Rensselaer Gazette, Volume 3, Number 15, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 3 August 1859 — Political. [ARTICLE]

Political.

SIGNIFICANT SPEECH OF A SOUTHEKN HEMOCKATIC IEADEIt. Hon.'A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, recently addressed a large concourse of his fellowcitizens at Augusta, on the occasion of his retiring from public life. The Agusta Constitutionalist gives a summary of his remarks. Mr. Stephens was the leader, on the Democratic side of the House, in the last Congress. He is one of their ablest men, and belongs to the more moderate and conservative school of Southern statesmen. His speech gathers significance and importance from the circumstance that it undoubtedly presents substantially, the platform upon which the nominees of the Charleston Convention will be placed, and between which and those of the Republican party, the people of the United States will have to determine at the next Presidential election. As one of the most important political documents of the day, we transfer so much of it as relates to general politics to our columns: THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS FOUR SLAVE states secured. “He alludes to his connection with the annexation of Texas—one of the most momentous questions, and the first which he had ever met with. It was a fiery ordeal, for he then stood in opposition to his friends; but a sense of duty impelled him to adopt the course he did. The secret history of this subject has never been written. The annexation of Texas secured four slave States to the Union. Without claiming any honor for himself, he stated that the resolutions that passed the Senate, were drawn up by himself and Brown, of Tennessee; and that Air. Calhoun and Tyler never saw them tilj they were in print. In 1850 Mr. Hale asked Daniel Webster, the great constitutional expounder, whether he thought it was constitutional to admit territory, with a guarantee of four slave States, into the Union? Mr. Webster replied, ‘I do!’ This was one of th* most gratifying events of his life. In six years, notwithstanding the disagreement and difficulties through which he has passed, he lived to see the ablest expounder admit, ting, in the face of the world, that the act of admission was constitutional—and now men of all parties and creeds agree that it was right. EXTENSION OF SLAVERY THE SOUTH VICTORIOUS, “A great and fearful crisis arose—that was the question of the power of Congress over Territories —whether new slave States

should be admitted; or whether the South should never expand or enlarge; whether our institutions should be starved out; whether the South should submit to degradation. He would not give the history of those times, but simply say, in regard to the part he took, it is past—what he did is done—but whether right or wrong, the record is made up. The South is successful. She asked nothing wrong from the North and got only what was right.” FOR THE UNION ONLY SO LONG AS THE SOUTH TRIUMPHS. “He was perfectly willing to remain in the Union; but simply said stay the hand of oppression. As much as he loved and admired the Union, if the South was to be hemmed and hedged in, he was for resistance; sooner than submit to pratical or theoretical questions of wrong, he was for resistance. He believed truth would triumph; all the South wants is decision, union, patriotism; he believed in the power and omnipotence of truth and would ask for nothing wrong. The great principle to he carried out is expansion— the right of the people of the South to go to the Territories with their slave property, protected by the constitution on a platform of equal rights.” WHAT VICTORIES THE SOUTH HAS GAINED SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. “The question was fully settled as a principle, that Qongress should make no discrimination in regard to sectional rights in the territories; but that the people of each territory, when about to form a Constitution as a State, should decide for themselves whether they should come into the Union as a free or slave State. “The Missouri Compromise doctrine, the Texas doctrine, the Territorial doctrine of Rufus King in 1817, have all been abandoned. In the admission of this principle, it was not a triumph of the South, but a triumph of justice, truth and right. The settlement was fully up to the demands of the SouthShe never asked but for what is right. The principle is now settled that Congress shall abstain from all legislation on the subject, of slavery in the Territories, whether as to the North or the South—and the Territories are now open to all sections, and have the privilege of adopting slavery or not, as the people may choose when they come to form a constitution.” HE IS FOR A SLAVE CODE. “These measures, however, did not go as he wished; he would have Congress to giveprotection to slave property in the public domain as long as it remained in a Territorial condition. “A*majority at the South differed with him—not more than twenty-five men in Congress agreed with him—but he finally yielded to the doctrine of non-intervention, because it was not aggressive; and because it procured for all practical purposes what we wanted. If climate and soil do not favor slavery, it will not go into the Territories.” ABOUT THE DRED SCOTT DECISION. “Fates of empires have been settled by abstract questions. The Dred Scott decision was only in regard to one slave; but it contained an abstract question of great importance. Mr. Stephens cited several law cases where the interests immediately at stake were small, but wherein great abstract principles were constrained,and asked where would have been the Dred Scott decision, but for the debate in Congress. Let no man place too light an estimate upon theoretical questions. He cited our own revolution, which, as Mr. Webster says, was ‘fought upon a preamble.’ ” Vr • MORE SLAVE STATES. “Mr. Stephens repeated that he had endeavored to discharge his duties faithfully. The settlement of the questions to which he had alluded was a practical good, if we are but true to ourselves; the settlement was affirmed by the judiciary as well as the executive; and we can divide Texas into five slave States and yet Chihuahua, Sonora* dpc., if ive have the slave population. He had been asked, what are the prospects for the future; what is to become of the anti-slavery sentiment at the North, and whether slavery is as secure as it was! As he said in 1850, he would repeat now—there is very little propect of the South settling any territory outside of Texas, in fact, little or no prospect at all, unless we increase our African stock.” SHALL THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE BE REOPENED! “This question his hearers should examine in its length and breadth; he would do nothing more than present it; but it is as plain as anything, that unless the number of African, stock be increased, we have not 1 ho population and might as well abandon the race with our brethren of the North in the colonization of the Territories. It was not for him to advise on these questions, he only presented them; the people should think and act upon

them. If there are but few more slave States, it is not because of Abolitionism or Wilmot Proviso, but simply for the want of people to settle them. Cannot make States without people; rivers and mountains do not make them; and slave States cannot be made without Africans. lam not telling you, said he, to do it, bu'. it is a serious question concerning our political and domestic policy ; and we do not want voters and deciaimers so much rs thinkers and reasoners. It is useless to wage war about abstract rights, or to quarrel and accuse each other of unsoundness, unless we get more Africans.” THE SLAVERY SENTIMENT STRENGTHENED. “Many asked him what he thought of public sentiment on this question! He would reply, that the institution of slavery is now stronger than it was sixteen years ago, when he entered Congress. Nothing improved like it—and it is now fixed firm and secure in its position.” MR. STEPHENS BELIEVES IN A HIGHER LAW. “In his judgment, ours is the only government consistent with nature. He did not agree with some as to the manner of meeting our opponents; while many persons were offended and astonished at the higher law doctrine of Seward, he believed himself in a higher law. He believed in a higher law of the Creator, and the Constitution must sustain and rest upon this higher law. The opponents of slavery were endeavoring to make things equal (black and white people) which the Creator had made unequal. Our opponents, then, are warring against a principle, while we are warring for it.” NEGRO SLAVERY ONCE OPPOSED BY ALL THE PUBLIC MEN OF THE SOUTH, BUT NOT UNDERSTOOD BY THEM. “Negro slavery is but in its infancy—it is a mere problem in our government; our fathers didn’t understand it. I grant that all the public men of the South were once against it; but they didn’t understand it. It is for us to meet questions with the firmness which they did. The problem is not yet solved. Ours not only is the best, but the only government founded upon the principles of nature. Aristotle and other ancient philosophers had failed in their theories of government. Gradation is seen in everything in nature—in the flowery world, from the japonica down to the violet, in the vegetal)e kingdom, in the stars, and even in men. All government comes from the Creator. Statesmen never looked to this principle of gradation, but our government is the only one founded on it; and our policy, our institutions, and African slavery is founded on it. It is for us to inquire into the great mysteries of nature; and it is most foolish to attempt to make things better than God made them. [Applause.] “Statesmen and private men should take things as God founded . them; making the greatest amount of happiness out of the elements which we possess. We ought to increase and expand our institutions. If they do not increase the amount of happiness to all—black and white—they then ought to be abandoned. lie repudiated the doctrine Of the greatest happiness to the greatest number. One hundred persons have no right to have happiness at the expense and injury of ninetynine. If slavery is not the best for the African, and doesn’t increase his happiness, it ought tobe abandoned. If it does, then our institutions are founded in nature —we are fulfilling our destiny and we should stand upon this higher law. He would’nt support a Constitution that was inconsl“ ten t with this higher law of nature. And until the ‘leopard can change his spots or the Ethiopean his skin,’ don’t tell me, said he, that it is unlawful to hold slaves.” HOW SLAVERY HAS SPREAD UNDER DEMOCRATIC RULE. WHEREVER ITS NATIO NAL BANNER FLOATS THERE IS SLAVERY. When he entered Congress, the Missouri Comp-omise excluded slavery from the Territories; now, it is not excluded from a portion of land over which floats our national flag. “He alluded to the anti-slavery sentiment which prevailed in Virginia in the early days of the Commonwealth; and argued that it is useless to war against the progress of events. Every restriction has been taken off of slavery; a fugitive slave law has been granted. There are more men at the North to-day, who believe in the social and moral condition of slavery, than when he went to Congress. Wilberforce’s theory has failed; Carlyle has repudiated his abolition doctrines; and even the London Times has partially kept up with him in his opinions. Freedom for the negro has been tried in the West India Islands, and failed, and the defect is now attempted to be remedied by the introduction of Chinese coolies, under tfio title of ‘apprentices.’ They had better resort to the original state of things.

THE UNION, MEXICO, CENTRAL AMERICA AN'f) CUBA. “All, he continued, depends upon our slaves, for the future. With our constitutional rights, and with the present principles and policy, in his judgment, we are just as safe, and even safer than weever were. We must remain united; if we are ever divided, our day of doom will surely come. All nationq.when they cease to grow begin to die; we should then endeavor to expand and grow. Central America, Mexico, are all open to us. He does not believe that the country is large enough; but believes that a diversity of interests will strengthen lhe government better than if all were homogeneous. He looks forward in the future to the acquisition of Cuba; but was never in favor of paying Spain much for it—not more than one or two millions of dollars. “If Cuba wants to come into the Union, he would not ask Spain; but would be in favor of repealing the neutrality laws, so as to give our people a chance to help her in her wish. “He saw no reason why we should pay thirty millions for it; we have already spent seven millions in preventing Americans from going to Cuba—and he wants the United States to quit holding the Spain skins it. (Cries of go on, go"on,) “The best time to quit, resumed the speaker, is when nobody wants you to quit.” HIS OWN PAST AND FUTURE. “He would now take his last farewell leave. My race is done, said he, my career is ended—wheth r for good or for evil, the record has been made up. He had endeavored to discharge his trust to the best of his ability. He does not quit the service of his constituents from discontent; for he is perfectly satisfied if they. are 9. He would not change a single act of his past life, and was perfectly willing that bis public acts should be squared by the rule of the Grecian statesman: ‘On all occasions a public man should act not only as if he thought, the act was the best that could be, but as if it was the very best that could be done. o “ lie could not say that he would never hold office under any emergency; for that would be insolent; but if any great emergency should arise, even if it were necessary to shoulder his musket in defence of his country—though he could not do much in that way—yet he would hold himself ready to obey the call of his country.” (Xz’The Rev. William Williams was for forty-six years pastor in Northampton Mass. His son Solomon was for fifty years pastor in Lebanon; Eliphalet, the son of Solomon, was for more than fifty years pastor in East Hartford; and Soloman, the son of Eliphalet, preached in Northampton for upwards of fifty years. Here are father, son, grandson and great-grandson, each pastors for upwards of fifty years of their respective churches, and two of them of the same church. 0O”Hon. John Bell writes to his political friends in Washington, that the Opposition will carry Tennessee in a whirlwind of enthusiasm. Nothing like it has been known since the r '>.mous Harrison campaign of 1840. It is expected Netherland will be elected Governor by from five to ten thousand majority, and that the opponents of the Democracy will return eight of the eleven members of Congress. This cheering intelligence inspires corresponding hopes relative to the canvass in Kentucky. A Deserted City.—The Washington city papers report a perfect stampede from the capital, and if we can judge from the editorial paragraphs, the ‘city of magnificent distances” is now a deserted village.” All the foreign ministers have gone to the watering places; the fashionables are scattered oyer the country; the politicions are recuperating their energies for new trials; and there is nothing left to waken the echoes of Pennsylvania Avenue but jaded clerks and humble citizens. (Jty-The most distinguished man living in Christendom, probably, in his line of business, is one Johannes Schlottenbeck, aged 68, living at Markheidenfelt, Bavaria, who is the father of 36 children, half boys and half girls. It has taken three mothers to raise this abundant family, the last of whom, still living, has given birth to 18 of the children. is a man exhibiting at Lexington, Kentucky, called the leather man, who amuses the crowd by thrusting knives through the calves of his logs and his cheeks, and nailing his feet to the floor. He pretends to make himself insensible by galvanic rings hung around his body. (fcJrls it unjust for a musquito, after singing to you, to present a small bill-l