Rensselaer Gazette, Volume 3, Number 20, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 September 1859 — Page 1

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BUSINESS CARDS. puitorE, bbowx a co., WHOLESALE DEALERS IX Dry Goods, Fancy Goods, NOTIONS, HATS, BONNETS, &C. No. 10 Purdue’s Block, LaSiiyrUe, Sstit in na. • t nvit - attention io their -Now Stock. y _ I J. 4. PAJ4K.SSOIY, JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, Binns lei/ Township, Jasper Co., Ind. Will ;c.t 1 1 !-; ;n! in collecting debts in Binkley ■ a j adjoining-townships. o-tl 10 AVB iS S* YU<E sit A. 11 orn e y at Law, 52 RENSSELAER, IND. wn. s. ATTORNEY AT L A IV, Itciisseliicr, Inti. Wil! promptly attend to collectionsrpayment of taxes, sale of real estate, and other business entrusted to his care, with promptness and dispatch. .JOSEPH <■■ CIK A AC, Attorney at La w „ RENSSELAER, f--.lv Jasper County, Ind. ? W. V. SNYDER M. D., Havi n# resumed the practice of Medicine and Surgery in Rensselaer, offers his professional services to the citizens thereof and vicinity. 2!) W. D. I.KE. G. W. SPITLER. LEE &. SPITLER, Attorneys at Law. IFFICE. NEXT DOOR TO I.A RUE’S STONE BUILDING, I RENSSELAER, IND. Will p-Aptice in the. Circnitnnd inferior Courts ,f the Twelfth Judicial District. Also, in the Supreme and District Courts of Indiana. ap29 R. It. MILROY. L. A. COLE; JI BIAS a Y & COLE, Attorneys at Law, NOTARIES PUBLIC, And Agents for the Sale of Real Estate, Payment of TaxeSj &.C., , ap29 RENSSELAER, IND. BUSIBSN S’. Attorney at Law AND NOTARY PUBLIC. Will practice in the Courts of Jasper and ad>i iii ng co inties. Particular attention given to the securing and milecting of-d-.bts. Io the sale of real estate, and to all other business intrusted to his care. Office in the room in the north-west corner of the Court House, Rensselaer, Ind. N. B.—-He will be assisted during the terms of the Courts by A- A. Hammond, of Indianapolis. 8-ly runs, m’coy. ai.frei) m’coy. alfredThompson. THUS. McCOY A CO., bankers and Exchange Brokers, BUY AND bELL COIN AND EXCHANGE. i i-r-c . iwais M o’n all Aval Iliblc 5* o in I:-, o .LL PAY INTI-.REsT QN SPECIFIED TIME Negotiate Loans, and do a General Banking /justness. UHct* hours, lroin-9 A; -VI. to 4P. IXI.r ap29 PALMER HOUSE, Corner of Washington and Illinois Streets, INDIANAPOLIS, IND. J. I». CAIIIUSC'IIAF.L, Proprietor. INDIANA HOUSE, J. W. 6c S. <». I>( VALL, Proprietors, BRADFORD, IND. The table will bi-TupplieiJ with the best the market affords. A good Stable and Wagon Yard attached to the Hotel. The Messrs. Duvall's are also proprietors of the RENSSELAER AND BRADFORD DAILY HACK I.IMI. The hack leaves Rensselaer every morning, excepted,) at 7 o’clock, connecting at Bradford with the trains north and south, ami returns same day. (LPE.xtras can also be procured at either end of the route, on reasonable, terms. 7-ly itlel.KAN FBMAI.F. SF.MINABY, INDIANAPOLIS, IND. CG. McLEAN, D. D., Principal; C G. • TODD, A. M., Associate. 'This School for Young Tadics recommenced on Monday, September 6, with an able corps of teachers, and every facility for acquiring a thorough and accomplished education. Circulars and any further information wil be furnished on .applying, either personally or by tetter, as above. 23-1 y

The Rensselaer Gazette.

I». F. DAVSI.S, Editor A Proprietor.

/ainilp journal, jOcbotcb to anb Jlonustic Jhfos, politics anb Agriculture.

VOL. 3.

political.

SPEECH OF ISON. THUS. CORWIN, At Ironton, 0., August 19, 1859. [We devote a large portion of our space this week td> copious extracts from the speech of Hon. Thomas Corwin at Ironton, Ohio. Mr. Corwin has always been con-_ sidered as sympathizing with the American movement, (although he voted for Colonel ' Fremont in 1856,) and he is supposed to represent the views of the liberal portion of the American party in Ohio. He is nowstumping the State, electioneering for the Republican State ticket. Mr. Dennison, j Republican candidate for Governor had just .•■ddreUw-d the meeting, when Mr. Corwin . i spoke as follows:] - . LETROSI’i'.CTIVE. 1 Wh’at have you been doing now, to go no | further back than the last few years—six- | teen or seventeen’ All of you ol mature, age, retftembier the vear 1840 very well.’ What did all the people of the United States; do then? They rose up, and with mingled; feelings of merriment and indignation —for it was difficult to tell which prevailed that ' vei.r. the events of the administration ol Gen. Van Buren had been so s'ngularly out of the way, nowise* conformable to anj’body’s notions of things, it was difficult to i say whether it was looked at with indignation, contempt, or merriment; every one of the officers was running away with the people’s money- —you know how we used to ’wist his song-legged measures (laughter)"— and three-quarters of the people started up and declared, we will have no more Democratic government; we will have Whig government. The principles upon which these two parties were contending, then, foryour suffrages, were diametrically opposed;' upon due deliberation and solemn considera-. ti*.>ll, (for Ido hope you sometimes consider these things) it was determined by an unex- ; anipled maj rity of the country, that, hence- ; forth. Whigs-and their principles should be tlie rule of conduct in the United States. It was so! Ymir decree, when you make it, is ' always omnipotent. Four years pass away —they go by—and - what happenacthen? You have again to appoint a President of this great joint st ck company of ours. The people have two men, presented to them. One has been alluded to by my friend, Mr. Dennison—Mr. Clay, ol Kentucky—a man who has been I spoken of so much, that it would be idle to attempt to employ terms adequate to express the feelings with which one who knew him as well as I did, regarded the great loss I we have sustained by his death; a man of; whom the nation was proud, a man who had a European reputation, who was regarded as the great champion of regulated liberty, by men of intelligence, all over the world; in addition to this he had endowunents which it has pleased God very rarely to give t i mortal man,an integrity as pure as the highest integrity of the highest and best of the ancient people who have descended to us as demi-gods. Nobody questioned this in the election at all. It was named and repeated every hour. He did not. like the annexation of Texas to the Unitxrd States; not because he himself had any personal objection to any accumulation o's Slave States in the country, but because he believed that it would disturb the harmony of the Republic as it then existed. The harmony and prosperi’y iof this land were to him the idols of his ; heart. Another man was also presented to 'the American people—-a very ordinary man. |(I wish to speak ol him in no terms of dis- ! pa: ageineht.) You al! know something of i Mr. Polk, lie never pretended to be the equal of Mr. Clay. Mr. Poke dilf re I with ■ Ilin on this subject. lie desired that t lat i in li’pendentßepublic. living under the shadiow of our wing, slimiltl be annexed to the United States. He was a Detnocr tof the Democrats. I knew him w’ell. You know that I speak truly of his history. As a politician he was opposed to everything now proposed by the Opposition in the slave States, and by the Republican party in the free States, as to the proper system of gov ernment in this country. Well, Clay proposed to the country to continue the Whig government begun by Mr. Harrison, and but partially carried out by his successor. You had determined fouryears before that henceforward we would only have Whig princi pies and Whig rulers. Four years passed by, and with the mighty difference between the two men, you determined by a very large majority you would have no more Whig government, even when yon could have the i pleasure an-d the pride of voting for one of ' the greatest statesmen the world ever knew. I The stockholders have changed their opinion

RENSSELAER? JASPER COUNTY, IND., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER i„ 1859.

greatly in these four years, or else they did not vote their principles at all. Well, as we know human nature is ful] of imperfection, and men are gaining light every day in the world, we fondly hoped by the school-houses and churches, that we had erected, we would gel some intelligence. VVe would begin to suppose that we were mistaken in 1840, and that we had learned that the Democratic was the true rule of government in the country. Four years more rolled round,which brings us to 1848. The country, in the mean time, had been involved in a foreign war, and it is very rare, when the ambition of a nation is concerned and that ambition is put. into conflict with another nation, it is very rare that the men of the nation do not take sides with him who wages the war. Mr. Polk was to be re-elected, or rejected. What did we in 1848? Wit'n about the same unanimity as before, we declared that we would have no more Democratic government, we will have a Whig government, even though we have l o deposit this great power of statesmanship in the hands of a man fresh from the battlefield, who was never in the councils of his country. The stockholders have changed back again! Four years more rolled around, conies upon us, and finds us still increasing in light and knowledge. Mind, in 1848 we jumped back just eightyears. We found, I suppose, that the light had been leading us astray —that we failed in 1844. Now we are at the sjand-point of 1840 again. Instead t.f continuing our resolution to continue a Whig government, we have found out that we were mistaken a second time, and we take not General Scott, by no means an ordinary man. He was a Whig, .nd you put away that, illustrious General and that eminently qualified statesman, and took a man ho, it is true, had been on a battle-field, and on his back on a battle-field. (Laughter.) He was such a brave man that he couliTlie down and just drop off his horse on the bat-tle-field. I rrish to speak in no way disrespectful of Mr. Pierce, but I say that you fell so much in love with Democratic government, that you threw away a Whig who was eminently qualified as a statesman and renowned as a warrior, and took a man not renowned in either way. A go-df.vil illustration. Now this, and all of this, is applicable to all of us. What would you think of any man—to illustrate—of any farmer, who would make one ot those fine patent plows and plow down his barren ground, and raise a good crop upon his land which he had thrown aside as useless. He gathers his crop into the garner, reaps the reward of his labor, thanks God for his fruitful harvest and pockets the money it brings to him; and that same man, when he had another crop to raise, should say, “By that plow I got a good crop, a better one than I expected, but as I have the power to do as 1 please with my own land, I will try the old ‘go-devil’ plow this year.” You all know what a “go-devil” is. You know it is a harrow with three prongs, a very good thing in its way, but by no means a good thing to break up ground with. (Laughter.) Well, he takes his “go devil” and he kicks his ground about, and he gets no crop, and tell you he can’t get much ot a crop that way, anyhow. Well, he gets in debt,- He says: “Well, I was a great fool to take that‘go-devil;’ I will get that patent plow to work again.” The third year he uses that plow again, and he gets a good crop, and gets out of debt. He gets his money into his pocket, and goes to his thanksgiving dinner,* eats his turkey am! thanks God for his goodness. The fourth year, however, he says: “Have I not. a right to do as I please! 1 will take that old ‘goth vil' again.” (Laughter.) That is precisely what you the people of the United States have done with your power of voting. That is exactly what you have done. Do you wonder that those veteran old statesmen in Europe, such fellow as Metternich, or Walewski, in France, and Palmerston and Derby, in England, who have read over and over again all that is said about popular government and all that has been written, and have seen it always remarked that especial care must be taken to o-uai-d against the carelessness and vacillation of the people—do you wonder when those old fellows see what you have done, how you have acted with the exercise of this right of suffrage, as if you did not care what became of your country, or did not know what ought to be done, changing four times in four successive elections from Whig to Democrat and from Democrat to Reptib(ican, should despise your discretion ! It seems as if you did not know how to do —this work. Do you suppose that any man that, was to act with his plows as I have stated to you

“FREEDOM NATIONAL—SLAVERY SECTIONAL,"

could ever make a will in the world! I tell you no judge would allow such a man’s will to go on record, because such a man must be insane. If that min was to make a deed of a house and lot, ami his heirs were to prove this, it would be declared null and void. If his heirs should want to set aside such a man’s deed, let them send for me and I will set it aside before any intelligent jury in your country, because the man must be insane. Yet you have done the same thing with this right of voting. You have acted in_just that way, and now when we lift up our hands with indignation, at the bad conduct of our rulers, don’t let us blame the “go-devil” because he did not go twelve inches into the ground, because he can’t. That is what we have done. Let us cast the bean; out of our own eye, and then we will see clearly the mote that is in old Buck’s eye (laughter.) At least, it looks that way to a man up a tree (Jaiighter.) Now, my lellow citizens, it is because of this subject, and this absence of the exercise of that great office which we hold, and because Lam, as a man, interested in this matter, that' I have the impudence at all to come and speak to you on tlifs subject, We arc going to elect a President and Directors soon again, and I am interested in it, ami if you are weak enough to listen to me. I am going to tell you, as I have told others, something about that. The power of congress!. The opposition to Administration on the other side of the river have been chiefly concerned in a dispute as to what shall be done with the slave property in the South You have heard what friend Dennison has said. He says it is the doctrine and resolute determination ot the Republican party of Ohio, and he might have added, of all what is called the free Slates of the Union, to exert the power which they hold belongs to them, under the Constitution of the United States, by Congressional action to prohibit slavery in any Territory, where slavery does not already exist. My own impression is that that ought to be done. That is my belief about it. I am not so very particular about this, as a mere matter of doctrine, because I think that there will be much more important duties for us to perform when we get to Congress, than to dispute about this abstract proposition. Slavery exists, as you know, in certain portions of the United States. The only Territories that can ever be subject to slavery are those of Utah, New Mexico and Washington; that is, all we have got left. Kansas has settled the question for herself, after fighting a pretty hard battle, under this beautiful doctrine of “Squatter Sovereignty.” SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY. Did any man ever-read the Constitution of the United States and find that phrase in it—Squatter Sovereignty I Yet it is said that it is a constitutional doctrine put in there. Now, do you suppose that if the men who made that Constitution, when they enacted the clause “Congress shall have power to make all needful rules and regulations for the government of the territories,” would not have just added that every Territory should have had ‘‘Squatter Sovereignty!” Don't you think that they would, my brother Democrats, you that have adopted this new doctrine! This is a new doctrine. It is only eleven years old. No man ever heard of it more than eleven or twele years ago —since 1847. I was there when it was done. I "was in the council of the nation when it was first started. You .perceive, my fellow-citizens, that there is ahistory belonging to this question, just the same as that theie is a history belonging to the Christian Church. What does every propagator of Christianity do when there is a a dispute about a text! If he can find out that St. Paul, Matthew, or or any of the Apostles cr Disciples ot Christ had that subject under consideration, ;r d gave an interpretation to it, by thett conduct cr words, he does not dispute about the philological criticism that could be made on the word. We have too much sense, if not too much conscience, for that; for all men are understood in the sense inwhich they use a word themselves. A man may use a word in common use, to mean very different from what the lexicon may give its meaning. So the men that made the Constitution said that “Congress shall have power to make all need'ul rules and regulations for the government ot the Teirit* ries.” These men were not common men. They knew that in every instrument in the world, men used words appropriate to the sense intended to be conveyed, and that they must use those words appropriate to the sense

TEK.NIS; SI 50 per Year, in Advance.

I they would convey. If you were writing I about a fracture, and understood what a 1 fracture was, you would use the words of the books treating upon fractures; but an j unlearned man, by the same words, might i mean a very different thing. These men I were not only wise men, they were learned ; men. The man who reduced that Constitution to words was probably one of the i most learned men that ever lived under this i government—l refer to Governor Morris, then of New York, a very distinguished man.. They gave it to a committee, of 'Which he was chairman, to put in the right , English words; and you will observe, there is i not half as much “hifalutin” in it, as you ' have heard from me since I stood here. (Laughter.) Governor Morris knew that | Sir William Biackstone had written four I volumes of commentaries on law in Eng- ; land. He knew that all the lawyers that i would expect to use this instrument as law, i would expect to see in it those words com--1 mon to law, and he would look to See what Blackstone meant by “rule,” when spoken 'of in ri'iercnce to the legislature. .Congress was the national legislature. Sir William i Black-tone asks the question, What is law! I and says it is a rule of action, prescribed by , the superior power of the State, cotninand- ] ing that which is good and prohibiting that : which is evil. Law is only a “rule,” prescribed by the legislative power. When they said, then, that Congress should have power to make all needful “rules,” they added‘“regulations,^which is but a synonlyi't for “rule” —for the Latin word regula is interpreted to be ru-le. What did they mean by that word when they came to act upon it! That is the question I would propound to my friends over the river. This is a question of law about v.hich on one side they hold one opinion, and this side they entertain another. I appeal from any interpretation put upon it in the latter days of the Church, and go back to the Apostles . and see what they mean. If I can find that out, no man shall come in the way of my following them. THE OLD AND THE NEW. They say that Congress has no power to make laws for the Territories. That is Mr. ; Douglas’ idea, I believe—not that I under- ■ derstaiid it so —but I understand that some ' Douglas Democrats think it is. I have been trying to find out from my fellow-citi-zens of the Democratic creed, what they mean by “Squatter Sovereignty.” Now, in j the 1803, you know we acquired the Territory of Louisiana from France; at the same time slavery was in it, as one of its domestic institutions. I say they had a right to the terms of the treaty under which we acquired it, to come into the Union with slavery, for Napoleon, the First Consul, I would not sign the treaty unless that was in ; it. Slavery being in Louisiana, Congress thought, by the terms of the treaty, that j they had no right to expel it. Tlje treaty i was tliQ supreme law of the land; the faith ! to the nation required that they should come i in, but in the meantime they were a Terri(tory. Now, you will observe that by the ; Constitution the slave trade was allowed to Igo on for twenty years, within a State, but ' in 1804, getting hold of this 3’erritory pecu- ; liarly interested in the importation of ne- ; groes, Congress believing slavery ought not to be extended, passed a law prohibiting the importation of slaves into the Territory of Louisiana. Many men were in Congress that year who helped to make the Constitui tion. What, they understood by Congress making rules and fegu lat ions I tt Territories was that Congre-s-sb.oulii m ike laws. They I understood that and practiced upon it, and I prohibited Louisiana from importing slaves. They did not say to the Territory of Louisiana, you have “Squatter Sovereignty,” do !as you please, did they ? Such a tiling was never thought of. There was not even a i demagogue wild enough to utter such a ( thing. The old men that made the Constitution were there, and they knew they were present to confront them. They enacted a law, saying that any man who took a negro into that Territory for sale, should pay a fine of three hundred dollars, which was then] about the value of a negro. They did not do that in a State, they did not pretend to do it; but they had omnipotent power over the Territories, and they acted over the Territories as if they were in a legislative capacity, making laws for a State in the State. MONROE AND HIS TIMES. That they did in 1803-4-5. They had also some little experi nee at a later date. This same Territory of Louisiana forms a State and calls it Missouri. Their southern line was described by saying it should be on 36 deg. 30 min.—that it was the southern line of the State of Missouri, a part of this Louisiana purchase. This was about the

year 1820. You know who was the President. It was during, ohe of those halcyon periods of our country to which all of us so much love to refer; we had gone through the second war with Great Britain, and although not always triumphant, we had vindicated our right to demand ot Great Britain that she should not impress our eeamefl and compel them to serve in her navy. We made peace upon honorable terms at last. Mr. Madison had retired from the Presidential chair, and it was filled by Mr. Monroe. Missouri was told by the vote of Congress that she must take her Constitution back and expunge from it the article concerning slavery. The country was then in a state of great agitation. It was then held that Congress might, or might not, admit a State as she pleased. I know she has power to declare war against the whole human race, to-morrow. I know she has the power to refuse any State—she might have refused admission .to Ohio in 1803, but the question is whether it is her duty or right to do so. I say a State has a right, when she forms a Constitution for her internal government, to make it after her own wishes. That is not a matter of much account now, because the question will ■ never arise. JOiik Q. ADAMS ON TREATIES. In 1821, therefore, Missouri came back and said, we will not expunge that article, and we demand admission upon our ConstiI tution, because it was in the treaty that we [should be admitted upon an equality with the other States of the Union, and the Constitution says that a treaty shall be the supreme law of the land. I can show you that old John Quincy Adams held to the truth of this. I suppose that my friends who are very much given to free-soilistn—-who are strong abolitionists— will not deny that old Mr. Adams was “some pumpkins” in his way, that he even backed Slavery; he had gone through" a- terrible conflict about the right of petition, and if angry opposition could have moved the understanding of that old man, he might have changed many an opinion upon that subject, but when Arkansas came to be admitted, that very man, aitt?ng by the side of me, rose up at four o’clock in the morning, quoted the treaty, and offered a resolution in about these words: “Resolved, That in admitting Arkansas, with Slavery, into the Union, we do not intend to say that we approve of Slavery.” The resolution, of course, was voted down. He then said, I must vote for Arkansas to come into the Union with her Slavery.) Why? Because my country’s honor is con-* cerned in the matter. The treaty gives them the right to come in with or without Slavery, and he voted for the admission'of Arkansas, as I did—as the Quakers say in their discipline, “I did it by convincement,” although I don't approve of slavery in any country where a white man can live. (I don’t say that I approve of it any way, and may give my reasons by and by.) THE CABINET DECISION. Wei), now in 1822, Mr. Monroe being President, this law came to his cabinet for I his signature. There had been a violent [controversy, and all the problems that could [cluster around and between the interests of i the free and slave States, had been discussed iby some of the ablest men in the world. Mr. Monroe asked his cabinet to give him, every man,their opinions upon this question, “Has Congress the power to prohibit Slavery in the Territories north of 36 deg. 30 min’” Who were in the cabinet! Let us see if tlmy were equal to the men who have iched this modern idea—l speak of all . men concerned in propagating this doci trine. John Quincy Adams was Secretary of State; William H. Crawford, a slave-hold-er, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John C. Calhoun —my Democratic friend, my partner, my brother, you that believe in “Squatter Sovereignty,” was not John CCalhoun a man of considerable head, and ( was he not a great friend to Slavery, as much l as any of you can be! He was Secretary of War. William Wirt—l wonder if the young lawyers now-a-days who adopt this new idea of “Squatter Sovereignty,” young gentlemen only let loose from school yesterday, and who in a course of study have looked so far as to read Espinasse’s Nisi Prius, two or three chapters in Blackstone’s Commentaries, Swan’s Treaties on Justices of the Peace, and Wilc ox’s Forms—certainly they i know more of this thing than Mr. Wirt, a | man who was born in a slave State, and, as I tint Tennesseeans sometimes say, “rared” up in a slave State, educated to the highest point of qualification of the hunian faculties, with a heart open as charity itself to every impression, and with a cultivated head, as I have said, the like of which has rarely appeared among the most distinguished of our jurists and statesmen; he was Attorney General. S. L. Southard, of New Jersey, was Secretary of the Navy. John McLean was Postmaster General, but at that time, that office was not a Cabinet office. Do you remember these men! Do you know anything about them! If you do, do you see no evidence of the decadence that takes-place in the public men of our times? Write down those names, read their biographies, and then write down the names of the present Cabinet, and then compare them. The one generation has gone away. I say nothing disrespectful of these men; I think that they areabout the best Buchanan could get; hut of course those gentlemen nearer-to•

NO. 20.