Rensselaer Republican, Volume 16, Number 47, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 31 July 1884 — GEN. LOGAN’S LETTER. [ARTICLE]

GEN. LOGAN’S LETTER.

An Able Second to Mr. Blaine’s Acceptance of the National Nomination. Protection Must Be Given Our Commerce, and Southern Bulldozing Must Be Suppressed. Civil Service Reform Safe in the Hands of the Republican Party—Our Foreign Relations. Washington, D. C., July 19. Dear Sib: Having received from you, on June 24, official notification of my nomination by the National Republican Convention, as Rupublican candidate for Vice President of the United States, and considering it to be the duty of every man devoting himself to public service to assume any position to which he may be called by the voice of his countrymen, I accept the nomination with grateful heart and the deep sense of its responsibilities, ami, if elected, shall endeavor to discharge the duties of the office to the best of my ability. This honor, as is well understood, was wholly " unsought by me, and that it was tendered <by representatives of the party, in a manner so flattering, will serve' to lighten whatever labors I may be called upon to perform. Although the variety of subjects covered in the very excellent vigorous declaration of principles adopted by the late convention prohibits, upon an occasion calling for brevity, exnression. of that full, elaboration of which they are susceptible, I avail myself of the party usage to signify my approval of the various resolutions of the platform, and to discuss them briefly. PROTECTION TO AMERICAN LABOR. .. The resolution of the platform declaring for the levy of such duties "as to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the laborer to the end that active and intelligent labor, as Well as capital, may have its. just award, and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity,” meets my hearty approval. If there be a Nation on the face of the- earth which might, if it were a desirable. thing, build a wall upon its every boundary line, deny communication to all the world,., and proceed to live upon its own resources and productions, that nation is the United States. There is hardly a legitimate necessity of the civilized communities which cannnt be produced from the extraordinary resources of our severatfitates and Territories, with their manufactories, mines, farms, timber-lands, and water ways. This circumstance, taken in connection with the fact that our form of government is entirely unique among the nations of the world, makes it utterly absurd to institute comparisons between our own economic systems —and those of other governments, and especially —to attempt to borrow systems from them. We stand alone in our circumstances, our forces, our possibilities, and our aspirations. In all successful governments it is the prime requisite that capital and labor should be upon the best of terms, and that both should enjoy the highest attainable prosperity. It thete be a disturbance of a just balance between them, one or the other suffers, and dissatisfaction follows, which is harmful to both. The lessons furnished by the comparatively short history of our own national life have been too much overlooked by our people. The fundamental article in the old Democratic creed proclaimed almost absolute , free trade, and this, too, no more than a quarter of a cerrtnry ago. The low condition of our national credit, the financial and business uncertainties, and the general lack of prosperity under that system can be remembered by every man now in middle life. Although in a great nuihber of the reforms instituted by the Republican party sufficient credit has not been publicly awarded to that of the tariff reform, its benefits have nevertheless been felt, throughout the land. The principle underlying this measure has been in process of ■ gradual development by the Republican party during a comparatively brief period of its power, and to-day a portion of its antiquated Democratic opponents make unwilling concession to the correctness of the document, an equitably adjusted protective tariff, by following slowly in its footsteps, though a very long way in the rear. The principle involved is one of no great obscurity, andean be readily comprehended by any intelligent person calmly reflecting upon it. The political and social systems of some of our trade-competing nations have created working classes miserable in the extreme. They receive the merest stipend for their daily toil, and in the great expense of the necessities of life are deprived of those comforts, clothing, housing, and health-producing food with which wholesome mental and social recreation can alone make existence happy and desirable. Now, if the products of those countries are to be placed in our markets, alongside American products, either the American capitalist must suffer in his legitimate profits, or lie 'must imilre the American laborer suf- i fer, in the attempt to compete with the species of labor above referred to. In case of a substantial reduction of pay, there can be no compensating advantages for the American laborer, because the articles of daily consumption which he uses, with the exception of articles not produced in the United States, and easy of being specially provided for, as coffee and tea, are grown in our own country, and would not be affected in price by the lowering of duties. Therefore, while he woflid receive less for his labor, his cost of living would not be decreased. Being practically placed upon the pay of the European laborer, our own would be deprived of facilities for educating and sustaining his family respectably; he would be shornof proper opportunities for self-imprsvement, and his value as a citizen be charged with a portion of the obligations. The Government would be lessened, the moral tone of the laboring classes would suffer, and In time the interests of capital and the well-being of orderly citizens In general would be menaced, while one evil would react upon ‘ another, until there would be a general disturbance of the whole community. The true problem of a good and stable government, is how to infuse prosperity among all classes of the people, the manufacturer, farmer, mechanic, and laborerer alike. Such prosperity is a preventive of.crime, a security of capital, and a very best guarantee of peace and happiness. The obvious policy of our Government is to protect both capital and labor by a proper imposition of duties. This protection should extend to every article of American production which goes to build up the general prosperity of our people. The national convention, in view of the special dangers menancing the wool interests of the United States, deem it wise to adopt separate resolutions on the subject of its protection. This Industry is a very large and important one. The necessary legislation to sustain this industry upon a prosperous basis should be extended. Noone realizes more fully than myself the great delicacy and difficulty of adjusting a tariff so nicely and equitably as to protect every home industry, sustain every class of American labor, promote to the Highest point our agricultural interests, and at the same time to give tb one and all the advantages pertaining to foreign productions not in competition with our own, thus not only bniiding up our foreign commerce, but taking measures to carry it in our own bottoms. Difficult as this work appears, and reallv is, it is susceptible of accomplishment by patient and intelligent labor, and to no hands can it be committed with as great assurance of success as to those of the Republican party. OUR MONETARY SYSTEM. The Republican party is the indisputable author ot the financial and monetary system [ which, it is safe to say, has never before been equaled by that of any other nation. Under the operation of our system of finance, the country was safely carried through an extended and expensive war with national credit, which has . risen higher and higher with each succeeding year until now the credit of the United States is surpassed by that of no other nation, while its securities, at a constantly increasing premium, are eagerly sought after by Investors in all parts ot the world. Our system of currency is most admirable in construction. While all the Conveniences of bill circulation attach to it, every dollar in paper represents a dollar of the world's money standards, add as long as the just and wise policy of the Republican party is continued there can be no impairment of the national credit. Therefore, under the present laws relating' thereto, it will be impossible! tor any man to lose a penny in the bonds or bills of the United States, or in the bills of the national banks. The advantage of having a bank note in the house which will be as good in the morning as it was the night before should be appreciated by all. The convertibility of the currency should he maiutaiuqd intact, and the establish-: ment of an international standard among all commercial nations, fixing the relative values of gold and silver coinage, would be a measure of peculiar ailvant.cg INTERSTATE AND FOREIGN COMMERCE. The subjects embraced in the resolutions respectively looking to the promotion of our interstate and f 1 reign commerce, and to the matter ot our foreign relations, are fraught with great importance to our fteople. In resjtect to interstate commerce there is much to be desired in the way of equitable'rates and its facilities of transportation, t hat commerce may flow freely to the States themeelves, divets t-y of Industries and employment be promoted in all sections of our country; and that the great gr a napes and manufacturing, establishments of the interior may be enabled to s< nd their products to the seaboard fur shipmint to foreign countries, re-

lieved of vexatious restriettons and discriminations in matters of which it mpy emphatically be said, “Time is money," and also of unjust charges upon articles destined to meet close competition from the products of other parts of the world. As to our foreign commerce, the enormous growth of our industries, and our surprising production of cereals and other necessities of life, imperatively require that immediate and effective means may be taken through peaceful, orderly, and conservative ipethods to open markets which have been and are now monopolized largely by other nations. This more particularly relates to our sister republics of Spanish America, as also to our friends the people of the Brazilian Empire. The republics of Spanish America are allied to us by the very closest and warmest feelings, based upon similarity of institutions and government, common aspirations, and mutual hopes. The “Great Republic,” as they proudly term the United States, is looked upon by their people with affectionate admiration and as a model for them to build upon, and we should cultivate between them and ourselves closer commercial relations, which will bind all together by ties of friendly intercourse and mutual advantage. Further than this, being small commonwealths, in the military and naval sense of European powers, they look to us as at least a moral defender against the system of territorial and other encroachments, which, aggressive in the past, has not been abandoned at this day. Diplomacy and intrigue have done much more to wrest the commerce of Spanish America from the United States than has legitimate commercial competition. Politically we should be bound to thsrepublics of our continent by the closest ties; and communication by ships and railroads should be encouraged to the fullest extent consistent with a wise and conservative public policy. Above all, we should be upon such terms of friendship as to preclude the possibility of national mlsunderetandings between ourselves and any members of the American republican family. The best method to promote uninterrupted peace between one and all would lie in a meeting of a general conference or congress, whereby an agreement to submit all international differences to the peaceful decision of friendly arbitration might be reached. An agreement of this kind would give to our sister republics confidence in each other and In us. Closer communication would at once ensue, reciprocally advantageous commercial treaties might be made whereby much of the commerce which now flows across the Atlantic would, seek its legitimate channels, and inure to the greater prosperity of all the American commonwealths. The full advantages of a policy of this nature cotfid not be stated in a brief discussion like the present. FOREIGN POLITICAL RELATIONS. ' The United States has grown to be a Government representing more than 50,000,000 people, and in every sense, excepting that of a mere naval power, is one of the first nations of the world. As such its citizenship should be valuable, entitling its possessor to protection in every quarter of the globe. Ido not consider it necessary that our Government shorfld construct enormous fleets of improved iron-clads and maintain a commensurate body of seauren in order to place ourselves on a war footing with the military and naval powers of Europe. Such a course would not be compatible with the peaceful policy of our country, thongji it seems absurd that we have not effective means to repel wanton invasion of our coast and give protection to our coast towns and cities against any power. The great moral force of our country is so universally recognized as to render an appeal to arms by us, either in the protection of our citizens abroad or in recognition of any just international right, qui te improbable. What we most need in this direction is a firm and vigorous assertion of every right and privilege belonging to our Government or its citizens, as well as an equally firm assertion of the rights and privileges belonging to the general* family of American republics situated upon this continent, wlien opposed—if ever they should be—by different sys~. -terns-of- government upon another continent. An appeal to right by such a Government as onrs could not be disregarded by any civilized nation. In the treaty of Washington we led the world to the means of escape from the horrors of civil war, and it is to be hoped the era when all international differences shall be decided.by peaceful arbitration is not far off. EQUAL RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP. The central ideas of a republican form of government is the rule of the whole people as opposed to other forms which rest upon the privileged class. Our, fosel'athets, ill the attempt to erect a new government, which might represent the advanced thought of the world at that period upon the subject of governmental reform, adopted the idea of the people’s sovereignty, and thus laid the basis of our present Republic. While technically it was a government of the people, it was in strictness only a government of a portion of the people, excluding from all participation a .certain other por'tion, held in a condition ot absolute, despotic, and hopeless servitude, the parallel to which, fortunately, does not now exist in any modern Christian nation. With the culmination, however, of another cycle of advanced thought, the American Republic suddenly assumed the full character of a government of the whole people, and 4,000,000 human cieatures emerged from the condition of bondsmen to the full status of freemen, theoreta ically invested with the same civil and politicaT’ rights possessed by their former masters. Tire subsequent legislation, which guaranteed, by every legal title, citizenship and full equality before the law in all respects for this previously disfranchised people, amply covers the requirements and secures to them, so far as legislation can, the privileges Of American citizenship. But a disagreeable fact ip the case _is that while, theoretically, we are in enjoyment of a government of the whole people, practically wp are almost as far from it as we were in the ante-bellum days of the republic. There are but a few leading and indisputable facts which cover the whole statement in the case. In many of the Southern States the colored population is in large excess ,of the white. The colored people are Republicans, as are also a considerable portion of the white people. The remaining portion of the latter are Democrats. In face of this incontestable truth, these States invariably return Democratic majorities. In other States ot the South the colored people, although not a majority, form a very considerable body of the population, and, with the white Republicans, are numerically in excess of the Democrats, yet precisely the same political result obtains, the Democratic party invariably carrying the election. It is not even thought advisable to allow an occasional or unimportant election to be carried by the Republicans as a "blind,” or as a stroke of finesse. A careful and impartial investigation lias shown these results to follow systematic exercise of physical intimidation and violence, conjoined with the most shameful devices evpr, practiced in the name of free elections. So confirmed has this result become that we are brought face to face with the ext’aordinary political fact that the Democratic party oil the South relies almost entirely upon the methods stated for success in national elections. This unlawful perversion of the popular franchise, which I desire to state dispassionately and in a manner comporting with the proper dignity of the occasion, is one of deep gravity to «ffie American people in a double sense: 1. It is in violation —open, direct, and flagrant—of the Srimary principle upon which our Government i supposed to rest, viz.: That contnsl ot the government is participated in by all legally qualified citizens, in accordance with the plan of popular government; and that majorities must rule in the decision ot all questions. Second, it is in violation, of the rights and interests of the States wherein are partictrlarly centered the great wealth and industries ot the nation,. and which tuy an overwhelming proportion of tfffe national taxes. The immense aggregation of interests embraced within, and the enormously greater population of these other States ot the Union are subjected every tour years to the dangers of a wholly fraudulent show of numerical strength. Under this system minorities actually attempt to direct the course of national affairs; and though up to this time success has not attended their efforts to elect a President, yet success has been so perilously imminent as to encourage a repetition ot the effort at each quadrennial election, and subject the interests of an overwhelming majority of our people. North and South, to the hazards of illegal subversion. The stereotyped argument in refutation of these plain truths is that if the Republican element; was realty in the majority they could not be deprived of their rights and privileges by a minority ; but neither the statistics, the population, nor the unavoidable logic of the situation can be overridden. Tlte colored people of the South have recently emerged from th'e bondage of their present political oppressors; they have had but few advantages of education which might enable them to compete with the whites. As I have heretofore maintained. in order 'to . achieve the ideal perfection of popular government it is absolutely necessary that the masses should be educated. This proposition applies itself with full force to the colored people of the South. They must have better educational advantages, and thus be enabled to become the intellectual peers of their white brethren, as many of them undoubtedly already are. A liberal school system should be provided fer the rising generation of the South, and the colored people be made as capable of exercising the duties of electors as the whlte.people. In the meantime it is the duty of the National Government to go beyond the resolutions and declarations on the subject, and to take such action as may lie in its power to secure absolute freedom at the national elections everywhere, to the end that our Congress may cease to c- htain members representing fictitious majorities of their people, thus mis ilrecttag the popular will concerning na ion al legislation, and especially to the end that in Presidential contests the great business and other interests ot the country may not be placed in fear and trembling lest

an unscrupulous m&rority should succeed in stifling the wishes of the majority. In accordance with the spirit of the last resolution of the Chicago platform,' measures should be taken at once to remedy this great evil. FOREIGN IMMIGRATION. Under our liberal institutions the subjects and citizens of every nation have been welcomed to a home in our midst, and in compliance with our laws to co-operate with our Government. While it is the policy of the Republican party to encourage the oppressed of other nations and offer them facilities for becoming useful and intelligent citizens in the legal definition of the term, the party has never contemplated the admission of a class of servile neopie who are not only unable to comprehend our institutions, but are indisposed to become part es our national family pr embrace any higher civilization than their own. To admit such immigrants would be only to throw a retarding element into the very path of progress. Our legislation should ,be amply protective against this danger, and if not sufficiently so now, should be made so to the full extent allowed by ortr treaties with friendly powers. THE CIVIL SERVICE. The subject of the civil service of the administrationis a problem that hasoccupied the earnest thought of statesmen for a number of years past, and the record will show that toward its solution many results of a valuable and comprehensive character have been attained by the Republican party since its accession to power. In the partisan warfare made upon the latter with a view of weakening it in the public confidence, a great deal has been alleged in connection witu the abuse of the civU service, the party making the indiscriminate charges seeming to have entirely forgotten that it was under the full sway of the Democratic organlza'tion that the motto, “To the victor belongs the spoils," became a cardinal article in the Democratic creed. With a determination to elevate our governmental administration to the standard of justice, excellence, and public morality, the Republican party has sedulously endeavored to lay the foundation of a system which shall reach the highest perfection under the plastic hand of time and accumulating experience. The problem —is — one of far greater intricacy than appears upon the superficial consideration, and embraces sub-questions of how to avoid abuses possible to the lodgment of an immense number of appointments in the hands of the Executive; of how to give encouragement to and provoke emulation in the various Government employes in order that they may strive for proficiency, and rest their hopes of advancement upon the attributes of official merit, good conduct, and exemplary .honesty; and how best to avoid the evils of creating a privileged class in the Government service who, in imitation of European prototypes, may gradually lose all proficiency and value in the belief that they possess a life calling, only to be taken away in a case of some flagrant abuse. .'- The thinking, earnest men of the Republican party have made no mere wordy demonstration upon this; but they have endeavored quietly to perform that which their opponents are constantly momising without performing. Under Republican rule the result has been that, without engrafting any objectionable features of the European system upon our own, there has been a steady and even rapid elevation of the civil service in all its departments, Until it can now be stated, without fear of successful contradiction, that the 'service is more just, more efficient, and purer in all its features than ever before in the establishment of our government; and if defects still exist in our system, the country can safely rely upon the Republican party as the most efficient instrument for their removal. lam in favor of the highest standard of excellence in the administration of the civil service?and will lend my Lest efforts to accomplish the point of greatest attainable perfection in this branch of our service. - REMAINING TWIN RELIC OF BARBARISM. The Republican party came into existence in a crusade against the Democratic institutions; slavery and polygamy. The -first has been buried beneath the embers of the civil war. The party should continue its efforts until the remaining iniquity shall disappear from our civilization under the force of faithfully executed laws. There are subjects of importance which I would gladly touch upon did space permit. I limit myself to saying that while there should be the most rigid economy in governmental administration there should be no "'self-defeating parsimony, either in dur domestic or foreign service. Official dishonesty should be promptly and relentlessly punished. Our obligations to the defenders of our country should never be forgotten, and the, liberal system of pensions provided by the Republican party should not be imperiled by adverse legislation. The law establishing the labor bureau, through which the interests of labor can he placed in an organized condition, I regard as a salutary measure. The eight-hour law should be enforced as rigidly as any other. We should Increase our navy to a degree enabling us to amply protect our coast lines, our commerce, and to give us a force liffforpizn waters which shall be a respectabje and proper representative a country like our own. The public lands belong to the people, and should not be alienated from them, but reserved for free homes for all desiring to possess them, and finally our present Indian policy should be continued and improved upon as our experience in its administration shall froip time to time suggest. lhave the honor to subscribe myself, sir, your obedient servant, John A. Logan. To the Hon. John B. Henderson, Chairman of Committee.