Rensselaer Journal, Volume 11, Number 39, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 6 March 1902 — Page 6

THE NATION’S DUTY

establishment of American Authority I In the Philippines Cannot Be Neglected. SENATOR FAIRBANKS TALKS OUT Speaking to the Question of a Philippine Tariff Bill, Indiana’s Senior Senator Urges Congress to Uphold the Administration in Its Efforts to Deal Fairly With the Natives. Following is the address of Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks, United States senator from Indiana, speaking on the Philippine question in the senate Friday, Feb. 22: "Mr. President, it is with some reluctance that I enter the cyclonic atmosphere of the Philippine debate. A sense of duty alone impels me to venture some observations upon the questions which have been discussed upon the pending bill. "The discussion has taken wide range, covering many subjects not germane to the measure before us, and we have long been familiar with many of the arguments made. In fact, we have heard most of them at frequent intervals since the treaty of Paris was laid before the senate for Its ratification. "One question, however, which was argued at length and with ability and vigor has not been conspicuous thus far in the present discussion; that the question of our constitutional power to acquire and hold the Philippines. Those who detained the senate by profound and learned observations upon our want of constitutional capacity to hold the fruit of our arms and our diplomacy are confronted by the judgment of the supreme court of the United States in the insular cases, in Which our power to hold and govern is authoritatively established. "Sir, the great questions before us should be considered without passion and without prejudice; they should appeal alone to our higher and better judgment, The way to their solution is not always plain, for we are walking in unfamiliar and untried paths. We are remote from the theater of and must in the very nature of the case see conditions through other eyes. The Greatest Danger. “The greatest danger we have to fear in dealing with the Philippines is not insurrection in the islands, but political exigencies in the United States. The danger is that parties may seek to make issues of conditions in the islands, and that our course there will be determined too often by supposed party necessities Kere. In fact, the danger is that our domestic policies at home may be shaped With reference to our course in the Philippines. Party lines are drawn, and we are arrayed upon one side or the other of the question according to our party affiliations. “With respect to some very material aspects of the question, we are in entire accord. Speaking largely, the matter of difference between us is as to the immediate declaration of our future permanent policy in the Philippines. The opposition demands that we should now declare our ultimate purpose to retire from the Philippine Islands when stable government is established, retaining only such military, naval and coaling stations as may be designated by the United Spates.

“It seemed to me from the beginning that our chief danger in dealing with the new problems before us was Inconsiderate haste, immature conclusions. We are dealing with new questions; we are unable to turn to our past national experience for precedent to aid us in their solution. “The profoundest and wisest among us can see but a little way into the future. We are in a manner groping our way, guided by a clear and lofty conception •of those fundamental principles of personal rights and individual liberty which have been our guide in dealing with territory and with people who have come to us since the Louisiana purchase in 1803. Our course has never been harsh and tyrannical or in disregard of the principles of human liberty upon which our institutions are predicated. Both sides Of the chamber are agreed as to the commanding necessity of remaining in the Philippines and of establishing peace and orderly government there. After our army and navy overthrew the Spanish power it became incumbent upon the United States to hold disorder and anarchy in check, compel obedience to the authority of the United States Wherever it was resisted, and to give the people orderly and stable government, modeled, so far as practicable, after our republican institutions. “We are dealing with people who 4 have not been educated In the principles Of self-government and who have tor centuries known nothing but Spanish rale, a poor education, Indeed, for the duties and responsibilities of republican government. How long we than be. engaged in th© work of erecting such a government In the Philippines as is contemplated by both sides Of this chamber no mortal man can tell. But the better judgment seems to be that many years will be reKB . • <■ a

qulred. It is a work which cannot be done in a day, for it must be done well. “The opposition contend that the manner in which we are going about the task of pacification and the establishing of government is subversive of the principles of human freedom, for which our patriotic and illustrious forefathers contended ana made war. It is said that we are ruling In contravention of the rights of the governed. This charge raises essentially a question of fact. I have examined with some care the reports of our authorities, and the conclusion at which I have arrived is that only a small minority of the Filipinos have ever disputed our sovereignty, and ; that only, a very small minority today j object to our presence in the islands, jIn other words, a vast majority of the | Inhabitants either affirmatively or pas- ( sively accept and acknowledge the ' sovereignty of the United States. It is true that a small minority took up arms against the government and that there are bands today engaged in a guerrilla-like warfare and who oppose our sovereignty. A Sacred Obligation. “When we acquired the Philippines i in an entirely lawful and constitution- ! al way under the distinct and positive J terms of the treaty of Paris it became the duty of our government to establish its authority, and those who opposed it did so wrongfully. If, in fact, a majority of the Filipinos accept our sovereignty and a minority only challenge it can it rightfully be said that ire are ruling against the consent of the governed and that we are violating i the great doctrines for which our im- ’ mortal forefathers pledged their lives, ! their fortunes and their sacred honor? “We are advised by our commission ‘that a great majority of the people I long for peace and are entirely will- ' ing to accept the establishment of a government under the supremacy of the United states.’ lam not disposed, Mr. President, to challenge the accu- 1 racy of the information which is submitted to us through our chosen rep- j resentatives. By every just conslderation we must accept their state- | ment of actual conditions as founded in fact. And if their statements be I true, we are not ruling in contravention of the will of the governed. The minority are those who are engaged in guerrilla warfare, and who are bent ' Upon pillage and murder. Is it at their behest and their dictation that we should proclaim our purpose now , or hereafter to withdraw from the Philippines? It is one of the cardinal doctrines of republican government that the majority shall rule. This doctrine prevails in national, state and municipal governments with rare exceptions j throughout the entire United States, ■ and until the opposition can show by • a fair preponderance of evidence that ‘ a majority of. the inhabitants of the Philippines are hostile to American rule there can be no predicate for the charge that we are ruling without the consent of the governed. If the annexation of the Philippines to the United States were to be determined by a referendum and it were to appear that a vast majority assented and the minority dissented, could it be , said that the annexation was violative 'of the rights of the governed? Could ■ it be said that the minority should i defeat the will of the majority, and I that they might rightfully rebel? 1 Such, I conceive it, is in essence the case here.

“But three years have passed since the ratification of the treaty of Paris, j It is, indeed, a brief period in the 1 life of a nation, but much has been 1 accomplished. The course of the administration has from the beginning been characterized by a thoughtful regard for the welfare of the Filipinos, and a pacific policy has been desired and pursued. President McKinley, de- ■ sirous of establishing peace and prosperity in the islands, promptly sent a commission of able and experienced men to supplement the war power and to report Such measures as should be requisite ‘for the maintenance of order, peace and public welfare.’ The commissioners were to be ‘the bearers of the good will, protection and the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation.’ This was Indeed the dominant note of the national purpose. It was so then, it is so now. The first or Schurmann commission was followed by a second or the Taft commission, composed of equally eminent, patriotic and just men, charged with the important function of promoting peace and erecting civil government in the Islands. Most commendable progress has been made In the accomplishment of their purpose. It is, indeed, surprising that, beset with so many difficulties and embarrassments, our authorities have accomplished so much in so brief a time. It is, indeed, a happy augury for the future. Education. "There has been considerable debate as to whether the constitution follows the flag. No matter how diverse and conflicting our opinions may be on this subject, there is one opinion which we all possess, and that is that the American schoolhouse follows the flag. The transports which carried our soldiers into tne Philippines also carried our school teachers, until today there are some 835 American teachers distributed through 550 towns in the Philippines, and nearly 4,000 Filipinos are employed as elementary teachers. “Technical schools have been established in Manila and elsewhere. The people of the Philippines are generally uneducated. Perhaps less than 8 per cent can read and write In any

language. Fortunately they evince a commendable desire for an education, and I believe we shall find in the magic of the schoolroom a potential Influence working for the advancement of civilization, good order and civil government in the Philippines. We do not find any evidence of that imperialistic purpose which seems to disturb the imagination of our patriotic friends in opposition. The public revenues have been faithfully collected and intelligently and conservatively administered, so that there is today in the Insular treasury a surplus of several millions of dollars. "We invite the attention of our friends to what we have accomplished in Porto Rico for the advancement of the principles of republican government and for the promotion of the welfare of the Inhabitants of that is-* land. We heard much criticism a few months ago of our legislation with respect to that island and its people, and the country was for a time deeply stirred, fearing that we were ignoring and subverting the doctrines for which our forefathers stood. It is a gratifying and reassuring fact, Indeed, that the people are so sensitive of the national honor, and that they will not readily sanction any supposed breach of it. The storm which raged with Intensity for a time subsided in due course, and the integrity and beneficence of our action is now beyond challenge. Porto Rico is enjoying a measure of republican government which is entirely new to her and is blessed with an unprecedented measure of prosperity. “We are attempting to do in the Philippines under greater embarrassment, precisely what we have been doing In Porto Rico, and if we will | but persevere in the right and have confidence In each other’s patriotic and humane purposes similar results will doubtless follow. While we are a nation of tremendous commercial ac- ' tlvltles and untold wealth, they are : not bur greatest glory, nor are they ' the controlling factors in determining our national duty. The question of human rights and human liberty are i the potential questions which have I summoned our mightiest armies and have assembled our fleets and stirred our country to the utmost depths. “It was not gold nor the dream r' empire that summoned us in 1898 from the fields of peace to the theater of war. It was not the thought of territorial aggrandizement which led the American congress, in the exercise of Its exalted constitutional power, tc declare war against Spain. It was not the lust for mere martial victory for which 250,000 of the flower of the youth of the land left the vocations • of peace and went down to the battle- ' fields of the republic. No; not that. But be It said in honor and praise of the great republic that it was to over- . throw the power of tyranny and to ! give to the oppressed children of men ! the privileges of republican govern- . ment. In the presence of such ques- I tlons as confront us we must not take . counsel of our passions nor of our : mere material Interests, but we must ■ take counsel of our conscience, of our exalted sense of justice. “It should be remembered that President McKinley did not wish to take ’ the islands. Who among us was ac- ! tuated by more exalted motives than 1 he? Who was moved by a higher j sense of right and justice than he? He was a total stranger to the elements of an oppressor. He stood against the war, though knowing that ; it could but result in the triumph of j our arms and increasing throughout the world his prestige and his renown. First Purpose of McKinley. I “It was the first thought of the president to take a small zone in the is- I lands for a coaling station, military 1 and naval purposes, and such were ’ his first instructions to our peace commissioners who went to Paris, commissioners who were of the most able, 1 experienced and enlightened among us, with no desire or thought to do at the council table anything which was in derogation of our national rights, our national duty, or which was in contravention of the great cardinal principles upon which our government is founded. “As the discussion progressed and the difficulties seemingly increased and the full measure of our respon*Ulbilitles gradually unfolded the conclusion was reached by the president and the commissioners that we could not in honor and duty stop short of the cession of the entire Philippine archipelago; not, sir, because of any desire of foreign domain or of mere commercial conquest, not for the mere reimbursement of our national treasury, but because of the simple dictates of humanity; not for the purpose of holding a subject people, but for the purpose of lifting a subject people Into the full sunlight of modern civilization, and to preserve the peace of the world, which would have been placed in Instant peril If we should have left the Islands like derllcts upon the high seas. “Excise duties are Imposed by the congress, and both parties have long voted for them without a word of protest or a suggestion that we were dealing with ‘subjects’ in the sense In which that term is used by the opposition. We have been and are acting under the broad grant of power of the constitution ‘to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States.’ When we legislate for Alaska we are acting within the clearly granted authority of the constitution, and when we legislate for the Philippines we are likewise within the scope and plain purpose of the constitution. McKinley's Efforts for Peace. "Mr. President, there is not a sen-

ator upon this floor who sat here when we declared war against Spain who does not well remember the Impatience there was because the president did not sooner send to the congress his war message of April 11, 1898. There were deep mutterings; and the prediction was frequently heard that If there was a day’s further delay there would be a declaration, of war without the message. Who is there here who does not remember the intensity of the strain which all experienced, night and day? Who does not recall the sharp and Intemperate criticism of the president because of his stand against war? The diplomatic correspondence shows how earnestly he sought to preserve peace. After all efforts seemed unavailing he submitted to the congress his message, setting forth the conditions in Cuba and the efforts of the administration to ameliorate them and concluded with these impressive words: "The issue is now with the congress. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the Intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors. Prepared to execute every obligation Imposed upon me by the constitution and the law, I await your action.* No one who shall read the history of our country during the great crisis through which we have passed can fall to give President McKinley all honor for the honest and patriotic seivlce he rendered in his effort to accomplish an honorable and enduring peace in the blood-stained island of Cuba without an appeal to the sword. Sir, the patience, the moderation and 1 the self-restraint of the president ini the gravest emergency which could' face an executive challenged the ad-1 miration of the world, and it will have the approving judgment of history. He yielded, but it was to the inexorable logic of events. Sir, it will be indeed a sad hour for the republic when the presidents shall love peace less than war. The Tariff. "We are charged with the duty of , promoting the commercial welfare and the prosperity of the people of’the Philippine Islands so far as it can be ' done by the enactment of laws. We must have a care that our laws are I not unduly restrictive and ‘that they do not unnecessarily burden the commerce of the islands. Prosperity In the islands will accomplish much to-1 ward the promotion of peace and contentment among the inhabitants. Rev- j enue must be provided for the support of the insular and municipal governments, for the support of public schools, the improvement of harbors, the construction of much needed highways and for other needful and useful, governmental purposes, etc. it has ' been asserted upon this floor and reiterated frequently, that we have been engaged in the unholy task of overthrowing a republic in the Philippines; that a republic had been established there, endowed fully with the functions of government; that it was exercising complete sovereignty, which we, disregarding the rights of a weaker people, overthrew. We have the authority of Dr. Schurmann, pres- ! ident of the first Philippine commission, for the statement that the ‘Tag- I alog insurgents and the Philippine republic did not represent the inhabi-1 tants pf the Philippine Islands, but only a minority of them.’ The Filipino republic was nothing more or less in fact that an Agulnaldian dictator- , ship. Is this the republic which the United States has overthrown? I am not unaware of the fulsome tributes which have flown from the lips of , gifted senators in this chamber upon the character and services of Aguinaldo. Agulnaldo’s Purpose. “In a message dated June 23, 1898, Aguinaldo declared the purpose of his revolution. ‘And now they [the Filipinos] no longer limit their claims to the assimilation with the political constitution of Spain, but ask for definite separation from her; they are fighting for their independence, firmly convinced that the time has come when they can and must govern themselves.’ This is a distinct recognition that prior thereto the Filipinos did not entertain the thought of independence and that the effort for independence was not attempted until after our victory in Manila. The thought of independence undoubtedly took its root in the vanity and ambition of Aguinaldo. “In his declaration of July 15 Aguln- , aldo, addressing the admiral of the , squadron of the United States in the 1 Islands, said: ‘The revolution having ' taken possession of the various prov- , Inces of the archipelago, this govern--1 ment has found it necessary to adopt | the form and organization best suited to the popular will. I have therefore the pleasure and honor of placing in your hands the Inclosed decrees.’ “These proclamations are sufficient to Indicate the general character of the government which, it is alleged, was exercising sovereignty in the Philippines at the date of the treaty of Paris; this Indicates the character of the republic 'which challenged the sovereignty of the United States, and which we overthrew. Statesmanship appeals to the sound judgment of men, and its conclusions are predicated upon fairly chosen premises. Whoever says that the course of the majority is Inspired by sordid and ungenerous motives grossly misjudges men. Blood Not on Our Hands. “Aid of the government'in its effort to maintain the laws wherever its Jurisdiction extends and wherever ft is assailed is not censurable, it is not criminal and it never will be. Opposition to the efforts of the government to assert its lawful authority has never been regarded with favor. Blood has, indeed, been shed, but it has been shed in an effort to establish the law-

ful authority of the government In territory which indisputably belongs to It by virtue of the law. I regret most sincerely that blood has been shed, but I am gratified to know that it is not upon our hands. Mr. President, so long as a vestige of insurrection remains in the islands, opposition in this country means an increase in the death list of our soldiers and seamen. It means an increase of the money required to support the army and navy; it means an increase in the pension roll; it means hindrance in building up the waste places in the islands and in the establishment of civic government. Granted that such opposition springs from exalted motives, and I do not question it for a moment, we can only regret that there are those who so erroneously, though honestly, read their national duty. “The suggestion that our attitude is governed by ‘the greed for gain and the lust for power' is unfounded and ungenerous. Our responsibility came unsought and without any desire whatever for the extension of our commercial dominion. All parties recognize that we are under certain obligations and duties which we cannot rightfully or honorably abandon. We are in the Philippines and must continue there, in the discharge of our solemn duty. All parties seem in accord as to this. The divergence of opinion is with respect to a proclamation as to the length of our stay. ♦ * When will these eight or ten millions of people, unskilled in statecraft, untutored In self-government, composed of many hostile tribes, attain to that degree of self-restraint and capacity to furnish ‘sufficient guaranties for the performance of our treaty obligations with Spain,’ and when will they, in the language of the substitute, be able to furnish sufficient guaranties 'for the safety of those Inhabitants who have adhered to the United States, and for the maintenance and protection of all rights which have accrued under their authority?’ Who among us has wisdom profound enough to approximate the time which win necessarily elapse before all of this will be properly accomplished? “The Philippine commission advises us that ‘One fact which is clear above every other is that these people are not, either the small minority of educated people, or the very large majority of Ignorant people, prepared to establish a government which would hold together for any length of time, and which would not, in a very short time, present all the evils and oppression which were known in Spanish times. ’‘But the substltue of the minority, after laying down so well the broad principles upon which we must proceed and pronouncing the wholesome end we must accomplish by our advocacy (regardless, it would seem, for the time being, of their solicitous regard for the consent of the governed), proceeds to declare that ‘As soon as the results above mentioned have been accomplished, it is declared to be the purpose of the United States, which the president is directed to carry into effect, to withdraw from said islands and leave the government, control and sovereignty thereof to the Inhabitants of the same, retaining only such military, naval and coaling stations as may be designated by the government of the United States.’ i “Sir, we have now been engaged in the work of pacification and of erecting civil government in the islands during the brief period of but three | years. We are in the lawful and rightful possession of the archipelago, and, as we have observed, but a small i minority dispute our sovereignty, yet the minority demand our withdrawal under the conditions Indicated in the substitute and the retention of certain military, naval and coaling stations. Is this, Mr. President, in the interest of a majority of the Filipinos? Is it in the interest of the United States? Are the terms of withdrawal such as the Interests of both peoples should dictate, when all within the intendt ment of the substitute has been ac- , complished by our occupancy? Is | there any demand for such present j declaration of our future purpose? Is it the part of wisdom, in the present posture of affairs, to put upon the statute books expression of our national purpose in the indefinite and possibly remote future? ' “I do not consider that it is the part of sound and wise statesmanship to adopt the substitute of the minor--1 ity. I do not entertain this opinion because of any desire to abridge the 1 rights of the Filipinos or to leave open i the way for future imperialistic < rule in the United States. I base my oplni ion upon the broad ground that all I wisdom and all patriotism will not die with i us, and that those who will follow us and who shall, in all probability, be obliged to deal with these questions, will be as enlightened and animated by as exalted sense of justice and be in every respect as sensitive of the national honor as we. “It has seemed to me to be unwise i to be engaged in fulminating policies upon this subject while we are in the experimental stages of our undertaking, and that we should act up to the ! full measure of our duty for the time being and that we should deal with . the problems of the future accordihg to our most enlightened judgment when our way is made more clear by a larger and more enlightened experience. There need be no fear, no matter what political party may be in power for the time being that there will ever go upon the statute books of the United States a solitary oppressive act or any measure which shall not be inspired by a just sense of the fundamental principles of republican government.

Teller’s Insinuation. ’’ “The distinguished senator from' Colorado (Mr. Teller) whose generous purpose I do not doubt, let fall a re- i mark which I regreted to hear. I do’ not think it should pass unnoticed.* He expressed the opinion that the war] with Spain was unnecessary, that It might have been avoided, but for some malign influence, which at the critical juncture operated upon the chief executive. What that evjl influence was the distinguished senator did not pause to indicate. He was content to put upon the pages of history for the perusal of the student of the future the imputation that some unholy influence lay at the foundation of executive action. “Mr. President, was there ever imputation which has less basis of truth upon which to rest? There Is no one who sat In this historic chamber during the stirring and tragic events immediately preceding the declaration of war who does not know that President McKinley did all that mortal man could' to avert war, and that it was with the utmost difficulty, as I have hitherto shown, by personal appeal that he delayed the declaration of war by the congress. I firmly believe that It was only through his great hold upon the confidence of the congress that the potential word was not spoken earlier by it. No one can fall to remember the anxious days and nights full of dark portent which preceded the significant and decisive action of congress. “Malign Influence, forsooth! Does the honorable senator forget the unspeakable tragedy in Havana harbor? Has he forgotten the president's message, transmitting the report of the board of inquiry, and his appeal for conservative judgment and action? Has he forgotten the intemperate utterances in the congress, day after day, which added to the frenzy of the people? Has he forgotten the action of the press which stirred the passtons of the people to the highest pitch? Malign Influences, indeed! It was the Influence which controlled the body of the American people and of most of the members of congress. In the congress abides the exclusive war-making power, and he must, indeed, have been an indifferent observer of events who failed to see the fact that the congress of the United States would have declared war in due time, utterly regardless of the executive will. “Malign influence! No, Mr. President, do not write into one of the sublimest pages in American history so base a word. There was no influence which guided or controlled the chief executive save that influence which sprang from the great, enlightened, patriotic heart of the American people. * * * our present duty in the Philippines may be stated succinctly thus: First, put down all insurrection and compel recognition of American sovereignty; second, establish schools and educate the people; third, promote public improvements, construct highways for the ready intercommunication of the people of the islands, improve harbors for the accommodation of commerce; fourth, erect municipal, provincial and insular governments modeled so far as possible, after our republican institutions, and as rapidly as is practicable admit the Filipinos if they are shown capable in the administration of their own affairs. These are a few vital objects to which we are addressing ourselves, and which will engage our attention indefinitely. They command the best and profoundest statesmanship among us. If we discharge these paramount duties in an intelligent and earnest way we shall have gone far toward solving the Philippine problem and friends need not concern themselves greatly as to the future. The Government Bill. “As is well known, there is before the senate a bill providing for an insular government in the Philippines, republican in form. The essential features of this bill will undoubtedly become a law, and the Filipinos will soon enjo£ a very large measure of republican government, and, under the express sanction of congress, this will indeed be a radical transformation in the space of four or five years. There is certainly nothing in this proposed legislation which can have any other effect than to assure the Filipinos of the broadest and most generous purposes of the United States. “Mr. President, I shall not further detain the senat’e. We find in what the government has accomplished in the Philippines much to commend. We find in what it is doing the most abundant assurance of our ability to successfully solve the great problem which is upon our hands. We have the courage, we have the ability to meet every emergency which lies before us. Let us go forward, animated by the one great purpose to discharge our duties in full, inspired by the same high purpose which actuated us when we resolved upon war against the Spanish power. “Sir, those who read in a large way the purpose of the All-Wise Ruler see in the tragic events of the last four years a far-reaching Providence. Havana and Manila, and Santiago and Buffalo, tell of the mighty cost of humah liberty; they chasten us; they show how narrow is the boundary set to our divine vision, and how we should address ourselves to the duties of the hour and courageously and hopefully await the duties of the future- they show that moral duties abide with nations as with men. If, sir, we shall nobly meet the demands of hour, accomplish peace, and lead the Filipinos In the way of civilization and self-government we shall have earned the approval of our own conscience and have won thb admiration of the world."