Rensselaer Republican, Volume 12, Number 51, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 10 September 1880 — Page 6

te «Mrtk CwfiM desnonstrsta the fart. Star hate any aad every safe gn ord thrown ■wa4 tka bajkH-hox. They —* **? l u t A O ' O ! X> LrtM Mew Tort te XsaebaDoto, MM-raac. ban whtpo nod bludgeons by which Br»4e »-Wk! Booth r then- ctpher dwpatch an samrpttoa funds. briberies, nsurpotiotja and taab by which they hare aougst to gala Mww. Yattbsy tefl Min their platform *tbe teb a fres boDrt is the right pruaervattvs es aM rtxhta.aad Mat aad •hall be maintained.’’ and GoorraJ Baueock, gushingly writes about “* MB waa, a free ballot and ahir count.” What you te their profeestoncl Ara —B safist Think before you vote. III now AMD THE OTATRJUGHTB HE HEAT. Beaaeratte leaden ten no that the real lease Mtttoaaarpaiga to the question of Dereoeratte WeiiUia te what they eaQ centralization. la. werdK the Dooaoeracy an really b<< M •• "•«•*» ea the old fltato h/ . ‘ «Mr motto now to tbe - r* B “ ■a ia tMO. •*" "* une we beard traitor* -o they left the halls of Con ~ ~ take up arms agaiMt the government Obey bad sworn to protect: “My State first, my ■—try sssraA” Tbe Sooth to shaping the to■ms as thto eantpolm on the Democratic olds, and it to the aid leans over' again, whether this to* Mat too or a mere aggregation of petty oov- ■ rsgalirit Thto leone nominated Hancock, and no day eoaotitntea mainly the warp and woof of a sea J Dems ora rte speech. They have simply ahsMsd the form of expressing their ■ariosi prtootpte. b nsod to ■be the "Wall lights doctrine,” or “advoeasy of ■teen ■apiimaur,* or tbe “right of local selfpwvsnasaet;’* rt to now “opposition, to eeatrab■sttaa." Ia tbetr platform they any: L “We pledge onrseives anew to the eonstlaatisaal doctnnes and traditions of the Demo■rette Party, aa Htaetrnted by the teaching and at ample of a tong line of Democratic statesmen ■ad patneaa, aad embodied in the platform es Me last Motional convention.’* . fl. “Opposition ta centralisation and to that ffiragaraM spirit of encroachment which tends tesaaaaMate ia one and thus to create, what■aar the form of government. a real despotism. ” What am these “doctrinesand traditions” that hare been illuminated by a •’Tong tine” of Demo■otto teadersl Where to the other end of the “team liner* We an know about this end of ■mt “tang line of Democratic statesmen and paMota,” sad recent illustration* of “Democratic ■Mtvines ana traditions” am fresh tn ■senary, made so by Democratic remi■taaoaoea of tbe war and of reconstruction; now hared in every Democratic speech; bat our memeatae may need quickening aa to the far back and of this “tang line." Trace it back and you writ find tbe ether end bound about and anOMrod to tbe eld State-rights Kentucky and Ytrgbria resolutions of 1798 and 1799. Permit ■n ta quote a few lines from two of these famore reestethree. The Democratic party often modapCs them by reference, bat never prints Obsm. Many a Democrat has voted for them sad swam by them, without knowing what they ■mTW arse “■oaolvrd, Vhat thia government, created by Mb compact, was not made the exclusive or Mai Judge of the extent of the powers delegated b ftaalf; bet that, ■ in all other cases of com port swoftg parties having no common Judge, sash party has an equal right to Judge for itself, M wadi of infractions M of the mode and measure of redress. “Bsooived. That tbe several States who ■reread that instrument, being sovereign and indanandeek have tbe unquestionable right to tamss of the infraction, and that a nullification by these sovereignties of all unauthorized acta than under color of that Instrument is tbe rlghtfUtaimity." This makes the State sovereign and supreme war tbe Mation. These resolutions formulated Mtosptrtt of colonial Jealousy and sectional selMhnem that very nearly proved fatal to the cease at liberty tn the war for independence, me» the Democratic doctrine of Blate supremacy, and tote tbe Democratic tradition that this bi not a Mation possessing the power to preserve Mn existence by coercion If necessary. From tbetr inception these resolutions have been a bane sad curee to the American people, and today threaten the integrity of the Union. By ■parts] resolution they were readopted by the Mtmnal Democratic convention of 1852.1856 s«td 1860, and declared to ’•* the main found-i----ttaa of the Democratic political creed, and ta the present platform we have tbom readopted under the guise as "doctrines and traditions illustrated by the aaaehtags and example of a long line of statesman and patriot*.” Look for a moment at a few •f tbe illnrtrations These Democratic doctrines aod traditions led to the nullification tn 1832. T*ey ted to the destruction of the United States ton stag system tn Jackson’s administration, sad plunged the country into financial mtn, distanas aad bankruptcy. They led to the violation off ta compact of 1820. and tbe compromise wr ■uni or 1850. They led to the border wars aad outrage* by which Kansas and the Northweat were sought to be< made subject to their Anartotoo. In 1861 these same “doctrines and teWlttaaa.” to whteh ths Democracy of 1890 wtedgs themselves anew, culminated in aeoes■aa. rebellion, treason. All through the war thaas “doctrines and traditions” gave aid and SMMsngvment to traitors. Any Union ■mt has power to defend its life ■gatnat treason, ia “centralisation” according to the “doctrines and traditions” of Democracy. Da you want thia government of ours, redeemed ar Stood and the merciless cruelties of war team tbe thraldom and deadly peril of these edoMrinee and traditions of the Democratic r, to go baek again under tbe control of ■sme Democratic party that today declares ■batthese “doctrines and traditions" constitute ■■ arued. and win control Its administration! Th* doctrine of the Republican party upon thia ■fiijeet to clear and explicit. Hear ft: “2. The •assatttntlon of the United States is a supreme taw. Out as confederated States it made a sovaretgu Motion. Some powers are dented to the ■tattaw, white others are dented to tbe States; but tbe boundary between toe powers delegated ■nd th oe« reserved is to bo determined by tbe ■bstonai and not by the State tribunals” That ta and always has been tbe Republican ereod, ■■d to. too, has been “illustrated by the teachings and example of a long line of statesmen and fWttteta”— Washington, Hamilton. Adams-Web-■er, Sumner. Seward. Wilson, Lincoln, Grant, ■ ayes, Garfield. Sherman, Sheridan, Morton. Mho veb of glorious heroes would fill a volume. By whteh long Mae of statesmen aad patriots do yon wtoh to be guided! ■epubiteans believe that the United States la a MaCon. And they intend that it shall remain a Batten. They believe that tbe constitution of Oto United States, and tbe laws of tbe United teams enacted to pursuance thereof, are the suaswms law of the land. They believe that this ■htton possesses under Its constitution the power st self-preservation. They believe in using ■teak power whenever, wherever, and against vbiwßsnrver it may be necessary to use it. in order to protect, preserve, and perpetuate the Vtctoa. They believe Ju i ecog aid u~g and pre■rvtag with scrupulous fidelity all tbe rights re Wtoedby the people and all the righto reserved ta tbe State* They believe that this Ma■m baa the right to determine ■to ' method by which its own legistantrs shall be created. They believe that •ta right eMnot be surrendered to tbe States without great dangen They believe that the MMtaaal statutes relating to tbe election of ■■■■■tstives in Congress should neither be vtelated nor evaded. They believe tn using all ■oeded instrumentalities and all needed authoriW. to insure to every qualified elector of tbe Nothin the right to vote for representatives in Ctoacresa, freely and without molestation ir> ttmMattea, and to have his vote honestly counted. They beJteve in the equal steady, and compiste saforeetnenl of law, and tbe protection of every ottiaro of the United States in the enioyaaewt es all privileges aad immunities guaranteed W the constttution. whether he resides in the ■tatt or ta tbe Sooth, whether he be white or Btoofc. They believe ta “a tall vote, • free tmlM Md a fate count" throughout the entire land, lhey believe ta • Motional Sag, and ta ita ■preaaaey over any and every ■tote banner. If thto to “centralisation.’’ ■ belt. B tbe Issue to again to be between the pmodeteoa doctrine of State supremacy and the ■navw.Jeatona. selfish and destructive policy tank bootri its tea always demanded, os the one Mta, and Motional Integrity, perpetuity aad su■Btaaoy ea the other skis, ibe Republican party ■ to ready and able to accept aad meet tbe issue ■aw ■• it was when it met and vanquished the ■naetosas ta the war of the rebellion. taa asateet waged upon that tooae, is there sav reaaea why yoa ebould vote* against the ■epubiteaa party f Is there any reaeoa wby yaw should vote for the Democratic party! Wbteh pai Vto safest! Measure the two parties IV tbetr pact history, measure them by their Cssat creeds, mesenre them by tbetr leaders—■to who nsoaM their policies aad give ntter•mto to tbetr puryoece—and choose between ■toss. It eeeaM to be a choice between the ampta aad protecting folds es the “stare sad strips” ■ttho Union aad tbe tattered and powerless the emblem of trmeou— tbe stare aad bars of tbe Confederacy. Thto issue was tateiy aoteted many years age. Tbe Democratic ■ mty waged a treasonable war ta behalf of thto leetetoe of Mate supremacy, aeeeeston aad Woaths swum: dbvtnbe pot into prac■sai operation. By the arbitrament of war tbe Mull tan was coademned and vanquished. The temae was settled ta favor es a united N ethonot a mere confederacy of State sovereignties. The Repabßsan party baa treated tbe question to at rest, and bae been steadily laboring to repair the wastes of war and, by wtee measures, ssstace aad rebuild financial credit and mate■tol psaepertty. But the Democracy tell us that Ito i‘(l dead issue* of the war mutt be reopened; that State supremacy. Biate right*—the itahtof tecesaiou, now called “oppoaltlun to

centroltaatlon” tn order to rid IL if possible, frste th* ratat and odor of rta history uroafi bo reargued aa the low of thto toatosign After etataatag for years that the Bepablfeaa party was preaobing a gospel of hate, was keeptag alive tbe bitter feeltaa aad —udtftt of the war. and refumag to “bridge flbe bloody chasm,” beeaaw Repubßeaao could not. aad would not if they could, target that th* R-rnt> Hess party Mved the government from dedfruO' Uos w boa tbe Draoeratfe party would have de•troyed k, Ihanerutie speakers aad writers now deal largely ia reminiscences of tbe war, recount tts hardships and trials, declare that it was a war waged for principle ta defense od righto that had suffered grievous wrongs. They ■aunt the BLOODY SHIRT, aad by that banner seek to inspire the Deaso•torie elans wfth new seal Look closely at the &>sdy shirt they Wave—it to “tbe gray,” not tbe tree bine! The war they talk about as a war for principle, and liken to tbe war of 1778, waea war of treason, and they fought on treason’s •ide. Tbe principles they talk about were State supremacy and human slavery, ard both were conquered when the gray surrendered to the Mue. But now they tell us that it to the same old fight between the same old patties. If tbts ts so, where do yon stand! Tn the Hot Rprlnrs Daily Telegraph of August 23, published at Hot Hnrinrs. Arkansas, an aceonut of “a grand Democratic rally and barbecue” is beaded by a displayed cut of the rebel flag. Is that the flag you want at tbe head of tbe grand procession of your political party! Is it the flag you want to vote under! Listen, aad know for yourselves what Democratic success in 1880 means. On July 2fi, 1880. at Staunton, Virginia, Wsde Hampton, a general ta the rebel army, now United States Senator from South Carolina. In a speech at a large Democratic meeting, said, as reported in ths Staunton Valley Virginian: “I ■tjeri you by vour traditions. by all that you bold Stored, to lead again. Virginia, as you have done heretofore, not always to victory, but alwava to honor. What to Virginia’s duty now! You hardly realise, my friends, bow much depends on the action of your State. With a united South easting 138 electoral votes, we need only New York and Indiana, and I believe we shall have them. Will Virginia, when we have success within our very grasn, sacrifice the Democratic party! Will she Mcrifiee the South! • • • I will not think that you will prove false to your traditions—that you can prove recreant to the exalted teachings, the ennobling inspirations of your glorious past. • * • Consider what Lee and Jackson would do were they alive. These are tbe same principles for whieh they fought for four years. Remember the men who poured forth their life blood on Virginia soQ, and do not abandon them now. Remeijiher that npon your vote depends tbe success of the Democratic ticket.”

Tbe Staunton Vindicator, a stanch Democratic paper, puts these last sentences even more strongly ta its report of the speech. It says: “Pause before you cast your vote. Think bow Lee would have voted. Think what Jaqkson would have done before he would have cast a vote calculated to divide bls beloved Virginia. I ask you to remember those who have died on yonr soil, and to remember that the principles they died for are again on trial to-day.” This Is Democracy in 1880. Think it over a moment, cull out its points and look at them separately. What are they! 1. Buccom of the Democratic party is success of tbe South. 2. Defeat of the Democratic party is defeat of the South. 8. The principles of the Democratic party are the same principles for which Lee and Jackson fought for four years against ths life of the Nation. A Tbe memory of tbe dead who died fighting—not for. but against the Union, is invoked in behalf of the Democratic partv. 5. Secession and treason are counted aa “honor,” and are cited aa “exalted teachings and ennobling inspirations” of a “glorious past.” This is Democracy as taught to-day by one of the most honored and trusted leaders of the Democratic party. Will you vote the Democratic ticket! Take these sentences home with you and think them over. Read them the morning of the election. Think of them as you walk up to the ballot-box. Imagine, if you can, what the condition of yonr country would have been to-day if the principles for which Lee and J.,ckfwtn fought bad been tnumi hant, instead of o principles for whirl G“.»nt and Garflel■’ fonght; then look at its present condition—peace, plenty. prosperity, law, order, ••liberty and union, one and inseparable.” The New York World, the Herald, and many other leading Democratic papers of tbe North printed Hampton’s speech, but expurgated these sentences The Herald even went so far as to publish a letter from Hampton, in whieh he evasively denies having uttered the sentences quoted, by stating that he Indorses the speech as printed in the Herald. and cowardly dodge only shows more clearly the real purpose of the Democracy, and shows too that the Democratic leaders of the North are trying to deceive their own party adherents, who would desert them by thousands if they knew what Democracy really ia. But now listen to the rebuts there cowardly Democratic papers have received from the leading Democratic newspaper of Boston. Massachusetts. Listen and know the Democratic party of the North is tbe same as tbe Democratic party of the South. The Boston Herald, of August 22. 1880, contained in ita leading editorial the following-. “The Democratic organs have behaved with their usual stupidity about Wade Hampton’s Btaunton speech, and Hampton has pnt himself in an equivocal position. Ws have no doubt that he spoke substantially as first reported, asking wha* Lee and Jackson woukl do, if they were alive, tn the present case, and saying that tbe principles for which they fought are now at stake. Democrats who are conscious of having any political principles know that thto is true and are ready to defend It.” Can yon vote the Democratic ticket! Listen to another proof that the Democratic party of 1880 is the same tn heart and purpose that it was from 1860 to 1865. Governor Oolqultt, of Georgia, and now candidate for re-election aa gavernor, was a preUy active maa on tbe rebel side during tbe war against the Union, and in a recent public speech he said: **l>r more than thirty years I have been a Democrat. In season and out of season, in peace and in war, ta storm and ta sunshine, in good repute and in bad repute, always ta line, looking neither to the right aor the left. There to not one num in Georgia who can s>y that I deviated one inch from the straight path of Democracy.” The parpoees of the Democratic party bow are the same that they were ta 1856, wh«n, under tbe lead of their doctrine of State supremacy, they tried by force and fraud, by fire and sword, by cruel sconrgings and midnight massacres to force slavery upon the grea* free Northwest. Hear me read a single Sentence from the Meridian Mercury, a tending paper of Mississippi: “We would like to engrave a prophecy on stone to be read of generations tn tbe future. The negro ta these States will be slave again or cease to be. His sole refuge from extinction will be in slavery to tbe white man.” The intolerance of tbe Democratic party Is tbe mme to-day that ft was when tbs Republican party rang oat tta first battie-ery. “flee speech, free men. free States, and a National lag.” Bntler of South Carolina, author of the “shotgun election plan,” bow United States Senator, ta a speech to a Democratic meeting recently held ta that State wields the party lash in this fashion: “Looh at Longstreet! He was begged and implored not -to persevere in his course, but be drifted on and on, and floundered deeper and deeper Into the mire, until he landed hard and fast into the Republican slough. And what has he gained! Scorn, ostracism, odium, 111-will, worse than all. tbe contempt of the men who stood by him under the shower of death and destruction. He forfeited tbe opinion of all honest men for the sake of an office, and he began by being an Independent." Gen. Longstreet’s unpardonable ertme to that be has renounced tbe pernicious doctrines of Democracy, and accepted ta good faith tbe results of tbe war. Are throe and like utterances that might be quoted by tbe volume condemned by tbe Democraey es the North! What Democratic speaker or paper of tbe North has uttered a word of diaoent or condemnation! Notone. On tbe contrary, tbe men of the South who proclaim thia gospel of Democracy are tbe favorite orators et the Northern Democracy. At tbe great Demoerette ratification meeting ta New York ta July the uteot prominent speakers were men of tbe South. On that oecasion J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia, mid: “I know tbe Republicans do not like this subject, but if they do not they may Just lumpit. Wo ta the South were solid ta 1800 for Thomas Jefferson. We have liked tbe Democracy ever sines, and do not tatesoi to give it np.” And tbe New Turk Democracy cheered lustily. In arraigning the Republican party he smd: “I remember to have seen « littte fellow in shoulder-straps come into a court of justice order tbe indge to enter a verdict. And this, thia ta Old Virginia! I remember, too, to have seen 25,00) white seen excluded frannvthe ballot and 100,000 negroes allawefi to vote, and this in Old Virginia ll s And this reminiscence of war times was ebeerefto the echo by tbe Mew York Democracy as a capital »boi at the Repubßcaa party. He forgot to remember that at that ttes*>“Oid Virginia’* was engaged ta a war of treason agafhm the government; that far mord than 25,000 efi her white-skinned men were trying to destroy tap Union. He forgot to teti them that tbo rourtS of -Old Virginia” refused to obey the ■fikancipation proclamation, and were forced bA db officers of tbe Union army to enter verdwta hi favor es emancipated slaves who were Still hUu ta bondage by their former maotere; he failed to remember that tbe reason the 25,000 white men—of whom ho himself was one—were exeluded from the bailot, at the first electton under the reconstruction

SUPPLE ME 2ST T.

taw, was beososo these same white men had •uee taken aa oath to support and defend tbe eonstitatton of the United fttatoe; that they had violated that oath, aad added treason to perJnryby jotatag tbe armies of the rebeflioe. Ho forgot to state that tbe 100,000 Mack men who then for tbe first time east a ballot, had never •red a shot at our Nation’s flag and had never fulled to befriend our Nation’s brave defenders, and that the power of the Nation wielded hv the Republican party had made these chattels into men, free and enfranchised. Republicans and all lovers of their country remember these things that tbe Democratic Tucker has forgotten. Reminisfencroofthe peat are dangerous things for the Democraey. Aa the campaign progresses and warms, the Democratic orators of tbe North are, with their accustomed subserviency to their Southern leaders and masters, taking the cue. At the great Democratic meeting at Rocky Point, Rhode Island, on August 1£ 1880, Hon. W. B. Lawrence, tbe president of tbe meeting, in uuraeaq* ured terms condemned tne Troonairactlon measures and tbe constitutional amendmentsaa “revolutionary measures” and -‘unconstitutional usurnotionx” This is Democracy North and South in 1880. It was Democracy North and South m 1868, when the Democratic platform denounced these same measures and amendments aa “usurpations” and declared them “unconstitutional, revolntionarv and void.” It was Democracy both North and South in 1864. when the Northern wing of the Democratic party, at their national convention at Chicago, passed the following resolution: “Resolved, That thia convention does explicitly declare as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, justice, humanity, liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate steps be taken for a cessation of hostilities.” It was Democracy in 1878, when one of the first acts of the party after gaining control of Congress was an attempt to coerce President Hayee into consenting to the repeal of the national election laws by refusing to make the usual appropriations needed to carry on the executive and judicial departments of the government, Just as the Democracy of Indiana, in the gloomy days when Knights of the Golden Circle abounded, once songht to destroy her credit, and coerce her grand and immortal war Governor, Oliver P. Morton, by locking against him the full vaults of the State treasury. It is the Democracy of the

SOLID SOUTH, a South made solid by fores and fraud, and outrage ana murder. And what does a solid Democratic South mean! Democrats tell you that there is no danger in a solid Deuooratic South, and that no harm eould befall the country if the solid South should be successful in this election. Stop and think, my countrymen! The South was solid in 1860 unon the very same doctrines, and in support of the very same purposes that make It the solid South to-day. was there no danger in that solid South! Would no harm have befallen our Nation if the solid South of 1860 had succeeded! You know that the success of that solid South would have meant disunion, destruction and National death. You know that the -bells and bonfires that would have heralded the victory of the “solid South” in 1860 would have tolled the death-knell and lighted up the pallid remains of a dead Union. Is the solid South of 1880 any safer than the solid South of 1860! It to-day heralds its Democratic meetings by flaunting the “Stars and Bara” of the Confederacy as the Democratic flag. It tells you by Southern leaders that It is the same solid South, holding the same doctrines and fighting the same contest, and tbe Northern leaders of the rear rank of stragglers and supply-train of the solid Democratic South re-echo the statement. A vote for tbe solid South in 1860 meant a vote against the government, against the Union, against all of good there is or can be expressed by the words: Our country. Will you, can you vote for the solid South of 18801 Remember, Wade Hampton sajs in the speech before quoted from: “With a united. South casting 138 electoral votes, we need only New York and Indiana. Will Virginia, when we have success within our very grasp, sacrifice tbe Sonth!” Tucker, of Virginia, in his New York ratification speech, gives utteyance to precisely the same sentiment. It is the South that is to control the government if the Democratic party succeeds. A Democratic orator Id a recent speech at Shabuda, Alabama, said: “If Hancock is elected, and we have no doubt he will be, you will be paid for all the property yon have lost through Radical role, and yon must stand by tbe great Democratic party, for a solid South will now give us entire control of the general government.and we can redress all our wrongs.” Just this same sentiment was boldly proclaimed in Hendricks county. Indiana, on August 30.1880. by the captain of a Hancock club. Is there na danger! Are you willing to have Indiana figure aa tbe snapperend of the tall to this Democratic kite, the solid Routh!

Randolph Tucker, of Virginia, and Senator Jones, of Florida, told their New York audiences at the Hancock ratification meeting not to fear SOUTHERN CLAIMS. Senator Jones said that there was no danger that they would ever bring forward the Southern claims, while Tucker, with an evident desire to be most emphatic, said. “With regard to the payment of the Southern claims, I have only to say that there is no more chance of their being reeurrected than there is of Garfield ever being being President of the United States.” Aocoording to Tncker, toe danger is imminent. The God of Nations, who gave us “Lincoln and Liberty.” m 1860, will give us “Garfield and Glory” in 1880. These Southern claims—numbering thousands, and calling for as many millions of dollars as would pay off our national debt—are already brought forwgrd; they need no resnrreo tian. They stand to-day on the calendar of claims against the government. The Democratic party has been in control of Congress for over two years. Have they rejected and killed these claims! By no means. They are only held-tn abeyance until a solid South gets control of the government, and then they are to be paid in full—co the Democratic orator of Alabama tells tbe people of that State, and so the people of the South are taught to hope and believe. The theory upon which these claims are boldly based is that every Union soldier who placed hia foot npon Southern soil, to redeem his country from death by treason, was a treanyre*; tbe National government was itself a trespasser, and should therefore pay all damages and losses sustained by citizens and corporations of the South during the war of the rebellion. With this tremendous sectional and personal interest at stake, is It safe to put tbe control of the government into the hands of these very claimants —who make .up and constitute the solid South! If it is urged that toe constitutional amendments prohibit the payment of all public war cliims of tbe confederacy, we answer this position by asking wby this new attack of the Democracy upon the reoonstruction acts and tbe constitutional amendments! Why is it that, wi th their known hatred of Federal courts, the Democracy have introduood,*and have now pending in Congreea, a bill to increase the Supreme Court of the United Scatee from nine to twenty-one members! Why it it, unless it Is to open the way for the final overthrow of thoee constitutional amend ments that havs garnered the reeulte of the war! We, in Indiana, have found, by experience, that constitutional amendments are not permitted to thwart the purposes of Democracy. Is there no danger in a Democratic "solid Sonth!” /EDERAL ELECTION LAWS.

Tbe claim to asserted that the National etec-' tion laws have caused tins sectional spirit, aad are chargeable wfth the creation of the “solid Sonth.” This te untrue. These laws are hated by Democrats both North and South. They are not sections!. but National in their operation: as many supervteora and deputy marshals have been appointed under these laws to superviae and guard elections in tbe North as in the South. When and where was any honest voter ever interfered with or excluded from the ballot-box by these National election officers! What honest voter ever felt aggrieved because the purity and freedom of National elections to sought te be maintained and protected by National law! Democrats hate these National election laws for Just two reasons: First, because they promote honest elections; second, because they are constant reminders that this to a nation, able to preserve ite rights and determined to protect the National rights of ite citizens, one of tbe most important of which to tbe right to vote for representatives to the peoples’ branch of tbe National legislature without intimidation or TROOPS AT THE POLLS. The Democracy declare for “tbe subordination of tiie military to the civil power,” and bitterly denounce tbe presence of any “bme-coeta” M the poito. From Democratic statements one would suppose that a small army of United States troove had been stationed at every voting precinct of tbe South, on election days, aad teat honest Democrats had been thereby nervously shocked, badly intimidated, and tn fact sunetantiuily frightened from the polls. There to not the slightest foundation m fact for these statements. No honest man of the Sonth.Demoerat or Republican, white or blank, has ever been molested or intimidated by a United States soldier tn an attempt to vote. In aU of the sixteen States of the South there are not now and have not been for years 1,200 United States troops all told. Take the whole South, aad there

Dow*thff to Union soldier, we have not heretofore believed that 1.166 ooldlera scattered through qlxteen States have seriously intimidated a population ufat least 15.000,000. It is ant true. It ia a mere Southern Democraey to veat Ito hatred of everything national—everything that savors of national power The Republican party «fibordlnation of the military to the civil power whenever and wherever the POffer U able, unaided, to secure to every eitisen the rights guaranteed by the constitution and lawn of the Nation, and it has always acted upon this belief. It also believes in the uro of military power whenever and wherever necessary to protect toe existence of the Nation, and teenre every citizen against wrong, oppression and outrage, and it has always acted upon this belief. In it right or wrongs BUSINESS INTERESTS. Before you vote the Democratic ticket, ask yonrsel f thta q uest f on: Are tbe great business Interests of this Nation, these busy millions engsged in trade, manufacturing, banking, saining and agricultural pursuits safe in the hands of a’solid South!’” If the Democracy should succeed in this election by carrying ail the Northern States they pretend to claim any hope of carrying, still toe States of Virginia. West Virginia. North Carolina, South Carolina. Georgia. Florida, Alabama, Miutsslppi, Loufhiana. Texas. Arkansas, Tennessee and Kentucky would be able to dictate the policy of the government. That they would exercise that power toere iv no doubt. Listen to Gen. Toombs, of Georgia, and Judge who will control if Hancock is elected. On August 21,1880. he said: “lam pomtive Hancock will be elected. You say he is a Yankee. Well. I know that, and I know, too, that bis sword has pierced the breast of many a gallant man in gray. But what are we to do! We can’t put In one of our men this time, and have to take a ’Yank.* That being the ease, let us take one who ia less ‘blue-bellied’ than the most of them. You may depend upon It, sir, that ’Yank* or no *Yank,’ if elected, the old boys of tbe South will see that Hancock does the fair thing by them. In other words, be will ran the machine to suit them, or they will run the thing themselves. They are not going to be played with any longer.” Think for a moment of the business interests and the business integrity and credit of this Nation being intrusted to the keeping and dictation of those States. Not leas than five of these States are today repudiating and dishonoring their own solemn obligations. Is that a recommendation of them! In population these States, that wonld and do now control toe Democratic party, and would control its administration if it snonld succeed, repreaent-nearly one-third of the population of the entire country. These same States represent only 7.4 per cent, of our internal commerce, both by rail and water transportation. Of our vast foreign commerce these States only represent 23 per cent, of the total exports of products and merchrndise from the United States; this includes their cotton crop, and only 2.38 per cent, of thte totr.l Imports of foreign goods and products into the United States. These States only pay 1.6 per cent, of the total revenne of the National government from duties on imports. They only" nay 17 per cent, of the revenues derived by the government from Interna] revenue taxes, and nearly all of this on whisky and tobacco. They only represent 17.12 per cent, of the postal service of the United States, and lacked in the year 1879 ■2,265,175 of paying for their own mail service, which is within $300,000 of the entire deficiency of the whole United States. In manufactures they represent 6.5 per cent, of the entire manufacturing business of the country. In mining they represent per cent, of the entire mining interests of the country. These States only represent 7 per cent, of toe banking interests of the entire country. In 1879 there were in the United States 103,649 miles of railroad track, costing, with ita equipments, 64.166,331,921. These States of of the solid South bad only 14,784 miles of railroad track, coating, with ita equipment, only $442,613,636 —less th ah one-seventu of the total mileage, and less than one-ninth of the total value. These facts need no application or enlargement. They speak for themselves. Are you ready to entrust toe business interests of the people to this solid South!

EDUCATIONAL INTERESTS. Of the total annual expenditure for public schools in the United States and Territories, the solid South only represents thirteen per cent. Democrats tell us proudly and confidently that the sixteen States of the Sonth will cast 138 electoral votes for Hancock, and that they only need Indiana and New York to insure success. They do not seem to realize the fact that the statement itself proves conclusively that the solid South wifi control the government if the Democracy succeed. Voters of Indiana! Consider for a moment the company of States you are Invited to Join. Look at these States that already claim Indiana as their tail-piece. Are these solid Democratic States the States of progress, thrift, enterprise, intelligence and. education! Are they keeping step with the great material, intellectual and educational developments and enterprises of the age! The Democratic leaders have sectionalized the country and claim the “solid South” aa their solid ground. They want Indiana to Join their section. It ie but just that you should look for an answer to these questions before you take sides with the “solid South.” The last official report shows that the annual expenditure for public schools in the United States and Territories is $80,678,584. Of this vast sum the sixteen solid Democratic States expend only $11,870,892, while tbe two States of Indiana and Illinois expend $12,178,020 nearly a million dollars more than the entire sixteen States of solid Democracy. The annual expenditure in the United States for tbe higher learning of colleges and univereitiee is $4,104,108. Of this these sixteen Democratic States only expend $866,112, much less than one-fourth part. The census of 1870 showed that in toe entire United States and Territories there were then 4J128.084 persons over ten yrors of age who eould neiter read nor write. Of toWtaumber these sixteen Democratic States furnished 3.550,425—a great deal over threefourths of toe entire number. Do these facts win in you a desire to cast your lot with the “solid South!’ ’When and where did Democracy ever foster free schools! Every attack made upon the common schools of our country has come from the Democratic party. Democratic officials robbed Indiana’s school fund of 1,252,638 acres of land donated to it by the general government. An Indiana Democratic Supreme Court held local taxation for school purposes unconstitutional. Do vour interests tn trade, in material, social and intellectual development, in all that makes life worth the living, direct you into tbe Democratic ranks of tbe solid South, or do they beckon you to march onward with tbe party of progress, of enterprise, of education—the Republican party! Tbe present attitude of tbe Democratic party, its reassertion of the fatal doctrine of State supremacy, its false cry of “fraud,” its re-attack upon the reconatrnction measures and constitutional amendments, ita hostility to all measures protecting tbe ballot-box from fraud, ite uncertain and dangeroM tendencies npon the great and vitally' important questions of currency and tariff, and its “Solid South,” invite and seem to provoke a contrast of party retards. History is a safer guide than mere’ promise. Ripened fruit ia a better test of the quality of tbe tree than tbe moot beautiful and fragrant Mosaom. The political party whose biatory proves its policies to have been wtae, ita administration to have been last, and ita results to have been good ia tbe safest party. Democrats ought not to object to an investigation of their party record at any time, but from the close of the war up to toe opening of this campaign they have earnestly protested against any reference to their past history, and have besought the country tc“let by gones be by-gonee." This year—backed by a "solid Sooth” and emboldened by tbe possibility of sue rem they have ventured to contrast party records. With strangely shortened memories, they an stem abort at 1865, the close of the war. The Republican party shrinks not from the fullest investigation, it stops at no date, its whole history ia open for Inspection aad judgment. We are ready for tbe contrast. Examine the prqmtneat and Indisputable facta of ths

DEMOCRATIC RECORD. What has the Demooratie party bettered* What has it done* It sowed the seeds of all our National Ills, tn the enactment of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions in ITPB and 17W. It bettered In human slavery and undertook to make tt the corner-stone of a professedly free republic. It believed In the supremacy of State** overnments over the National government, and thereby opened the door to all the evils of sectionalism and State jealousy. It believed that this Is not a Nation, but a mere confederacy- of independent sovereignties, and, under this belief, claimed tbs right of my State to nullify any law of Congress that did not happen to meet its approrsl, thus Inviting ceaseless discord and dissension between the States themselves and between the States and the Nation. The Sint fruits of thia belief was the nullification and attempted secession of South Carolina in 1832. In the interests of the South, it deliberately violated the solemn compacts and compromises of 1820 and 1850. . In the interest of the slave-power, it to extend slavery, and by fraud and outrage sought to force the cone upon Tensas and ths great Northwest. It openly avowed tts purpose to national-

toe da very. and all ita brom* <rf «*vp*nta, doth, lust, UlegitisMey aad prostitution. It gave to the people a rotten system of finanee, ami aworthleaa currency, that by ite insecurity, fluctuation and depreciation robbed the aD<l dwarfed trade and commerce. In 1860, after twenty years of Democratic rule, government 6 per eent, bonds were sold with great difiiculty at eighty-eight cento on the dollar. In 1860, after twenty years of power, the Democratic party left the government treasury bankrupt; its vast Indian funds stolen and squandered; Ito credit paralysed, and the govennent itself burdened with a large debt contracted tn administering tbe government in a time es profound peace. During the Democratic administratiqa the looses of toe government from defoliations of ita rolleeting and disburing effioora averaged •5.17 to the SI,OOO. In iB6O, after long Democratic rule, the balance of tr^ e VM $20,040,062, against our ion n try, and our eommeroe was Tn 1861 toe Democratic purty <l«cfared that the government had no PQ-Wer to coerce States, threatening rebellion. Widle administering the government it permit-' ted arsenals, forts and shipping of the government to be seized by armed traitors, without attempting their defense. In 1861 Democratic principles and teachings enlmlnated in treason, rebellion and attempted disunion. Democrats erected a hostile' government and raised «hostile flag upon the Nation’s soil. The Democratic party furnished every soldier that ever entered the rebel armies. The Democratic party furnished every Northern sympathiser with rebellion. Every knight of the Golden Circle was a Democrat. All the acts and declarations of the Democratic party during the war of the rebellion were hostile to the Union, and tended to impede and thwart every attempt to crush rebellion. It opposed the issuing of bonds with which to procure means to carry on the war. In the face of repeated decisions of the United States Sunreme Court, it demanded the right to tax these bonds.

It opposed tbe Issuing of greenbacks and declared them unconstitutional and fraudulent. It opposed the creation of national banks, and sought by ridicule and derision to make their currency valueless. Finding that it could not destroy the currency In any other way, the Democratic party demanded an' unlimited issue of toe very greenbacks, they had declared “frauds branded with the mark of Cain,” and sought to undermine public faith and credit by the violation of the solemn contract and pledge of toe Nation. It opposed the draft, even to the murder and assassination of enrolling officers. It opposed emancipation and demanded that Union soldiers should, become It declared the war a failure just before the Nation’s final triumph. It opposed the reconstruction measures. It opposed tbe constitutional amendments. It has been a party of negations and oppositions, saying “No” to every good thing, and assenting to everything bad ana hurtful. It opposed the act of 1869 to strengthen the public credit. It opposed the resumption act and demanded Its repeal. It opposed the refunding act and tried to eripple the administration in carrying out its pro vision a Since gaining control of toe two ho*es of Congress, the Democratic party, while publicly declaring for “civil-service reform,” has removed, without cause, seventy-five wonnded and disabled Union soldiers, experienced officers and employes, and has, in their stead, given Slace and employment to eighty-eight rebel sellers. This is Democratic civil-service reform. At every step m the gigantic task devolved upon the Republican party, of providing for tbe reduction of toe debt, and the restoration of the currency to a specie standard, tbe Democratic party has presented itself as an obstruction and a hindrance. The first year it gained control of Congress it appropriated $25,000,000 more than the Republican party did, the last year it controlled Congress. This fiscal year just elqsed, it appropriated $7,000,000 more than the Republicans appropriated their last year of control. Its claim of economy is false and wholly unsupported by

It has signalized Its return to power in Congress by resorting to rev<>hittom*rv measures to carry out. its partisan objects. It has attempted to coerce the executive by withholding supplies, and thus accomplish by starvation, the destruction of tbe government, which it failed to overthrow by arms. It has undertaken to blot from the statute book of the Nation all laws insuring “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” to the emancipated freedmen. It has attempted to repeal all laws excluding those who fought to destroy the Union from holding commissions in the army and navy of tbe United States. It baa by violence and fraud created a “solid South,” and renewed sectional animosity and strife. It is to day reasserting the beresv of State supremacy and attempting to overtlirow the results of the war. Is thia a true statement of the record! What Democrat can gainsay a word of it! The leaders of to-day have been the leaders during all this dark history. Where would they have led! Is there any reason why you should rote for the Democratic party! REPUBLICAN RECORD. What has the Republican party believed! What has it done! It believed the United States to be a Nation. It believed slavery to be a curse and a crime. It believed in giving a free home on our broad and rich domain to every free man who wonld go and possess It. It believed in “free speech, free States, and free men.” It believed in coercing traitors and crushing rebellion. It believed in maintaining the Nation’s credit and in keeping sacred ita plighted faith. It believed in preserving national existence at any cost of treasure and blood. And so it still believes. Is it right! It passed the free homestead law over the persistent opposition of tbe Democratic party. It gave ns the Pacific railroad and opened a continent to devolopmcnt and commerce. When the storm of treason and rebellion broke upon the land the Republican party stood firmly on the side of the Nation. Thera were no Republican rebel*. It raised armies. It built navies. It raised revenues and furnished munitions and supplies. It endured hardships, sufferings and sacrifices in behalf of tbe Union without a murmur. It watched and circumvented treachery at home while it fought treason in the field. It looked through tbe ranks of rebels and saw behind them a countless host of black-skinned men. condemned to > toil n aid of treason, and with a weapon aa sharp and swift *as the cimitar of Saladin, the pen of the proclamation, it cut asnnder tbe bonds of four million slaves, and said, "Arise! Be freemen!” It crushed rebellion and conquered treason. It devised a wise system of finance and revenue.

It gave the Nation a currency as national as ito flag and as secure as ita existence. It reconstructed the rebellious States with freedom instead of slavery as the corner-stone. Tt has placed in the constitution amendments embodying and securing the results of the Nation’s triumph over rebellion. It has paid over $900,000,000 of the public debt, and is now paying it off at the rate of $12,000,000 per month. It has, by refunding the remainder of the debt, lowered the annual interest charge over $60,000,000. It has kept inviolate tbe Nation’s pledge to Its soldiers and seamen, by disbursing annually over $30,000,000 in pensions. Tt hM raised the credit of the Nation so that, instead of ite 6 per cent, bonds selling at a discount of 12 per cent., ite 4 per cent, bonds can not be bought short of Bto 10 per cent, premium. It passed the refunding act and the resumption law, and has raised the value of our currency from 38 per cent, to par with gold. Under Republican administration the losses te collecting and disbursing the public revenue 'have decreased from $5.17 to the SI,OOO, under Democratic rule, to one-third of one cent tethe SI,OOO under its wise system of protection home industries, and manufactures, and internal commeroe have increased with amazing rapidity. Under ito fostering care our foreign oommerce hM increased from $508,864,375, in 1861, to $1,503,679,489, in 1880-nearly trebled in Republican rate. It has made the deck of auy ship that floats the Nation’s flag a safer asylum than the ground shadowed by the proudest throne of Europe. . It has redeemed tbe Nation from tbe jaws of disunion and death, and presents ft to-dav crownad with the blessings of peace and proa pertty. la ito record good! Is there any reason why you should vote agalnat the Republican party! g THE CANDIDATES. General Hancock to a brave and gallant sffidler. Reared to arms, chosen and educated by the government to be ite defender agatust its foes, be betrayed not his trust. When treason rlpendd into war he stood by the government that had nourished and educated bim. Upon many a. battle-field he did noble and heroic battle against the Democratic hosts of rebellion. For this we honor him. But services like these have never been a recotnmeadation to Democratic favor. His war record did not nominate him. He owes bls nomination to a single act performed after all his laurels were won. Upon this one act the Democracy base bis entire claim to statesmanship. This act Was the

statesmanship disclosed by thia order, and la ordwr teknow just why tt so endeared franeook to tte Democracy of the South aa to make him ito candidate for the presidency, ft ia neceesary tq recall tq mind the exact situation at that K”*- By »e reconetraetioß act of March % 1867, and the supplementary reconstruction ecto Of March 23,1867, and July 9,1867, Oengrete most positively declared that no legal State Svernments existed in the rebel Btatae; st the then existing State goverwmenta of the rebel States were illegal, unauthorised and unconstitutional; that there was no adequate protection tor life or property in those States; und that they should be and remain under abrolute military control untfl loyal and constitutional State governments were established. Under these acts, and as an officer of the government, bound by eath and duty to obey them. General Hancock was put tn oesar mand of the military district embracing tbe States of Louisiana and Texas. His first act ou assuming command was toe issuing of tide order No. 40, which has made him the candidate of the “solid South,” and stamped him as a Deuiscratic statesman. What is this oraer! It is an open and direct nullification of the reconstruction acts. In com tern pt and violation of both the letter and the spirit of the very laws of Congress under which be assumed command, he immediately recognized tbe existing State governments as legal, authorized aud constitutional governments, and committed the protection of the life and property of tbe freedmen and loyal whites to the existing civil aathonties and courts—which was committing the Crotection of the lamb to the wolf. Tn the order e says: "The military power should cease to lead, and the civil administration resume ita rightful and natural dominion. * * Crimes and offenses committed in this district must be referred to the consideration and judgment of the regular civil tribunals.” This order bo issued standing upon ground yet moist pith the ’l>lood of nearly two hundred men slaughtered in tbe presence and by tbe connivance of those same civil authorities, because they were Republicans and not rebels. Again, he says: “The right of trial by jury, the habeas corpus, the liberty of tbe press, the freedom of speech and toe natural rights of property must be preserved.” What aid those pretty dress-parade words mean then and there! They meant that the loyal men, white and black, should have no redress for their wrongs, except an appeal to rebel Juries; they meant that the rebels who murdered their men should be tried and acquitted by rebel juries. From the very day this onder was issued until Hancock was removed, murders and outrages increased in Louisiana and Texas with fearful rapidity. Instead of preserving peace and protecting life and property, he opened wide tbe door to murder and massacre. General Sheridan, after personal lavest I gat ion, reported to President Grant, that In theyear 1868—the year of Hancock’s rule, toe official record shows 1.884 men we?e killed and wounded in the State of Louisiana on account of their political principles. Ad investigating committee of the constitutional convention of the State of Texas, on June 28,1868, reported to the convention that murders on account of political opinions increased in Texsa from nine per mouth under Gen. Sheridan’s command of toe district, to the frightful average of sixty murders per mouth. Permit me to read you a few linre from this report, which is signed by seven members of the constitutional convention —men who had lived tn Texas from fifteen to thirty years, and well knew what they were talking about. “It is by no means difficult te locate the responsibility of the increase of crime. Before Gen. Hancock assumed command of the Fifth military district, there existed, to a certain degree, somewhat of a regard and respect for human life in Texas. * * After the issuing and publication of General Order Na. 40,a decidedly different and troublesome spirit manifested itself all over the State. » • * Since the inauguration of the policy of General f Hancock, the murders committed in Texas have reached the average of fltty-five per month, mte during the last five months have reached the average number of sixty. And it is tbe commander of tbe Fifth military district who is responsible. * * * We place the eause and the responsibility for the death of hundreds of loyal . Jzensof Texas upon bis shoulders.” Gen. Hancock gave his support to the very principles against which, he fought, and this is the fruit eg his statesmanship. It is the statesmanship «ts Democracy inISSO. It is not strange that G«m»eral Toombs pays: •• ’Mank’ or no ’Yank,’ if elected, the old hoys of tne South will see ths* Hancock does the M fair thing by them “ Toombs’s task wouldme an easv one. Is tbte toe statesmanship you approves Are you willing to entrust the government to its guidaheet Think before you take such hazard.

General James A. Garfield, the Republican candidate, was also a soldier for the Union—not because it was his profession, his living—for be bad, unaided by government, by industry and toil worked bis way up from a canal-boatmast to a commanding position among men of letteot and wide information—but because he was • lover of bis nation and his race. He was a volunteer soldier, a soldier of the people and fsff the people, a soldier from principle deep-rooted, and'- based npon a thorough knowledge of tbe political history of his costatry and the world. Elected from the battlefield to Congress, he at once became the leader among leaders. Controlled by deep aud abiding convictions, his vote in Congress aa* his sword upon tbe battlefield pointed la tbe same direction—always against his enemies. Is he competent, to he a statesmadl Read the political literature of thto campeiga. Look through the statute books and annals sfl Congress, aud read the history of his life aafl labor. Reconstruction, revenue, currency, eoasmeroe, education, Federal election laws, pubDa credit. resuaiFtiou—all the great measures tbsfi have restored prosperity sand given the bnttness interests of tbe countiy s sense of secuntg and confidence—hare felt tne benefit of bis tireless research, his vast information and his etoquent patriotism. His claim to stateemansbfp stands on no "Order No. 40,” but an forty tawa and measures of national importance, that have brought healing aid joy and blessing, This to our candidate! A redeemed Nation owes him a debt of grftitnde that it Will pay Miflh the wreath of laurel tn November. HOW WILL YOU VOTEt The facta of hiswry, the records and pcw&tora of these political/parties are bsfore you. It to yours to them. What will be your choice! I You who are fill as days and bowed dowawiOk many years; y<k Who learned to love the oM flag when ita stirs were few, and have with e»ultant pride sWn tta sky of blue unfold astol widen, its strips unfurl and lengthen, aad ito stars multiply? Into a matchless constellation, you who spared not your own sons, but freely gave them foi ita defense—into whose hands will you commit that flag! Will you, by your vote, put it i/to the hands of a party that hM always believed, and new believes, that State banners are/upreme ecer it! You who arem mid-life, bearing the heat and burden of tbe day, you / who are ' carrying on tbe trade and Commerce, tbe manufacturing aafl mining, tic banking ' and farming of thia great Nattou, you to whom eonfld<-noe in tbe security and stability of tbe currency and finances of the country ,1s both capital and credit—into whole hands will you commit this flag! Will yoiriiy your vote put it in to the hands ora party ttet has always advocated a fluetuatisg and insecure State currency; a party that hM always opposed cvenr provtoion of our presenfi financial system, and whose present uncertain attitude upon tbe questions of tariff and currency are >minous of evil and weaken busincM confidents! Or will you rather leave it in tba hand* of the party that hM fostered and protected every business interest, that hM restored confluence and rebuilt public credit, and that hM liven you-an abundant, secure and stable curr-ncy. at par with gold, from ocean to oeeau, and from the lakes to the rulfl You who fought for this flag and ita absolute supremacy—yen who bore it triumphantly through the leaden etenna es treason—you whose brofhere Md comrades, wrapped to ita folds, sleep under tbe sod of battlefields made hallowed ground by their heroic blood— Into whose handc will you commit this slags Will you entrust ft to the hands of tboM who fought against it, and tQ-dsy tell yon that their principles are tbe same now that they were then 1 Will you deliver it to tbe party that dtohonored it, and permitted traitor hands to tees and trail it te the dust without defense ! WEI you, by your vote, give it to a party that recognises another flag as its superior ! Or will yon leave ft In the keeping of the party that redeemed ft from destruction and crowned It with glory and honor! You who are young and ftffl of grand possibilities and noble ambitions, da you want for the home of your matured manhood a country grander, freer aad more gtortona than history has known! If you do, come aafl join tbe party that is making such a country: the party of progress, of freedom, of education; tbe party that believes that the whole is greater than any of ito parts: the party that hM unshackled the siasn and verified tiie Declaration oi Independence by adding to ft tbe proclamation es emancipation. Yoa who love thto Nation m tbe laud «C your birth, you who love ft as the land of yow adaption, you who covet the blessings of peaea eonfldeuce, stability, prosperity Mid univeriat freedom, think before you vote. Look at tom glorious banner of the Republican party, te bears no sectional motto. It to bo State bannee. Ito ample folds sweep the ground and react tbe stars. It to your Nation’s flag—the lac M tbe Union.