb—and beside it, as our distinguished friend said, there towers to the sky a monument of four million pairs of human fetters taken from the arms of slaves, And I read on its little headstone this: “Sacred to the memory of human slavery.” For forty years of its infamous life the Deinocraticparty taught that it was divine—God's institution. They defended it, they stood around It, they followed it to its grave as a mourner. But here it lies, dead by the hand of Abra ham Lincoln. Dead by the power of the Republican party. Dead by the justice of Almighty God. Don't camp there, young man. But here is another—a little brimstone tomb—and I read across its yellow face in lurid, bloody lines these words: "Sacred to the memory of State Sovereignty and Secession." Twelve millions of Democrats mustered around it in arms to keep it alive; but here it lies, shot to death by the million guns of the Republic. Here it lies. Its shrine burnt to ashes under the blazing rafters of the burning Confederacy. It is dead! I would not have you stay in there a minute, even in this balmy night air, to look at such a place. But just before. I leave it I discover a newmade grave, a little mound—short. The grass has hardly sprouted over it, and all around it I see torn pieces of paper with the word “fiat” on them, and I look down in curiosity, wondering what the little grave is, and I read on it: "Sacred to the memory of the Rag Baby, nursed in the brain of all the fanaticism of the world; rocked by Thomas Ewing, George H. Pendleton, Samuel Cary, and a few others throughout the land.” 4 But it dies the Ist of January, 1879, and the one hundred and forty millions of gold that God made, and not fiat power, lie upon its little carcass to keep it down forever. 0, young man, come out of that! That is no place in which to put your young life. Come out, and come over into this camp of liberty, of order, of law, of justice, of freedom, of all that is glorious under these night stars. Is there any death here in oiir camp? Yes! yeß'tThrce hundred and fifty thousand soldiers, the noblest band that ever trod the earth, died to make this camp a camp of glory and ot liberty forever. But there are no dead issues here. There are no dead ideas here. Hang out our banner from under the blue sky this night until It shall sweep the green turf under your feet! It hangs over our camp. Read away up under the stars the Inscription we have written upon it, lo I these twenty-five years.

Twenty-five years ago the Republican party was married to Liberty, and this is our silver wedding, fellow-citizens. A worthily married pair love each other better the day of their silver wedding than the day of their first espousals; and we are truer to Liberty to-day, and dearer to God, than we were when we spoke qur first word of liberty. Read away up under the sky across our starry banner that first word we uttered twenty-five years ago I What was it? "Slavery shall never extend over another foot of the Territories of the great West.” Is that dead or alive? Alive, thank God. forevermore! And truer to-night than it was the hour it was written! Then it was a hope, a promise, a purpose. To-night it is equal with the stars—lmmortal history and immortal truth. Come down the glorious steps of our banner. Every great record we have made we have vindicated with our blood and with our truth. It sweeps the ground, and it touches the stars. Come there, young man, and put in your young life where all is living, and where nothing is dead but the heroes that defended it! I think these young, menwiU do that t _. . J L„.

FALSEHOODS ABOUT BLAINE.

The Story of One ‘•Henry Richards” Shown to Have No Foundation. [From the New York Tribune.] The New York World Tuesday printed conspicuously a long interview with one “Henry Richards,” in which a number of falsehoods were told about the treatment of workmen in coal and iron mines and on railroads in Pennsylvania and West Virginia in which this Mr. “Richards” said Mr. Blaine was largely interested. E. W. S. Moore, the manager of the Baltimore office of the West Virginia Central and Pittsburgh Railroad Company, was found at the Rossmore Hotel yesterday by a Tribune reporter. He was asked if he knew Mr. Richards, the so-caled miner and laboring man, whose talk was published by the World. His reply was that he had never heard of him until he read his remarkable statements in the World. “In the first place,” said Mr. Moore, “the coal mines of our railroad company, located at Elk Garden, W. Va., have an output of about 2,000 tons a day. There is not a Hungarian or an Italian employed in them. The company pays 50 cents a ton for mining its coal in the drifts and 60 cents a ton for driving headings. I have recently made up the statistics of the miners’ wages for the President of the Company, ex-Senator Henry G. Davis. The figures show that the miners average over SIOO a month, and not infrequently some of the miners make over S3OO a month. At Elk Garden the, miners have better cottages than any other miners in the world. They have school-houses and churches, and are intelligent, sober, and thrifty people. The company pays cash and runs no stores. “Moreover, the President, the majority of the directors, and the manager of the mines are prominent Democrats. Henry G. Davis is President; the directors are Senators I. N. Camden, Arthur P. Gorman, ex-Senatbrs W; H. Barnum and H. G. Davis. Thomas B. Davis, Alexander Shaw, and John A. Hambleton, all Democrats; and James G. Blaine and S. B. Elkins, Republicans. The managing director is Arthur P. G orman - Mr. Gorman is Chairman of the Democratic Congressional Committee and Mr. Barnum is Chairman of the Democratic National Committee.” Mr. Blaine owns coal lands in Western

Pennsylvania, but no mines are operated er this property. The surface' and coal wef| purchased by Mr. Blaine twenty years ago and he showed Ips business foresight w, making the purchases. The value cf th coat has more than quadrupled, The, surface is mostly good farming-land, zed foi agricultural purposes pays a reasoua'jv«e interest on the investment 1 . In his individual capacity Mr. Blaine employs no miners, anti his only connection with the mines is his interest in those of the West Virginia Central and Pittsburgh. Railroad Company-Ai concern managed by some of the most prominent Democrats in the country.

CLEVELAND.

Weakest Where He Needs to Be Strongest. The nominatjion of Cleveland, says the Chicago Tribune, has been forced upon the Democratic party by the most unscrupulous disregard of popular representation in convention and in spite of solemn warnings from New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and the Pacifie coast. The machine which achieved it will encounter much greater difficulty in overcoming the opposition to him in his own party during the campaign and on election day than it encountered in ti*e convention. No unit rule prevails at the polls, and the gag-law cannot be applied to the secret ballot. • Cleveland is a man of no more parts to-day than he was in 1870, when he was Sheriff of Erie County, and when he had never been heard of outside of that bailiwick. He has never risen above the plane of a local politician of the caliber out of which Bailiffs and Sheriffs are made. The distinction he has gained during the last two or three years has been purely accidental. He was named as the Democratic candidate for Governor of New York in 1882 because he was a negative man whom the Republicans were willing to vote for in resentment at the machine interference which forced the nomination of Folger upon them. He was then regarded as a political eunuch, and nothing has occurred since that time to change the public estimate of his condition. As Governor of New York he has played fast and loose with the Republicans and the Democrats, always leaning to the interests of the corporations and the monopolists. In pushing him to the front over the prostrate bodies of all the distinguished leaders of their party the Democrats, so far as they had any voice in nominating him, have avowed their cowardice and infirmity of purpose. They have taken up a nobody to run on a platform of nothing. Cleveland can stand on the platform adopted as well as any other; he could stand on any other as well as this one. No one knows what his convictions are upon any of the issues of the time, and he has no record on national affairs to embarrass him. If he be elected he • will be a tool in the hands of some clique just as he has been in his capacity as Governor of New York. But before he can be elected it will be necessary to convince the American people that it is wiser to trust the Chief Magistracy to the hands of an obscure man of mediocre ability and untried character, backed by a party of unsteady purposes, than to confer the office upon a man of world-wide fame, brilliant achievements, and patriotic impulses, representing a party of progress. All the indications point to the fact that'Cleveland will be jveakest in his own State, where he needs to be strongest. The opposition of Tammany, of the Irish, of the laboring classes, of the old-time straightout Democrats, and of all who fear the encroachments of the monopolists with a President who will be favorable to them, sums up the most formidable antagonism which any Democratic candidate could have in the doubtful States; and the methods employed to compass Cleveland’s nomination will aggravate and embitter this opposition. Mr. Blaine and the Republican party have every reason to congratulate themselves upon the work of the Democratic convention.

Who Will Vote for Cleveland.

Jeff Davis and every rebel in the South, as well as every man in the North who gave ai<J and comfort to the rebellion, will yote for “Cleveland, Hendricks and reform.” Every Democrat now living in this State who was a member of the (Rebel) Legislature of 1862-3, and attempted to overturn the State Government, and seize the military power of the State and place the same in the hands of the “Knights of the Golden Circle,” will vote for “Cleveland and Hendricks and reform.” Every man now living who organized a lodge of the treasonable order known as the “Sons of Liberty,” will vote for “Cleveland and Hendricks and reform. ” Every man who entered into the conspiracy to release 9,000 rebel prisoners from Camp Morton, seize the arsenal, its arms and ammunition, murder Gov. Morton, bum the city of Indianapolis, and inaugurate a military and bloody revolution in the State of Indiana, will vote for “Cleveland and Hendricks and reform.” Every man who wrote letters to Union soldiers urging them to desert, and assuring them protection and support in case they did desert, will vote for “Cleveland anil Hendricks and reform. ” Every man who murdered Union prisoners by cruelty and starvation will vote for “Cleveland and Hendricks and reform.” Every man who invented dangerous compounds to burn steamboats and Northern cities who contrived hellish schemes to introduce into Northern cities, the wasting pestilence of yellow fever, will vote for “Cleveland and Hendricks and reform.” Every New York rioter who shot down negroes in the streets of that city, burned down schoolhouses and murdered women and children by the light of their own flaming dwellings, will vote for “Cleveland and Hendricks and reform.” L. P. Milligan, J. J. Bingham, Wade Hampton, Carl Shurz, Henry Ward Beecher, and George William Curtis, will vote for “Cleveland and Hendricks and reform. Indianapolis. Journal. Indianapolis News (Ind.): Cleveland is a nobody; a bigger nobody than Franklin Pierce, than James K. Polk, than R. B. Hayes, than any one who was ever named for the office of President. If what has been said against him is true he is doomed to defeat, and has been from the moment of his nomination. John Kelly is convinced that 5 the working Democrats and the Irish will vote against- Cleveland. New York State, he says, is lost to the Democracy.

FUEL.

Amount of Wood Consumed I'l 1880 The Census Bureau furnishes an interesting estimate of the amount of wood consumed as fuel in the census year 1880. Thp following was the consumption for domestic purposes by States. Number l of per . ons using wood for domestic purposes, 32,375,074: • •. raw. Alabama $,<>76,754 18,7'27.377 Arizi na 170,<<17 724.572 Arkansas' 5.922,400 5,<>95,821 Calitorn a. 73......... 1,148'62 7.693.731 Colorado. 426 719 1.638,783 Connecticutl 5 5 639 2,371,531 Dakot a. 422,948 3,098,300 Delawarel77,#'6 751,311 •D sir e , of Columbia 26,902 80,7' 6 Florid i.. 0 9.046 1,230,412 Georgia 5,910,045 8,279,245 Idilio.. 99.91'1 .183.689 Illinois.... 5.200,104 14 136,662 Indiana 7,059.874 13,334,729 l,v.a 4.94,649 1 >.611,280 Kansas 2 ( 95,439 7 328,723 Kentucky 7,994 813 1'1,313,220 I,OU 5ta1ia........1,944,858 4, '■ 7,415 Maine 1,215,881 4,074 137 Maryland 1,152,910 3,170,941 M issachnsetts 890.041 4,613,263 Michlg-n : 57,83<,904 13.197.241 iniiesota 1,669,’68 5,873,421 Mississippi 5,01f0,758 '.,146,116 Missotui 4,016,373 8,633,465 YToitaha.. 119,947 460,63 S Nebraska 9*'8.188 3,859,843 Nevada« 155,276 972,712 New Hampshire..... 567,719 1,964,669-: New Jerne >' 642,598 2,787,216 New Me icj 169,946 1,(6 ,360 New York 11,29.'J)75 37J»99,364 North Carolina 7,434,690 9,019,569 O 11.... .... 8.191.543 16.492,574 -USE 50n............. 482,254 1,25 ,511 I'enns vi vanla. 7,361,992 15,067,661 Rh de Island 15,953 706,011 South Carolina. 3,670,959 11,505,997 rennttssee.... 8,084,611 t 0.674.72Tc.y.'S 4. 4,-83.8 2 10,177,311 Utiil 171.923 418,289 Vermont. -782,338 2, '>( (9,189 —Virginia. .5,410,112 19,4'4,144 Was inigton 184,226 499.904 —Weet-Vi-^unia.. . i... r —-5r241,069 .3,274,701\V sconsiu 7/206,126 11,863,739 Wyomil.g 40,213 ,221,848 Total.. .............,1 40,53 ,41JW06,95< 1,040 Maine and Massachusetts imported some wood fi om Canada. The railroads used 1,1)71,813 cords, valued at $5,126,714; steamboats, 787,862 cords, valued at $1,812,083. There were used in mining and amalgamating the premous metals'~3sßio74 cbfds. valued at $2,874,593; in other mining operations, 266,771 cords, valued at $973,692. In the manufacture of brick and tile, 1.157,522 cords, valued at $3,078,331. In the manufacture of salt, 540,448 cords, valued at $121,681. In the manufacture of wool, 158,208 cords, valued at $425,239. The total consumption is 145,778,137 cordsy valued at $321,962,273. The consumption of charcoal in the twenty largest cities in the manufacture of iron and in the production of the precious metals amounts to 74,008,972 bushels, valued at $5,276,736. '

English Sovereigns.

The> following, beginning with John, the grantor of Magna Charta, have been sovereigns of England: John—Sixth son of Henrv 11. Henry HL—Eldest son of John. Edward I —Eldest son of Henry 111. Edward II. —Eldest surviving son of Edward I. Edward llL—Eldest son of Edward 11. Richard II. —Son of the Black Prince, eldest son of Edward 111. Henry IV.—Son of John of Gaunt, foilrth son of Edward 111. Henry V.—Eldest son of Henry IV. Henry Vl.—Only son of Henry V. Edward IV;—Grandson of Richard, sou of Edmund, son of Edward 111. Edward V.—Eldest son of Edward IV. Richard llL—Younger brother of Edward IV. Henry Vll.—Son of Edmund, eldest son of Owen Tudor by Katharine, widow of Henry V. Henry VllL—Only surviving son of Henry VII. Edward Vl.—Son Henry VIII. by Jane Seymour. Mary L—Daughter of Henry VIII by Katherine of Arragon, Elizabeth—Daughter of Henry VIII. by Anne Boleyn. James I,—Son of Mary, Queen of Scots, grand-daughter of James IV. and Margaret, daughter of Henry VII. Charles I.—-Only surviving son of James I. Charles IL—Eldest son of Charles L James ll.—Second son of Charles I. William lIL f Son of William Prince nnd of Oran s e Mary, - daughter of Charles I. Mary 11. Eldest daughte of James IL Anne—Second daughter of James 11. George L—Grandson of Elizabeth, daughter of James I. George ll.—Only son of George L George lll.—Grand son of George lIL George IV.—Eldest son of George lIL William IV.—Third son of George lIL Victoria—Daughter of Edward, fourth son of George lIL

He Didn’t Draw the Cork.

“You talk of old wine, gentlemen,” cried Mr. Dovesheart, to a select circle —we were about to write knot—of professional friends; “why, upon my life, and as I’m a Christian, I have in my cellar, port wine a hundred and seventeen years old!” “Is it possible?” “Mind, it’s only one bottle, the last bottle. Here, John, bring up that wine, bring it up; and now gentlemen, since you talk of old wine, you shall have a bonne bouche.” My dear Dovesheart, you won’t drink it ?” Why not ? why not?”—“Quite gone with age,” observed Costs, confidently, to his neighbor, Pinch, who replies, “Worse than physic, of course,” —“I’ll not spoil my mouth with it,” whispers the cdnscientious George; whilst others of the party, saying nothing, only endeavoring not to make wry mouths. “Here it is!” cries the hospitable Dovesh- art. “The corkscrew, John.” The corkscrew?” exclaimed Flay, “surely, surely you’ll never draw it; a thousand pities—such a curious thing!” “Pooh! Poph.’” answered Dovesheart, “it must be drunk some day, and, on an occasion like this, why, there’ll just be a taste apiece and’’ “No, no, really your kindness goes too far,” says Rubygill; “consider, one hundred and seventeen years old!—so rare a thing!-don’t draw it for us. I’m sure no gentleman here requires—” arid Ruygi 11 looks around him, and every guest cries “No, ho,’’ shocked at the very proposal of a sacrifice. At

lenght amidst fords and looks of entreaty, I/ovesheart lays down the corkscrew, a burst of applause attended tihe merciful act, “Well, its very odd!” sayt the host, shaking his head at the ancient port, “very strange—but to tell the truth—l have had that bottle up at least a dozen times, and just as now., nobody would ever suffer me to draw the cork. John, take the bottle to the cellar.”— Exchanfje.

Optical Illusions.

Place a man and a dog side by side at a distance of twenty feet, and an J person with an eye capable of distinguishing them will be able to tell which is on the right, which on the left. The eye is not easily deceived as to position at fight angles to the line vision. Let the man advance five feet; it is easy to tell that the dog is farther away than the man. Next, place the man at a distance of 100 feet, tlie dog. at 105 feet; it is not so easy to decide as before, although mistakes are rare with a normal eye. But at 500 and 600 feet, respectively, it is less easy, although we can still tell which is to the right and which to the left. The images “Vbrmed on the retina by the same object at different times are very similar, differing only in size and ditinctness. For this reason it is difficult to judge of distances, requiring much practice. A person standing on a straight strip of railroad is rarely able to tell whether a distant train is approaching or receding, or at rest, so slight is the change in apparent size from wfyichthe distance is to be estimated. Upon the sea it is very difficult, without long practice, to judge of distances, 'Refraction always changes the apparent place of an object, so that we seem to see the sun after it has gone below the horizon. A more striking but less frequent phenomenon of refraction is that known as mirage. Refraction also affects the color of an ob- : ject. The media through which the light passes has more or less effect upon the ray. In a f g objects are dimly seen, the effect resembling that due tb distance; hence objects look larger, for the eye jtfdges of the size of an object by multiplying the size of an image or impression received by the square of the distance, while the latter is estimated from the indistinctness of the object. In the fog the apparent distance is increased, but the eye interprets it as clue to the opposite cause. On looking at the photograph of a tree, a church, a monument, or a pyramid, it is not possible to form a correct idea of its size unless a man or animal ’ig seen in the same view, with which to campare it. In nature, especially on land, the intervening objects that lead up to it give the data on which to calculate the distance. Where none intervene, as in looking from peak to peak, the eye must depend on distinctness, and when the air is verv clear and transparent, as in Colorado, distances seem less than they are. If the object is seen through transparent, but cold, media, the form remains true, but the colors are changed.— Scientific American.

The World’s Great Bells.

Russia is in the head of the line oi bells, some of her manufacture being the most famous in the world. It is said that in Moscow alone, before the great fire, there were no fewer than 1,706 large bejls. One called the Giant, which was cast in the sixteenth century and broken by falling from its support, and recast in 1654, was so large that if required twenty-four men to ring It; its weight was estimated at 288,000 pounds. It was suspended from an immense beam at the foot of a bell-tower, but it again fell during the fire of June--10, 1706, and was a second time broken to fragments, which were used with additional material in 1732 in casting the King of Bells, still to be seen in Mos cow. Some falling timbers in the fire of 1737 broke a piece from its side, which has never been replaced. This bell is estimated to weigh 443,732 pounds; it is nineteen feet, three inches high, and the margin, sixty feet, nine inches. Its value in metal alone is estimated to amount to upward of $.’500,000. St. Ivan’s, also in Moscow, is forty feet, nine inches in circumference, sixteen and one-half inches thick, and weighs 127,380 pounds. The bells of China rank next to those of Russia ”in size. In Pekin there are seven bells, each of which, according to Father Le Compte, weighs 120,000 pounds. The weight of the leading great bells of the world may be seen in the following: King of Bells, (M05c0w).....,........443,732 St. L.-an’s (Moscow) 127.38 P kn 121,0 C Vienna 4 \2OC Olmutz (B -hem a) 40,000 Rouen (Fra .ce) ’. .4 >.COC St Paul s :.'8,47C “Biz Ben” (Westminster) 3 -,35C Montreal ............. . 2s; 6C St Pe ers(tioni )... 18.60 C —lnter Ocean.

The Affection of Mocking Birds.

Some years ago, said the old gentleman, there was a young physician here who was loved by all on account of his gentle, loving disposition. Among his more humble but not less devoted admirers was a mocking bird that had been boin and raised in his garden. The bird took the greatest fancy to him, and when he returned home in th.e evening would hop around his front steps and then fly to near by and sing for hours at a time. The bird appeared to be in an ecstacy of delight whenever the doctor was at home. Finally the yellow fever broke out there, and, among others, the doctor was stricken down. He lingered for days and then died. On the night before his death the watchers by his bedside had their attention attracted by the mournful, sobbing notes that the “doctor’s bird,” ias they called it) uttered through the night. The next day the doctor died and that night the bird was silent. Alter the funeral the family opened the room to air it, and when the bed was drawn aside the thing seen was the mocking bird lying at the head of the bed, dead. How it got there no one knew, but there it was, dead, as though it could not survive one it loved so well.— Hudson (Texas) Post. The Chinese are meeting with success in Merced County, California, in their cultivation of opium poppy-