Rensselaer Gazette, Volume 3, Number 52, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 18 April 1860 — THE COVODE COMMITTEE. [ARTICLE]

THE COVODE COMMITTEE.

We published two weeks ago some extracts from the evidence adduced before the Committee, showing how the public money is squandered upon effete official organs, and used in carrying elections. We have heretofore not referred to the message of tire President to the House upon the appointment of the above Committee, and the power of the House to inquire into the manner in which he may see fit to appropriate the people’s funds. We had thought that this message was but an ebulition of insane passion, superinduced by imbecility; that the President would repent as soon as reason had time to regain its influence. But late events have entirely banished this opinion from our mind, and we are compelled to admit that the President is seeking to introduce the doctrine of Absolutism, that the President can do no wrong. Startling as it may seem, incredible as it may appear, that thus early in the history of this youthful Republic, while the foot-prints of the fathers are yet scarce effaced, that this doctrine should be announced by the Chief Magistrate! Yet we are forced to admit that such is not only the case, but that that Magistrate intends to use all his ample power of bribery, and the infinite influence of bis threats vo no party tools, to prevent investigation. In his message he solemnly protests against “investigation;” I he says: “I have enjoyed all the offices of; honor which my country could bestow,” and I that he “can declare before God and my I country that no human being, with an ex- : cepti’on scarcely worthy of notice, has at any , period.of my life d|ared to approach me with I co.rapt or dishonorable propositions,” and yet, “in the name of the people of the several States, I protest against investigation.” He “did not think, until recently, that any one would charge me,'in the most remote degree, with having ifiade such a proposition to any one;” and yet, with tears in his eyes, he protests against “investigation.” But he does not content himself with “protesting,” but also emphatically denies the right of the House to investigate. And then, the next day after these professions of innocence and spotlessness, Mr. Wendell testifies that he was required by the President to support the Union, the Pennsylvanian, and the Argus, and in addition thereto was required to expend thousands to corrupt the Pennsylvania election of 1856; a good comment on an appendix to the aforesaid message. And now a Mr. Van Dyke of the Philadelphia Custom House testifies that the Prsident re moved him from office because he “protested against the Federal office-holders controlling Democratic policy in the city and State;” and more than that, “that Geo. N-. Baker, brother of the Collector, received pay (SI2OO per annum) for an office that did not e.' ist in law.” And all this by "the statesman (1) that was “never charged in the most remote degree, &c.-” and who now, of course, “protests against investigation!”

Not long since the Committee summoned before them Mr. Collector Schell, that they might inquire into a certain fund that was raised to control the elections of ’56, called the “New York Hotel Fund.” In the course of the investigation bp-hell agreed to furnish the Committee with the subscription paper to said fund. The next day he refused to. deliver it, and refused to assign any reason for not delivering it. Subsequent investigation has developed the fact that it was by the advice, and at the instigation of the President, that he refused to accede to the demands o-D the Committee, as he had agredd to do. This has created some, excitement in political circle in Washington, as it not only proves his complicity in some highly dishonorable transactions, but also that he intends to stifle investigation. But Mr. Covbde is “after him with a sharp stick,” and he is not a man tobe deterred by trifles. We anticipate some rich developments before this investigation closes. Now, What will be the upshot of all this? The President has already been proven guilty of squandering the public money, and using it for party purposes; he has beeriproven gnilty of using the public funds to corrupt elections; he has been proven tg be tampering with witnesses to prevent investigation into his acts as a public officer; and in all this he has been indorsed by every Democratic Convention in the United States, State, county and township, and will be in-

dorsed by the Charleston Convention. Thus will the party quietly father his acts; then bid the actor retire to the shades of Wheatland; after which they will nominate a candidate to run on the same platform—maybe a-worse one, certainly not a batter one—that Buchanan was elected on, and then ask the people to indorse these flagrant abuses of power, these outrageous, swindles upon the treasury, in the person of his. successor as standard-bearer of the Democracy. Pierce’s administration was odious; the Cincinnati Convention indorsed it, but took the precaution of -changing the ostensible but not the real policy of the party; the people, owing to that change, indorsed the administration of Pierce; but will they be gulled a.second timed Will they again trust to the specious “resolves” of a Democratic Convention, when experience has taught them that they are false? We have confidence enough in the ability of the American people to goveTn themselves, to believe that they will not.