Rensselaer Gazette, Volume 3, Number 23, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 28 September 1859 — How to win the Fight. [ARTICLE]

How to win the Fight.

Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois, in his speech at Cincinnati last week, said: “I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say, that we expect upon these, principles to ultimately beat them.— In order to do so, I think we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of Slavery, that acknowledges and deals with that iißtitution as being wrong. (Loud cheering.) Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution, yields and gives up all, when he yields to any policy th ;t either recognizes Slavery as being right, or as being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong. When I say this, Ido not mean to say that this general government is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that it is charged with the duty of preventing and redressing all wrongs to itself. This government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for the general weltare; we believe that the spreading out and perpetuity of the institution of Slavery impairs the general welfare. We believe—nay, we know—that that is the only thing that has ever threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself; the only thing that has ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we live, is this very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is providing for the general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our argument for them, but we whj think it is wrong in all its relations, or in some of them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our own course, upon our own judgment. “I say that we must not interfere with the institution of Slavery in the States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive law because the Constitution requires us. as I understand it, not to with-

hold such a law, but we must prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African Slave-trade and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent eacli of these things being done, by either Congresses or Courts. The people of these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and Courts (applause), not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert that Constitution. (Applause.) “To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold Conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custom; we must nominate candidates, and we must carry elections.— In all these things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, andun iionv do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt a platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man that declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing by our success, but we say that we act upon no other principle but a desire to have ‘ the loaves and fishes,’ by which in the end our apparent success is really an injury to us. “I know that it is very desirable with me as with many others, that all the elements of the Opposition shall unite in the next Presidential election and in all future time. I am anxious that that should be, but there are things seriously to be considered in relation to that matter. If the terms can be arranged, lam in favor of the Union. But suppose we shall take some man up and put him upon one end or the other of the ticket, who declares himself against us in regard to the prevention of the spread of Slavery, who turns up his nose and says he is tired of hearing anything about it, who is more against us than against tho enemy, what will be the issue! Why he will get no

Slave States after ill—lie has tried- that until being beat is the rule for him. If we nominate him upon that ground, he woTT’t, carry a Slave State; and not only so, bt>f that portion o! our men who are high strung upon the principle we eally fight for, will not go for him, and he won’t get a single electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps,"in the State of Maryland. There is/io use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate, because we won’t do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We cannot get our men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot give the State of Illi-; nois in such case by fifty thousand. We would be flatter down than the ‘ Negro Democracy’ themselves have the heart to wish to see us. “After saying this much, let me state a little on the other side. There are plenty of men in the Slave States that are altogeth er good enough or me to be either President or Vice President, provided they will profess their sympathy with our purpose in the election, and will place themselves on the ground that our men upon principle can vote for. There are scores of them, good men in their character for intelligence and talent and integrity. If such a one will place himself upon that sort of ground I am for his occupying one place upon the next Republican or Opposition ticket, (applause.) I will heartily go for him. But, unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; that if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old maxims of the Bible are applicable, and truly applicable to human affairs, and in this as in other things, we may say here that he that is not for us is against us; he who gathereth not with us scattereth. (Applause.) I should be glad to have some of the many good, and able, and noble men of the South to place themselves where we can confer upon them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do that thing. It would enable us to to teach them that inasmuch as we select one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from the charge that we mean more than we say. “But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to. I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have staid and heard me with great patience, for which I return to you my most sincere thanks.”