Rensselaer Republican, Volume 16, Number 29, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 27 March 1884 — Page 3

BLAINE’S BOOK.

A Chapter on the Critical Period Bei tween Lincoln’s Election and Buchanan’s Exit. The Beginning of Secession and the •Haste with Which the South Was Hurried to Its Fate. Buchanan’s Course and Character from a Pennsylvania Standpoint—A Chapter of Absorbing: Interest. One of the most interesting chapters in Mr. Blaine's new book is that devoted to tho political events of iB6O and the early months ot 1861. The following extracts, made from advance sheets, cover points of special interest: The winter folio wins the election of Mr. Lincoln was filled with deplorable events. In the whole history of the American people there is no epooh which recalls so much that is worthy of regret and so little that gratifies pride. The result of the election was unfortunate in the wide divergence between the vote which Mr. Linooln received in the electoral colleges and the vote which he received at the polls. In the electoral colleges he had an aggregate of 180. His opponents, united, had but 123. Of the popular vote, Lincoln received 1,866,452; Douglas, 1,201,574; Breckinridge, 850,082; Bell, 646,124. M. Lincoln's vote was wholly from the free States, except some 26,000 cast for him in the five border slave States. In the other skive States his name was not presented as a candidate. Mr. Douglas received in the South about 163,000 votes. In the North the votes cast distinctively for the Breckinridge electoral ticket ★ere less than 100,000, and distinctively for the Bell electoral ticket about 80,000. •Ttwas then manifest that the two Northern Presidential candidates, Lincoln and Douglas, had absorbed nearly the entire votes of the free States, and the two Southern Presidential candidates, Breckinridge and Bell, had absorbed almost the entire vote in the slave States. The Northern candidates received popular support in the South in about the same degree that the Southern candidates received popular support In the North. In truth as well as in appearance tt was a sectional contest, In which the North supported Northern candidates and the South supported Southern candidates. —-It- was the first time in the history of the government in which the President was chosen without electoral votes from both the slave and free States. This result was undoubtedly a source of weak- . ness to Mr. Lincoln —weakness made more apparent by his signal faTure to obtain a popular majority. He had a large plurality, but the combined vote of his opponents was nearly a million greater than the vote which he received. The time had now come when the Southern disunionlstß were to be put to the test. The event had happened which they had declared in advance to be cause for separation. It was perhaps the belief that their courage and determination were challenged which forced them to action. Having so often pledged themselves not to endure the election of an anti-slavery President, they were now persuaded that, if they quietly submitted, they would thereby accept an inferior position in the Government. This assumed obligation of consistency stimulated them to rash action; for, upon every consideration of prudence and wise forecast, they would, have quietly accepted a result—which they acknowledged to be in strict accordance with the Constitution. The South was enjoying exceptirnal prosperity. The advance of the slave States in wealth was more rapid than at any other period in tlulr history. Their staple products commanded high prices, and were con- • tinually grow ing in amount to meet the demands , of a market which represented the wants of the civilized world. In the decade between 1850 and 1860 the wealth of thfe South had increased three thousand millious of dollars, and this not from an overvaluation of slaves, but from increased cultivation of land, the extentiofi of .railways, and all the aids and appliances of vast agricultural enterprises. Georgia alone had increased in wealth over $300,000,000, no small proportion of w’hich was from commercial and manufacturing ventures that had proved extremely profitable. There was a community on the face of the globe whose condition so little justified revolution as that of the slave States in the year 1860. Indeed, at was a sense of strength born of exceptional prosperity which led them to their rash adventure of war. It would, however, be an injustice to tho people of the South to say that in November, 1860, they desired unanimously or by a majority, or on the part of any considerable minority, to engage in a scheme of violent resistance to the national authority. The slaveholders were, in the main, peacefully disposed and contented with the situation. But slavery as an economical institution and slavery as a political force were quite a istinct. Those who viewed it and used it merely as a sytem of labor naturally desired peace and dreaded commotion. Those who need it as a political engine tor the consolidation of political power had views arid ambitions inconsistent with the plans and hopes of lawabiding citizens. It was only by strenuous effort on the part of the latter class that an apparent majority of the Southern people committed themselves to the desperate design of destroying the National Government. Mr, Blaine then details the incidents attending tho secession of South Carolina, which State did not wait for the result of the election, but early in October, 1860, began a correspondence with the other cotton States, the response to which didnot indicate a decided wish or purposo to separate from the Union. Up to this time Presidential electors for South Carolina had always been chosen by tho legislature, and to the unpropitious assembling of that body in November, 1860, Sir. l.luine attributes the precipitation of the war of iharebellion. A short paragraph is devoted to the import attached to the word “ordinance” in connection with secession, the writer showing that its previous uso had been confined to acts passed by inferior bodies, and that there was no authority for attaching to it such impressive meaning. Mr. Blaine then states that, but for tho action of the Senators lrom tho other Southern States, South Carolina would have’ stood alone, and her secession would have proved abortive. BUCHANAN’S RESPONSIBILITY. Having given the history of the secession of South Carolina and shown how the other States wemTndtrasd example:■* Mr. iiiitcs2«&jr-s: Long before the secession movement had been developed to the extent just detailed. Congress was in session. It assembled one month after the Presidential election, and days before jthe dlsnnionlsts of South Carolina met in their ill-starred convention. Up to that time there had been excitement, threats ot resistance to the authority of the Government in many sections of the South, and an earnest attempt in the cotton States to promote co-operation in the fatal step which so many were bent on taking. But there had been no ovfrt act against the national authority. Federal officers were still exercising their functions in all the States; the customs were still collected in Southern ports; the United States mails were still carried without molestation from the Potomac to the Kio Grande. But the critical moment had come. The disunion conspiracy had reached a point where it must go forward with boldness or retreat before the displayed power aid the uplifted fiag of the nation. The administration coull adopt no policy so dangerous as to permit the enemies ot the Union to proceed in their conspiracy, and the hostile movement to gain perilous headway. At that jnneture Mr. Buchanan confronted a grayer responsibility than had ever before been imposed on a President of the United States. It. devolved on him to arrest the mad outbreak of the South by judicious firmness or, by irresolution and timidity, to plunge the nation into horrors the extent of which was mercnully veiled from the viaions ; ,of those who were to witness and share them: There could be no doubt in the mind of any one that the destruction of the Union would bs deplored by Mr. Buchanan as profoundly as any Jiving man. His birth and a Pennaylvan.an leave ne other presumption possi ble. Mr. Blame details the constitution of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, pointing out tho fact that the t outhern element largely predominated, and cent nucs: It was under these influences, artfully insinuated and persistently j lied, that Mr. Buchanan was induced to Write his mischievous and deClorable message of the first Monday of Deoemor, 1860-—a message wuoso evil effect can never tie estimated, and whose evil cha-acter can hardly be exaggerated. The President informed Congress t at “the long-continued and intemperate interference of the North-rn pejple with the Question of slavery in the Southern States has at fast produced its n tnral effect. * * * The - tone has a rived so-much dreaded by’ the Father aCJhis Country, when hostile geographical parties nave been formed." He declared that he bad “long foreseeh undo ten forewarned" his countrymen of ‘‘the imp’ending danger.” Apparently arguing the case for the Southern extr« mUts. the. Praudcnt believed that the danger **doea not proceed sole y term the attempt to exclude slavery trom the Territories, nor , from Ibe efforts to defeat the execution of the fugi-Qive-slave lay.” Any or all r f these evils, he fatd, “might have been endured by the .South.” I trusting to time and refiectibn for a remedy.

•‘The immediate peril, Mr. Buchanan Informed the country, “arises from the fact that the longcontinued agitation in the free States has at length produced its malign influence oh the slaves, and inspired them With vague notions of freedom. Hence a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. The feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrections, and many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children before morning.” The President was fully persuaded that "if this apprehension Of domestic danger should extend and intensify itself, disunion 1 will become inevitable.” Having thus stated what he believed to be the grievances of the South, Mr. Buchauan proceeded to give certain reasons why the slaveholders should not break up the Government. His defensive plea for the North was worse, if worse were possible, than his aggressive statements on behalf of the South. “The election of any one of our fellow-citizens to the office of President, “Mr. Buchanan complacently asserted, “does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union." And then he adds an extraordinary qualification: “This is more especially true if his election has been effected by a mere plurality, and not a majority, of the people, and has resulted from transient and temporary causes, which may probably never again occur.” Translated into plainer language, this was an assurance to the Southern disunion sts that they need not break up the Government at the time, because Mr. Lincoln was a minority President, and was certain to be beaten at the next election. * * * The President ionnd that the chief grievance of the South was in the enactments of the free States known as “personal liberty laws.” When the fugitive slave law subjected the liberty of citizens to the decision of a single commissioner, and denied jury trial to a man upon the question of sending him to lifelong and cruel servitude, the issue throughout the tree States was made one of self-preservation. Without having the legal right to obstruct the return of a fugitive slave to his servitude, they felt not only that they had the right, but that it was their dutv to protect free citizens in their freedom. Very likely these enactments, inspired by an earnest spirit of liberty, went in many cases too far, and tended to produce conflicts between national and State authority. That was a question to be determined finally and exclusively by the Federal judiciary. Unfortunately, Mr. Buchanan carried his argument beyond that point, coupling it with a declaration and an admission fatal to the perpetuity of the Union. Alter reciting the statutes which he regarded as objectionable and hostile to the constitutional rights of the South, and after urging their unconditional repeal upon the North, the President said: “The Southern States, standing upon the basis of the Constitution, have a right to demand this act of justice from the Statjjs of the North. Should it be refused, then the Constitution, to which all the States are parties, will have been willfully violated by one portion of them in a provision essential to tho domestic security and happiness of the remainder. In that event, the injured States, after having used all peaceful and constitutional means to obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary resistance to the Government of the Union.” By this declaration the President justified, and in effect advised, an appeal from the constitutional tribunals of the country to a popular judgment in the aggrieved States, and recognized the right of those States, upon such popular judgment, to destroy the Constitution of the Union. * * * Having made his argument in favor of the right of “revolution,” Mr. Buchanan prooeeded to argue ably and earnestly against the assumption by any State of an inherent right to secede from the Government at its own will and pleasure. But he utterly destroyed the force of his reasoning by declaring that “after much serious reflection” he had arrived at “the conclusion that no power has been delegated, to Congress, or to any other department of the Federal Government, to coerce a State into submi-sion which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn," from the Union. He emphasized his position by further declaring that, so far from this power having been delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the convention which framed the Constitution.”. Congress “possesses many means,” Mr. Buchanan added, “of preserving the Unipn by conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it by force.” The fatal admission was thus evolved from the mind of the President that any State which thought itself aggrieved and could not secure the concessions demanded might bring the Government down to ruins. The power to destroy was in the State. The power to preserve was not in the nation. The President apparently failed te see that if the nation could not be preserved by force, its legal capacity for existence was dependent upon the concurring and continuing will of all the individual States. The original bond of union was, therefore, for tho day only, and the provisions of the Constitution which gave to the Supreme Court jurisdiction in controversies between States was binding no further than the States chose to accept the decisions of the court. RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CABINET. Mr. Blaine discusses at considerable length the evil influence of Mr. Buchanan’s doctrines, claiming that their effects were not confined to the slavo States, but they did incalculable harm m the free States, by fixing in the minds of many Northern men the idea that the South was justified in attempting to destroy the Government if what they termed a war on Southern institutions should be continued. Tho doctrines of this message caused great uneasiness in the North, and the pressure,of public opinion soon made itself felt. Gen. Cass, Secretary of State, was the first to resign from the Cabinet, he suddenly realizing he was_in a false position._ He resigned on the 12th of December, nine days after the message was sent to Congress, and was succeeded by Judge Jeremiah S. Black, to whoso learning and ability Mr. Blaine pays high tribute. After speaking of Judge Black's devotion to Democracy and his hatred of Abolitionists, and his belief that the success of the Republican party would be fraught with the direst evil, Mr, Blaiue says: ; . ■ ■ Judge Black entered upon Ills duties as Secretary of State on the 17th of December, the day on which the Disunion Convention of South Carolina assembled. Ho found the malign influenee of Mr. Buchanan’s message fully at work throughout the South. Under its encouragtment only three days were required by the convention at Charleston to pass the ordinance of secession, and four days later Gov. Pickens issued a proclamation declaring ’’South Carolina a separate, sovereign, free, and independent State, with the right to levy war, conclude peace, and negotiate treaties.” From that moment Judge Black’s position toward the Southern leaders was radically changed. They?were no longer fellow-Demoerats. They were the enemies of-the Union, ta Which he .was devoted. -sssspiratiirs Wwalrd the ÜbVeri'ifuMV 1 to which he had token a solemn oath of fidelity and loyalty. -■ ■ —— Judge Black’s change, however Important to his own fame, would prove comparatively fruitless unless he could influence Mr. Buchanan to break with the men who had been artfully Using the power of his administration to destroy the Union. The opportunity and the teßt came promptly. The new “sovereign, free, and independent” government of South Carolina sent commissioners to Washington to negotiate for the surrender of the national forts, and the transfer of-national property within her limits. Mr. Buchanan prepared an answer to their request which was compromising to the honor of the Executive and perilous to the integrity of the Union. Judge Black took a decided and irrevocable Btand against the President’s posMoa. He advised Mr. Buchanan that upon the basis of that fatal concession to the disunion leaders he could not remain in his Cabinet. It was a sharp issue, but was soon adjusted. Mr. Buchanan gave wr.y, and permitted Judge Black and his associates, Holt and Stanton, to frame a reply for the administration. Jefferson Davis, Mr. Toombs, Mr. Benjamin, Mr. Slidell, who had been Mr. Buchanan’s intimate and confidential advisers, and wno had led him to the Prink of ruin, found themselves suddenly supplanted, and a new power installed at the White House. Foiled, and no longer able to use tbe national administration as an instrumentality to destroy the national life, the secession leaders in Congress turned upon the President with angry reproaches. In their rage they lost all sense of the respect due to the Chief Magistrate of the nation, and assaulted Mr. Buchanan with coarseness as well as violence. Senator Benjamin spoke of him as “a senile Executive. under tho sinister influence of in-ane counsels." This exhibition of malignity toward the misguided President afforded to the North the most convincing and satisfactory proof that there had been a change for tho better in the plans and pnrpo-esof the administration. They realized that it must be a deep sense of impending danger which could separate Mr. Buchanan fromJjis political associations with the Booth, and they recognized m his po ition a significant proof of the desperate determination to'which the enomies of the Union had cornu Mr. Blaine then details the reorganization of the Cabinet—Secretaries Cobb, Floyd, and Thompson resigning, and Messrs. Dix, Holt, and Stanton succeeding. “Thus reconstructed,’’ says Mr. Blaine, “the Cabinet, as a wholes was one of recognized power.” This reconstruction of the Cabinet was followed by a marked change in Mr. Buchanan's positi n, which was received at the North “with unaffected satisfaction, and at the South with unconc aled indignation.” Tois charge was announced in a special message to Congress on thfrV th of January, 1861. Ot this message Mr. Blaine sa«B- •, < A certain significance attached to the date which.the President hai selected fer communicating his message to Congress. It was the Bth

day of January, the anniversary of toe battle ot New Orleans, celebrated that year kith enthusiastic demonstration in honor of the memory o‘s Andrew Jackson, who had, on a memorable occasion not unlike the present, sworn an emphatic oath that “the Federal Union must and shall be preserved." There was also marked satisfaction throughout the loyal States with Mr. Buchanan’s assnrance of the peace of the District of Columbia on the ensuing 4th of March, on the occasion of Mr. Lincoln s inauguration. He did not himself “share in the serious apprehensions that were entertained of disturbance" pn that occasion, but he made this declaration, which -was received in the North with hearty applause: “In any event, it will bo my duty to preserve the peace, and this duty shall be performed." r ANALYSIS or MR. BUCHANAN’S CHARACTER. The chapter concludes with an analysis and estimate of Mr. Buchanan's character, which is given in full: There were, indeed, two Mr. Buchanans in the closing months of the administratien. The first was Mr. Buchanan of November and December, angered by the decision of the Presidential election, and more than willing that the North, in-* eluding his own State, should be disciplined by fright to more conservative views and to a stricter observance of what he considered solemn obligations Imposed by the Constitution. If the Southern threat of resistance to the authority of the Union had gone no further than this, Mr. Buchanan would have been readily reconciled to its temporary violence, and would probably have considered it a national blessing in, disguise. The second was Mr. Buchanan of January and February, appalled by surrounding and increasing perils, grieved by the conduct of Southern men whom he had .Implicitly-trusted, overwhelmed by the realization of the evils which had obviously followed his official declarations, hoping earnestly for the safety of the Union, and yet more disturbed and harrowed in his mind than the mass of loyal people who did not stand so near the danger as he, or so accurately measure its alarming growth. The President of December, with Cobb, and Floyd, and Thompson in his Cabinet, and the President of January, with Dix, and Blanton, and Holt for his counselors, were radically different men. No true estimate of Mr. Buchanan in the crisis of his public career can ever be reached if this vital distinction be overlooked. ' '. It was Mr. Buchanan’s misfortune to be called to act in an emergency which demanded will, fortitude, and moral courage. In these qualities he was deficient. He did not possess the executive faculty. His file had been principally devoted to the practice of iaiv in the most peaceful of communities, and to service in legislative bodies where he was borne along by the force of association. He had not been trained to prompt decision, had not been accustomed to exercise command. He was cautious and conservative to the point of timidity. He possessed ability of A high order, and, though he thought slowly he could master the most difficult subject with comprehensive power. His service of ten years in the House, and an equal period in the Senate, was marked by a conscientious devotion to duty. He did not rank with the ablestmembers of either body, but alwavs bore a prominent part in important discussions, and* maintained himself with credit. It was said of Mr. Buchanan that he instinctively dreaded to assume responsibility of any kind. His keenest critic remarked that in the tentative period of political issues assumed by his party, Mr. Buchanan could always be found two paces in the rear, but in the hour of triumph he marched proudly in the front rank. He was not gifted with independence or self-as-sertion. His bearing toward Southern statesmen was derogatory to him as a man of spirit. His tone toward administrations of his own party was so deferential as almost to imply a' lack of self-respect. He was not a leader among men. He was always led. He was led by Mason and Soule into the imprudence of signing the Ostend manifesto; he was led by the Southern members of his Cabinet into the inexplicable folly and blunder of indorsing the Leeompton iniquity; he was led by disunion Senators into the deplorable mistake contained in his last annual message. Fortunately for him he was led, a month later, by Black, and Holt, and Stanton, to a radical change in hi 3 compromising position. If Mr. Buchanan had possessed the unconquerable will of Jackson, or the stubborn courage of Taylor, he could have changed the history of the revolt against the Union. A great opportunity came to him, but he was not equal to it. Always an admirable adviser where caution and prudence were the virtues required, he was fatally wanting in a situation which demanded prompt action and a strong nerve. As licpresentative in Congress, as Senator, as Minister abroad, as Secretary of State, his career was honorable and successful. His fife was singularly free from personal fault or shortcoming. He was honest and pure-minded. His fame would have been more enviable if he had never beea elevated to the Presidency. ——

Afraid of Their Own Powder.

The Democratic leaders in Congress are too cautious. They hauled off to knock the protection, tariff into a cocked hat, and then they heard something, and their gun didn’t go off. In fact, they have been so fearful that it would go off that they have drawn the charge, and are casting about for something that will answer the purpose and won’t make so much noise. They don’t seem to understand that the country has taken the measure of their party and will not, under any circumstances, trust it on the tariff question.—Wheeling intelligencer. The Republican party is in a deliberative frame of mind, disposed, as never before, to keep its head. In two consecutive national conventions it has got into that frame of mind so well expressed by the term “rattled.” Nominations were made in the heat of unreasoning passion, and not at all as the result of careful consideration. It would be very perilous to repeat that experiment. The pros and cons of rival aspirants are being scanned very closely, and, in determining the availability of candidates, the hopes and fears of the opposition cannot be overlooked or disregarded. —Chicago Inter Ocean.

WILL the Democratic House of Rep

resentatives dare order an investigation into the election of 1880 ? Democratic newspapers are blowing themselves red in the face about the matter, but thus far no Democratic representative has had the hardihood to make a movement in the House to secure an inquiry. The Journal has frequently invited the most searching scrutiny. Doubtless the scope of the investigation would be enlarged so as to include the campaign of 1876. Our Democratic friends should not allow a single day to elapse before they put this investigation on foot. —lndianapolis Journal. If there had been no ex-Confedera"tes among the Mexican soldiers, the Democratic House of Representatives would not have reached the Mexican pension bill as it did. This is one of the cold facts, the bearing of which lies in the application. It is a straw. — Indianapolis Journal. A Democratic exchange asks the question, “Why should the Democratic party wish to dodge the tariff question There are two reasons. One because it is afraid of it, and the other because it is so used to dodging that it cannot well help it. —Chicago Tribune. A wistaria planted in front of a house in New York fifty years ago still flourishes, and its huge branches envelop the bouse like the arms of an octopus. When in leaf it covers one side of the house and forms thick arbors over an area and the Btoop. No signs of decay are manifest, and every spring a wealth of blossoms relieves the dullness of red brick along the street. The London Telegraph thinks the time is not far distant when eve -y nightfarer will carry his own ray or electricity abont him, inclosed within the compass of a machine not larger .than the watch now ticking in his pocket

THE BAD BOY.

"Well, Hennery. I am to/find you in this fix,” said the gijbeery man a 3 lie tiptoed into the darkened room at the house of the bad boy, where be found him in bed, propped up with pillows, a pallor on his face that was frightful, and a general look of goneness. “i'our pa tells me you have been sick nearly a week. I thought things at-the grocery were going along in a solemn sort of a manner. Don’t hurt you to talk to you, does it?” and tho grocery man looked for a chair to sit down in. “Naw, it don’t hurt,” said the bad boy, as he motioned to a chair, and the grocery man sat down. “If talking would kill me I would, hare been dead long ago. By the way, I wish you would hand me that mustard plaster. You will find it in the chair you are setting on,” and the boy smiled a sickly -smile, while the grocery man got up as though he was in a hurry, and apologized for sitting on the plaster. “No apology necessary, ” said the bad boy. “ When anybody pomes to seo me they are welcome to the best we have got., A soft answer turnetli away wrath, and a mustard plaster covereth a multitude of pneumonia,” and Hennery applied the plaster to his chest, and asked the grocery man to hand him a box of pills on the table. The grocery man handed the boy a box of pills and a glass of water, and lie took a small handful of pills and a swallow of water, smacked his lips and said'f “Ah! A nectar fit for the gods. Do you know there is something about being sick that takes the cake? Yon can lay and sleep, or raise up and cough. And then, tiio beautiful medicine the doctor loaves! I take it because it pleases the doctor. He is a nice man, but I don’t think a man can feel of your pulse and listen to the mocking bird in your heart by holding his ear on your shirt, and tell what is the matter with voir. Gimme a drink. Now I want yon to do some things for me, as I may not pull through, aiul pa is so busy iu politics that lie can’t attend to anything. Are you there, Moriaritv?” “Yes, yes,” said the grocery man, as he saw the boy had something lie wanted to say; “out with it, now, and I will do anything you ask me to.” “Well, you know that man without any legs, that plays the hand-organ down on the corner. I want von to take my skates to him andteH him—” “Great heavens,” said tho grocery man, “what do you want to send a pair of skates to a man that hasn’t .got apy legs, for “Don’-t interrupt the speaker,” said the bad boy, as he took a pill for a change. "Take the skates to him, and tell him I lend them to him till I get well. He has got three boys, and they are too poor to buy skates, and they can take turns using mine, and I shall not miss them, for if I live the skating will be all gone before I get outdoors, and if I die, there will be no skating where I am going. ” “O, say, hush up now,” said the grocery man. “You are not half as sick’as you think you are, and there is no hurry about your dividing up your worldly goods. In a day or two you. will be out as good as new, making it interesting for all of us. What was the hired girl laughing at when she let me in? She said something about your scaring the folks out of seven year’s growth, just before you were taken sick,” and the grocery man thought if he could get the sick boy* talking about something funny it would cure him. “Well,” said the boy, as he laughed so the skin was drawn across his pinched face, “It was awful mean, but 'ma wanted to know wbat time pa got home nights since ho has got to working the ward for Alderman. You see, he comes in all times of the night, and tries to keep still so as not to wake ma up. He comes in and undresses in the dark, and retire s, and ma don’t wake up. I have gc _ a friend working in a jewelry store, a:id I got him to lend me six of these little alarm clocks, and I wound them a 1 up and placed them around the house where I could touch them off when jaa came iu. I put one on the liat-ra ;k, and when pa came in just after i udnight I touched it off just as he put his hat cn the hat-rack, and I crept ’ lalf way up-stairs in the dim light. '’a was trying to be quiet, and when that alarm went off he looked sick He didn’t know what 4t=*as, but. he just stood atdlf-ggj&k; his- overcoat -half’ off; and waited for the thing to run down, and he was listening all the time to see if ma woke up. I had told ma to pretend to be asleep until the last one went off, which I had placed on the foot of the bed, and then for her to get up and begin to throw chairs. Ea started up stairs as soon as the clock stopped, in his stocking feet, and just as he got half way up stairs I touched off tlig second alarm, and pa stopped and I went up to the head of the stairs to get another one ready Pa got hold of the clock and tried to stop its noise by holding it under his coat, and he listened for ma some more, but ma didn’t show up. When the clock got through sputtering pa came on up stairs, and at the top the third one went oft’, and then he was mad. He thought that would wake ma sure, but she snored right along through it all, and pa breathed .hard and said some political words. When the clock stopped I slipped into the bedroom and whispered to ma that I was going to let all three of the others off at once, and she said all right, so I waited till pa got part of his clothes off, when I turned on all three of them, and I slipped out in the hall, and then I began to hear chairs tumble around, and pa began to beg. I guess he thought there was a caucus. When the chairs had all been thrown I.turned up the gas in the hall and came in just as though I had been frightened out ol bed, and there stood ma laughing just as hard as she could and pa had crawled under the bed 'with only his feet sticking out, and I think he was saying his ’now I lay me down to sleep.’ Ma coaxed him out, and maybe she did not read the riot act to him. She made him promise to keep away from politics 'ffnd try to be a man nd I guess he will But I had to pay for one of the clocks, ’cause pa fell oh it and buited the works Hatter than a tin plate. -But we had fun, and I guess

my Staying up in tho hall waiting for pa gave me the cold that made rae sick, but I feel better now, and X will be but to-morrow. Don’t you know, that when a sick person lays and thinks of dying it makes them worse, when if they get to talking about something interesting it braces them up ? Come in again, boss, and when I got well I will come over to the grocery and talk to you till yon are sick,” and the bad boy rolled over to go to sleepy while the grocery man went out believing that nothing Jess than a cannon hall would kill the bad boy.— Peck's Sun.

The English Daisy.

Tho daisy is one of the most popular of spring flowers, well known as the embiem of fidelity and constancy. It is the latest blossom of the year, and tho first to reappear with the approach of spring. It!is Connected with the earlier traditions of England, of which wo give the following pretty legend: While the Homans persecuted and put to death the Christians of this country, Saint Druon one day said to his sister, Saint Oile, “Sister, the days of the Inquisition areuponus. T, a priest, must die at my post, and without fear or murmuring await the death of a martyr. But thou, my child, canst not with thy sisters incur the dangers that I see lie before ns. Thou must leave me, and with them seek a refuger where thou canst pray to God in safety.” Saint Oile refused, at first, then yielded to her brother’s wishes, and left the country. At the end of a year the persecution had ceased, and the good Bishop thought he might with safety urge his sister’s return. This was not easy at first, as he did not know where she had found a refuge. Full of confidence in the Almighty, he went in search of her. and took the first straight path that lay before him. Although it was now the end of autumn, it struck him that, as he pursued liis way, little tufts of flowers showing yellow centers, surrounded by a crown of white rays appeared to spring up out of the earth before him, shining even as stars to dispel the darkness of his night. He followed the way shown him by these star-shaped flowers; and after nine days’ wandering reached a desert spot, with many hid-ing-places, where at length he found his sister. Since then the daisies are said to be seen on the earth at all seasons.—Exchange.

The Lily Penitent.

The Lilinra Byzantium was brought to England from Constantinople more than three hundred years ago, and is well known in this country. The story is that the lily, now of a dark flesh color sheeted with blushes, was originally white and very erect upon its stun. It stood in Gethsemane, and was a favorite wijfii Onefvho frequented that garden in the days of His earthly life. The legend says that when He walked there at sunset the flowers all knew Him, and bowed their sweet heads in loving adoration, all but the lily! It kept its white crown proudly erect, and would not bend its crest at anyi presence! The Lord stood still and looked full into the face of the beautiful bells. Each silvery cup began to bend beneath that touching look, and deep blushes came upon them all. Still the gaze was fixed, and glittering drops followed tho glowing suffusion. The Master passed on, and when morning came all the other flowers in the garden tossed their gay heads in the sunny light. But the lily still bent its head, and each little bell was full of penitent tears. Those “fair Orient pearls,” as the poet calls them, remain to this day. They are six in number in each of the hells, and wipe them away as often as we may, they are ever* more replaced until the flower decays. The blush, too, has never fadod from the lily cheeks, and hence, according to the legend, the Crown Imperial (so called because the flowers grow at the top of the stalk and surround it in tho shape of a coronet) carries for all time the acknowledgment of its one pioment of irreverent pride. —Floial World.

The Antigonan Leplopus.

The Antigonan leptopns is a beautiful climber, native of Nicaragua, and : belongs to the natural order I'olygouj aca:; it is a splendid greenhouse plant, | rivaling the Bougainville in the abund- | ance and color of its blossoms. It is of slender juid elegant habit, the leaves are from three to five inches long, deep-lobed at base. The flowers avU'rtfSh-tfolored, prodnesiL m large terminal or auxiliary, clusters, and in such profusion that there is scarcely a leaf to be seen. The chief attraction of the flowers is afforded by the sepals, which are half an inch long, of a bright rose color. As the flowers are produced in such abundance, the plant, in its season of flowering, presents a brilliant and extremely cheerful appearance. Of this plant Dr. Seernan, its i discoverer, says: “I am well acquainted with the contents of our gardens and ! the vegetation of most parts Of the world, but I have no hesitation in giving it as my deliberate opinion that there is no more graceful or beautiful climber than the Antigonan letptopus.” —Floral World.

Love the Flowers.

“Love the flowers, my darling; always love the fiower.3,” said little Pierre’s mother, as she held the child in her arms to wave good-by to the lady who had been to see them, and had brought a bunch of flowers and a rosy apple for the little boy. Pierre’s mother lived in a country village in France, and she dearly loved to surround tjie cottage with the gayest flowers she could. The little garden was full of them, and you found them on the window-sill and on the chimney-piece, and wherever there was room for a bunch of fiaweis to be placed. They took up a good deal pi room, those ftowersr- some hours almost every day had to be given to them; but, then, they made the cottage so bright tbat the good woman never g udged the time. And she hoped that some day Pierre would grow up to help her, and, perhaps, be a great gardener himself. Who could tell ?— Exchange.: In France nearly all the railroad ticket and rignal clerks are women, who are paid as much as men. They are preferred because of their sobriety.

SUGGESTIONS OF VAULE.

Mirrors with plush frame* are now hung flat against the wall. Some ol the newest are embroidered in gay bunches of flowers, not painted. Marble floor* are going out of style for* halls. They are being superseded by hard wood in several harmonious colors, laid in some pretty design. Lace curtains are not fashionable except for bedrixmis. . They then have a lambrequin of dark green or dark red, which colors harmonize with almost If a bedstead creaks at each move- • ment of tlie : sleeper, remove the slats and wrap the ends of each in old newspaper. This will prove a complete silence, and is well worth the trotible. Sponges which are to be used in the bath-room may be softened by boiling for a few minutes in three waters. After each time of boiling rinse it in cold water, and put on the stove again in a pan of cold water, £l^_YIZ One way to prepare onion flavoring for a vegetable soup is to take a large onion, remove the outer akin, then stick cloves into the onion and bake it until it is nicely browned. The peculiar flavor thus gained is relished by the epicure. Before beginning to iron, sprinkle the table plentifully with water and lav on the ironing blanket. This will hold it firmly in place and prevent all wrinkling and shoving about. Never try to iron with a blanket having wrinkles or bunches. An economical and appetizing way to cook very small potatoes is to first wash and scrape them well, boil them, and the instant they arc done drain off the water, dry them off, and then in the kettle, right with them, make a milk gravy. This is a nice dish for breakfast or supper. There is no purifier like fresh air; and the whole house, every room in it, whether it has been used or hot, should be opened every day. Many housekeepers who are faultless in every other respect neglect the proper airing of the house, and the germs of disease are developed, and sickness which can not be accounted for svertakes the family. For a nice rice pudding take one cup of boiled rice, a pinch of salt, one pint of milk, one tablespeonfnl of cornstarch; let them boil; add yolks of two eggs, beaten with a cup of sugar and a teaspoonfnl of lemon essence; place in pudding dish. It will bake in a few minutes. Beat the white of two eggs with two heaping spoonsfnl of sugar; spread over the top; let it brown. There is no reason why underdone meat should be considered more nutritious th an that which is moderately and properly cooked, with all its juices preserved. The chemical elements of underdone meat are not sufficiently acted , upon by heat to be either readily digested or assimilated. Unless a physician orders raw or partly cooked meat for some special dietio reason, it is far better to give an invalid well-done meat, or that which it only medium rare. Various are the dishes that can be made of the oyster; here is one not very well known: Take a small loaf of bread; cut off a slice from the top; then, with a spoon, remove the inside of the loaf, leaving the crust nearly but not quite an inch thick; make a very rich oyster stew; pour a little into the loaf to moisten; then put in a layer of oysters; then of bread caumbs well salted and peppered; put the top crust on, and set it in the oven in a dripping pan; wet the crust with the yolk of an egg or with sweet milk in which you have put a little sugar; serve hot; let it remain m the oven from fifteen to twenty-five minutes.

Boys, be Systematic.

No great work was ever accomplished without system. Did you ever stop to consider how ranch time is lost in this world for lack of system? A housekeeper will for lack of system fool away the morning hours and dinner time comes before the breakfast dishes are washed, simply because half a dozen things are under way at the same time, and no one thing accomplished. You sometimes ask a young man whom you know ought to have plenty of leisure, vijxy he did not do such and such a thing, only to be answered: “I didn’t have time.” Wby did he not have time ? He was idling with a flaw friends, may15©, telling stfirie* .c>r what may Be worse, doing nothing, and before he is aware of it his spare time was up—it had been wasted. You have no idea how much work can be accomplished in a day if there is only system and application. A few moments work at a certain time each day on some special object will accomplish that object before the worker is fairly aware of it, and at the same time will not interfere with the regular duties of the hour. Every moment is precious and under some systematic* plan can be utilized for business ot pleasure. The merchant who does business in a slip-shod way is not the man who succeeds. The mechanic who only works to kill time and lacks system in what Ije does is the one who always plods along in the same old rut. No matter how hard may be your work it can be made much easier by taking advantage of every minute of time and systemizing your operations according to the time yon have and the work on hand. Yon can’t let up on a job begun without danger of complicating affairs and increasing yonr work. You can’t attend to half a dozen different things it the same time without slighting allot them. The only sure plan of success in life is to systemixe yonr every action so, that every move counts toward the object yon would accomplish—Peek's Sun.

Our Sunday Lessons—At.Home.

. “Oh, mammal I heard.papa say his prayers last night.” “Why, when did yon hear him, child?” “Don’t you remember 1" “Certainly not ; yon must be mistaken.” “Oh, no I ain’t either. I heard him say ’em just after he found out I pnt 1 some red pepper in his pipe. He prayed awful hard, too.” Surplice waists are to be fashionable for young girls.