Rensselaer Gazette, Volume 2, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 27 October 1858 — Page 1

C|e J&tnjstlatr (Siqtitt It PUBLISHED AT RENSSELAER Every Wednesday Morning, ■ T D. r. DAVIES. OJCo* »• Fowler Building, on Main Street, up etaire. T E RMS. Single subscription, per year, in advance,. $1 50 Within six months ~ y] Within the year.... 2 b tJ"No paper discontinued until all arrears are paid, except at the option of the Publisher.

BUSINESS CARDS. PIKDIE, BHOWX A: co., WHOUIALI DXALtm IN Dry Goods, Fancy Goods, MOTIONS, HATS, BONNETS, &C. : No. 10 Purdue's Block, Lafayette, Indiana. Invite attention to their New Stock. J. V. I’AKKISOX, JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, Barkley Township, Jasper Co., Ind. Will act as agent in collecting debts in Barkley and adjoining townships. 5-ts HARDING &. PEACOCK, DEALERS Drugs, Medicines, Paints, Oils, DYESTUFFS, PERFUMERIES, POTI M EDICINE9, BOOKS, PAPER, Aad all kinds of Sfntion.ry, Ac. DAVID SNYDEU, Attorney at Law, 52 RENSSELAER, IND. _ W.VI. S. HOPKINS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Kcnaiolaer, Ind. • Will promptly attend to collections, puyment. of taxes. Sale of real estate, and other business ealrasted to His care, with promptness and dispatch. 52 JOSEPH G. CRAKE, Attorney at Law, RENSSELAER, 4N-ly Jasper County, Ind SYLVESTER MOOT, Notary Public, WHITE’S GROVE, f Jni»j»rr Comrty, Ind. T*. O. addreew, Iroquois. 111. 10-Iy vr. ft. LIE. •- w. BriTI.KR. LEE & rriTLEK, Attorneys at Law. OFTICK., KKXT DOOM TO I.* Ituk's STONE BCILDINC, KEKSSELAkK. IND. Will practice in the Circuit and inferior Courts of the Twelfth Judicial District. Also, in the Fnprc.me and District Courts of Indiaim. «p2!t a. m. mu.rot. i.. *. coi.r. HILKOV A COLE, Attorneys at Law, NOTARIES PUBLIC, And Agents for the Siil< of Real • Estate, Payment of Taxes, Ac., & ApS» •KF.XSSBL.AER, IND. edwix n. iiammoml Attorney at Law AND NOTARY PUBLIC. Will practice in the Courts of Jasper raid adjoining counties. Particular attention given to. the securing ami collecting o.f de-bta, Ao the sale of real estate.-and to nil other business intrusted to his care. Office in the room in the north-west corner of the Court House, Rensselaer, Ind. N. B.—He will be assisted during the terms of The Courts by A. A Hammond, of Indianapolis-. 8-ly -- -■ “—■ —; THOS. M COT. ALTKKD M cor. GKO. M COT. THOS. McCOY A SONS, Bankers and Exchange Brokers, BUY AND SELL COIN AND EXCHANGE. Cwl lee tiom Mad. on ull Available Point,. WILL FAY INTEREST OS SPECIFIED TIME DEPOSITS. Negotiate Loans, and do a General Banking Business. Office hours, from 9 A.M. to 4P. M. ap29 i W. H. MARTIN, M. D., HAVING removed to his residence adjoining >■ the town of Rensselaer, offers his proses- | sional services to the citizens thereof and vicini- i ty. Dr. Martin has been actively engaged in the ; practice of HEDIDINE AND SCKGEHY For twenty-three years in Rushville, Rush Co.,| Ind.; and as there are many residents in Jasper ■ who were formerly citizens of that county, he i would refer those interested in so doing to them. . 8-lr _ OK. W. W. lIKKFOItD, Eclectic Physician and Uroscopian, T3ETURNS his sincere thanks to the citizens Rensselaer and the surrounding country for their past liberal patronage, and hopes, byprompt attention to his profession, to merit and j receive a continuation of the same. He will be I found at the old office, ready to attend to all calls in the practice of Medicine, Obstetrics, &c., nt all hours, when not actually absent professionally. Chronic diseases of all grades especially attended to. Medicines prepared and constantly kept on hand for the core of Coughs, Colds and Diseases of the Langs; Ague, Liver Coinplaint, Diarrhea, Rheumatism, Ac. 44-ly REMOVAL. «. M. BOWMAN, TAILOR AND CUTTER, BEGS to inform his old friends and cu»- v >s tomers Chat he has removed his place of JFI business 1 - to the building next door enst of IRg ■ Laßi**, Boys A Lnßue’s store, where he hopes to receive a sont I nuance of I that support he has enjoyad for the last seven years, mid which it will be his constant study to deserve. 7-ly «S* DOCTOM G. A. MOSS, >F*» WrssS.fws/ssrs eeetef l.eKeeC A DMTMMn.AD«,,JDA

The Rensselaer Gazette.

D. F. DAVIES, Editor & Proprietor.

——- ■” " - . ■ • t -• •* ' __z - Jfamilg journal, ■Othtcb to foreign anb gomsfic llttos, Jitcrdnrc, politics nnb

VOL. 2.

[Published by Request.] ANSWEH TO SIX MONTHS AGO. BY JULIAA verdant youth came to our house one day, Some twenty years old or so, And tried to win my love, Some six months ago. The pallid cheek, the sunken eye, The hair of flaxen hue— But they failed to set my heart übluze, Some six months ago. He spoke! His questions did Of foolhardiness and folly show; And thus Bybon talked, Some six months ago. Why should usfeupleton like him Aly heart in tumult throw? I thought he was very yreen, Some six months ago. I've not met the simpleton since, For he had no charms for me; His foolhardiness and folly are the same As six months : 'go. 1 look upon his image, But my feelings do not glow; | And I thunk heaven I gave not my love, Sofne six months ago. Laporte, Oct. is, IS.'>S.

Mliscrlkuicous. Speech of Hon. Carl Schurz, 1 Delivered at Chicago, Sept. 28, 1858. ; [The following is the concluding portion of the great speech delivered at. Chicago by Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin, the gallant and learned German Revolutionist of 1848, who came to this country to escape tne tyranny ■of his F athcr la nd :] Look at the Constitution of the United States. Its words are the same for Air. Gerrit Smith of New York and for Mr. Hammond of South Carolina. But how does it happen that these gentlemen understand its meaning so dilierently? How does it happen* that the same words which signify liberty to Gerrit Smith signify slavery to Hammond: It is because their stand-points from which they judge it are different. The one locks at it Irom the hills-oT free New York: and the other from the miry soil of n South Carolina cotton-field. The antagonism between liberty and slavery has drawn in its whirl the current of human thought slid the reasoning faculties of the human mind. But if such is the case, even with the Federal Constitution, of which Aladison said that it should contain nothing which might remind coming generations that such an abomination as slavery ever existed in this Republic, what will be the fate of such measures, which ate nothing but a new embodiment of the old contradiction and antagenism between Democracy and slavery! As soon as such a measure is enacted, both principles and both sections of the country representing them w'ill seize upon it and try to monopolize its construction, and what is construed to mean liberty here will be construed'tc mean slavery there; and this is natural, for to~the slaveholder the principal meaning of liberty- is that man shall have right to hold Jiis fcllqw-man as property. (Cheers.) Was it not so with the Kansas-Nebraska bill! No sooner was that measure passed by Congress than the slaveholding!interest succeeded in monopolizing its construction; while our poor Democrats in the Northern States were descanting on the beauties of Territorial self-government, the South put down squatter sovereignty with a sneer, and all that remayied of the “great principle” was, that the slaveholders acquired the absolute right to hold their slaves as property in all the Territories of the United States, “by virtue of the Federal Constitution.” [Cheers.] Wiiat -means the Nebraska bill now! Ab! look at Mr. Douglas himself, how he - is fluttering between the Northern and Southern construction of l his “great principle;” how that happy father is hardly able to tell his own child, which is white today and black to-morrow; [great laughter and applause;] how he bows to the Dred Scott decision with his facg toward Charleston, and then_to Territorial squatter sovereignty with his face toward Springfield. [Cheers.] Look at that disgusting, pitiable exhibition of a man who boasts of his greatness as n statesman, with the thundering voice of a brass cannon, and who is shortsighted enough not to see that he, like a boy, has fallen into the meshes of that eternal contradiction from which his pettifogging sophistries will never extricate him. [Thundering applause.] Sueh has been the fate of squatter sovereignty and of the man who invented it; and such will be the fate of all rheasures which, at the same time, concede to slavery the right, to spread and liberty the right to re-

RENSSELAER, JASPER fOEMY, IND., WEDNESDAY. OCTOEER 27. 1858.

,it. So long as our national laws countenance slavery in any way, beyond that measure of right which it derives from the local legislation of the States in which it exists, the contradiction in otir institutions will be the same, the agitation and war will be the same, and no compromise, and no mock popular sovereignty will allay the struggle. It will be repeated oyer and over again as often and wherever slaveiy has the slightest chance to intrude. All such measures, which embody both of the antagonistic principles, are like a railroad train to which two locomotives have been attached, one at each end. The. name of one is Liberty, the name of the other Slavery. If the two loinotives pull in different directions, what will be the consequence? Either the superior power of one will pull the train, togethi er with the other locomotive; in -its direction, or, the strength of both being equal, i will tear the train to pieces. And I teP | you all measures like the Nebraska bill will j be torn to pieces by the different constructions put upon them. NV'iiat else, therefore, is Douglas’ “great principle” but wild delusion! What else is his policy, but a dangerous imposition! It ' speaks of harmony, and yet it preserves the I elements of strile anil conflict. It. speaks of . peace, and yet it keeps alive the elements of i war. Where is its safety!-—where its blessings! {-Cheers.] i There is the same struggle, everywhere, ;at all times. Y’oti must make up your minds ;to fight it ou-frr- Since compromise measures and Mr. Douglas’ “great principle” will not do it, what will! Let us learn from our opponents. The clearest heads of the slaveholding States tell yon openly that slavery ! cannot thrive unless trilowed to expand; and ■ common sense must tell you that the slave | power cannot rule Tinless you -submit to its with cowardly obedience. [Api plause.] Well, then, in the name of all that is good and great, v if slavery cannot -thrive unless it be allowed to expand-—pen it up! [Applause.] If the slave power cannot rule unless you prostrate on your knees—rise! [Renewed cheers and applause.] I know Air. Dougins wilE call this ' a revolutionary doctrine, but let him rememI her that he himself was called a revolutionist, when, by one of the strangest mistakes |"of his life, he opposed the Lecompton Coni stitution. [Cheers.] In order to restrict slavery, you have but to return to the principles which dictated the ordinance of 1787, and which governed the policy of the greatest patriots American history can boast of. In order to throw oft' the yoke of the slave power, you have but hold up your heads as 1 men. [Cheers.] If they will call this . revolutionary, let them call it so. It is the ■ revolutionary spirit .to which this Republic owes its existence. [Applause.] I will not waste your time by demonstrating that the power of Congress to exclude slavery from the. national territory stood, almost above all doubt and question, from the establishment of ibis Republic down to the time when Air. Douglas thought it necessary to invent a great principle of his own. Every school bpy knows it; and even Air. Douglas, who is not very timid in denying settled facts, will hardly deny this. I will call your attention to the probable consequences of this policy, which I am ad- , vocating. It has often been asserted that I a great many of the Southern States would have abolished slavery long ago, if they had ■ not been annoyed by the intrusive efforts of Northern anti-slavery men; and that in case : of an anti-slavery victory in a national campaign, the slaveholdingStates would dissolve the Union at once; and, sir, let me sav, by ! the way, that I do not deem it out of place i here to speak of the emergency of a nationtion.al campaign, for, in my opinion, we are I fighting }be battle of the Union on the soil of Illinois, [cheers,] and a victory here in 1858 means half a victory in the Federal campaign of 18G0. [Tremendous cheers.] Well, what a truth is there in those arguments and threats I’was speaking of! ’ Turn over the pages of . our history down to our present days, and you will find that, as long as the anti-slavery movement in the North 1 was weak, distracted, irresolute, straggling. : as long as Northern mobs put down the ■ champions of human freedom; as long as the i North was more clamorous against Abolitionism than the South herself—the slave- i holder was more overbearing, and the insti- | tution seemed to be more lirmly rooted to the South than ever. But now look at the events of our days; j behold the anti-slavery movement gaining strength, spreading, becoming powerful, ; forming, in solid colums of defense and attack, and then with drums beating and banners proudly flung to the breeze, rushing to a general assault on the very citadel of the slave Democracy—the Federal Government .„

"FREEDOM NATIONAL—SLAVERY SECTIONAL."

What are the effects now l Turn your faces j southward, see and listen! In the very heart of the slave States the voice of freedom begins to be heard! South Carolina trembles at the detection of the Abolitionists among the professors of her colleges! The warin soil of North Carolina bears crops of fiery anti-slavery' books! See daring leaders putting themselves at the head of non-slaveholding whites, and bidding defiance to the oligarchy! See a free-labor colony driving its wedge into the very heart o! the Old Dominion! Ave, in spite of the election frauds and ballot-box stuffing. a[l 1 , the bells of St. Louis are pealing the tocsin |ef emancipation, [foud cheers,] and before long the whole State of Missouri will respond with a triumphant, echo! [Applause:] I tell you, the heroic youths in the fiery furnace of slavery are chanting th-e| praise of I freedom with fearless voices, for they have heard the wings of the angel of liberty rustling in the thunder-cloud of the Northern horizon! [Long and continued applause.] See here, the first earnest and powerful display of anti-slavery sentiment in the North; and there, right consequent upon it, the first bold effort of the anti-slavery elements in the South! Is this merely accidental! No! The emancipation movement in Missouri, and the tree-labor colony in Virginia,, are the first-born children of the Fremont, campaign. [Applause.] Courage and energy here will inspire them with boldness there. Had tire North acted manfully thirty years ago, Alis-onri, Kentucky, Virginia, Delaware and Alnrytahd would perfiaps be free States now. And now let us hear no more of the fanatics of the North disturbing the poor slaveholders in their meek phi (anthropic intentions. [Cheers.] j Such, sir, have been some of-the effects of a great anti-slavery campaign, in which we i have been unsuccessful. Such have been , the effects of a glorious de which was j merely a demonstration of strength. Now I ask the most sober-minded man among you, what would be the effect of a great an-ti-slavery victory? I will undertake to an- [ swer. Give us a few years more of firm, cheerful and successful co-operation among toe anti-slavery elements of the North, anil a few years more of strong encouragement and moral support to the anti-slayery elei ments of the South, anil then a victory in a Federal campaign, and who of the slave- ! holding aristocracy will dare to raise his ■ hand against the result! [Cheers.] I tel) i you, then, the South will have to fight the Scuth before any of the States can seriously think of secession. [Great cheering.] Dissolution of the Union! Bah! Our j Northern babies have been frightened to bed 'often enough by this silly bugbear. [Applause.] I have often tyondered how anv fNorthern man could repeat that stale threat without feeling the blush of shame rising to his cheeks, he felt his swaddling ‘clothes fluttering around his limbs. [Great cheers.] Is it so difficult to understand the i bellicose humor of the South! When a coward falls in with a greater coward than I . . ■” he, or with a man that is even dead, he js very apt to assume the attitude of a hero. The history of the world shows few examples of more outspoken bravery than John FalstafT’s, when he found Percy Hotspur dead as a mouse on thcifield of battle. [Applause anil laughter.] But let Percy move] one of his toes, and you will see Sir John taking to his legs. [Continued laughter and cheers.] As long as the North was as tame as a chicken, the South was as overbearing as a bull-dog. But things have changed since. The North ..begins to understand the [iolicy. Si vis pacem para ,I><4lum! (in good Anglo-Saxon, to impudent fellows show vour teeth!) and you will seethe. • » result. [(.Treat cheers.] The history of the last four years, and especially that of the Kansas struggle, has shown the mighty Genetals and Colonels of., the South two great things; first, that the : North can and will unite against the progress of slavery, and that some of slave States are becoming unreliable; second, that the Yankees will fight! [Cheers] Aye, that the descendants of those men who fought in 1776 will fight now and again! [Applause.] And further, that there is a! solid column of German and Scandinavian anti-slavery men here, who know how to handle a musket, and will fight, too! [Repeated cheers.] Let them come on. then, the bragging cavaliers of the South! The Northern roundheads stand just ready for them! [Thundering applause.] Culm your warlike enthusiasm—they will not come. The first attempt at a forcible dissolution of the Union will show them the madness of the undertaking. And besides this, slavery inspires its devotees neither with true enthusiasm nor with true courage. They may , and’vrill be brave men, when fighting for a

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good cause, but slavery will strip them of true moral bravery. They affect to defy the world in arms, but the silliest rumor of a slave conspiracy plunges them into the most ridiculous paroxysms of fear. Swaggering ostentation and paltroonery, fury ajid despair, are often found as close bed-fellows. [Cheers.] What will the South do, then, after the success of this policy! I do not say, "sir, that the slaveholders will at once submit cheerfully and gracefully. They will certainly give their lungs a hearty exercise in

the finest figures of speech, and in the most brilliant exclamations. They will predict fearful things, although they will not be over nice concerning the time when these fearful things are going to happen. [Laughter, and cheers.] But, afterftwhile they will stop and listen to what the North may have to say—at first disdainfully, and wrapping themselves up in the majesty of outraged dignity, but presently with greater calmness and consideration. Suppose, then, the North were to speak to them as follows; Friends, we Jove and esteem you as citizens of a common country. As citizens, you enjoy every right we enjoy, and whatever le-' gitirnate ambition you entertain, there is an open field for it in this our common Republic. But, as we claim no privileges for ourselves, we are unwilling to concede any to others. If you want to curb our necks under the yoke of your peculiar notions; if you i want to adapt the laws of the land to the ! sole purpose of the protection of the slaveholding interest; if you make any pretensions or claim any superiority as a slavebolding aristocracy, you will expose yourselves to grievous disappointment. There ; is a solid phalanx arrayed against the arrogations of slavery beyond the limits which the Constitution and history have assigned it. Now, this is your choice: Either govern this Republic with us, as citizens on perfect equal terms; or, as a slaveholding aristocracy, submit to the doom of a hopeless minority. Here is strife and disappointment; there is peace and prosperity—choose. [Cheers ] Do you not think that such words will make them stop and consider—such words, accompanied, perhaps, by the sullen thunder of an earthquake beneath their very : feet? They will certainly not abolish 'Slavery at once. They will not suddenly ! cast off that singular chain of which has bound them to the old order of things. For do not forget that interest is with them not the only, and perhaps not even the most powerful advocate of slavery. It cannot have escaped you that the slavery question is with them a question of aristocratic pride, I that they look down upon the plebians of the North with a certain contempt, and want to rule the governments of their States and the Federal Government also, not as mere • citizens, but as slaveholders. It is the pride of an aristocracy, the,-ambition of a caste. Against these, mere arguments is no available weapon. Vain pride and ambition are fed and grow upon concessions, and there is nothing that will disarm them but the evi- ! dent impossibility of their gratification. When slaveholders see their aristocratic I pretensions put down by firm majorities, and I when they can no longer escape the convic- i tion, that their aspirations to rule the conn- j try as slaveholders meet with universal con- ; tempt, they will be no more apt to listen to i the voice of reason, which, at the safne time, is the voice of their true interest. : p ’ After the blinding influence of those ruling passions has been paralyzed by irrevocable events, then, and not till then, will the true moral and economical merits, of Slavery be fairly investigated nnd thoroughly under--1 stood in the slaveholding States. Discover-

ing that they are an isolated anomally in the wide world, the slaveholders will endeavor to conform their condition to the spirit of the age. Discovering that there are other more productive and far more honorable sources of wealth t' an laziness feeding upon slave labor, they will sacrifice old prejudices to a new spirit of enterprise, and repeated trials will produce substitutes for slave labor where hitherto the latter has been deemed indispensable. Whatever depravity the system of .slavery may have entailed upon its devotees, the people of the South are neither devoid of noble impulses nor of the elements of common sense. Rather titan be thriftless aristocrats, they will enddavur to become industrious, wealthy and free plebians. I Rather than kill their time in mourning' over the ruins of departed gjory, they will | try to found new fortunes on a new order of i things. And the non-slaveholding whites, I now a degraded class of beings, will speedily ■ rise to the rank of active citizens, carried forward by a general progressive movement. No doubt, alavory will linger a long time in

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NO. 28.

I . - - ■ i — • - the c-'tton and rice growing States. But, : even there, you will see statesmen at the head of affairs who, abandoning old pretensions, will rather apologize for its continued existence, than boastingly parade it as the fundamental principle of Democratic institutions. [Applause.] And at lust that thick fog of prejudice will pass away, which heretofore has veiled from their eves the sun of true Democracy. They will,as if awakening from a dark-dream, admire with j astonishment the life-spreading warmth of its beams, and the glorious puritv of its

light. [Great cheers.] And at the same time, when slavery iceases to be a power, it will cease to exercise its demoralizing influence upon our national policy. No anti-Democratic tendency will any longer rule the Government 'of this country. The people will nd longer be distracted and confused by the conflict of antagonistic principles. Our influence with foreign nations will rise in the same measure as they have reason to believe in the sincerity of our Democratic professions. The policy of our political parties will no I longer be determined by a sectional minority, and the most venal of our politicians no longer sell themselves to nn anti-democratic interest, which has ceased to be a ruling power. [Cheers.] . This state of things will, according to my profound conviction, be the consequence of a consistent and successful anti-slavery pol- : icy. It will stop extravagant and unwarrantable claims without interfering with constitutional right. It will respect the sovereignty of the States,.but it will enforce it in favor of freedom also. It will not try to abolish slavery in the States by Congressional interference or by the force of arm«. But it will give strong encouragement and ! moral support to progressive reforms within I them, and will sap the roots of the instituI tion by reducing it to live on its own merit*. It will not endanger the safety of the Union, but it will perpetuate it by strengthening its true foundations. [Applause.] I love this Union, and no man can be more opposed to its dissolution; not a» though the free North could not do without I its bankrupt partn t. but because I think that the connection of the slave Stat *s with the free North is the only thing which prevents - the former from entirely losing the last remnant of democratic spirit and from abandoning themselves without restraint to the current of a despotic tendency. [Cheers.] Let our opponents fryt and threaten, I fear nothing. The question, how the Union, can be preserved, inav indeed seem a difficult one to them. But. did they ever consider how infinitely more difficult is the question how they will dissolve it! And yet there is one great ami real danger to the Union; it is, that bv abandoning the great principles of the Revolution it. might miss the very aims and ends' for which it has been instituted. [Cheers.] It is not without a.profound meaning that, the several States of this Union are represented by stars on the national'banner. As ; in our solar system on high, the great cenj tral sun keeps"the planets in their several i orbits in sublime and eternal order, so in the ■ solar system of our Union the stars of the I States move around a central sun of pun* : light and irresistible attraction. The ceni tral sun is true Democratic Liberty. A« ; long as that stands firm and unshaken, it* whole sphere will move in serene glorv. But take that tfway, annihilate that great center of attraction, and where hitherto has been the sublime order of a planetary system, there chaotic confusion will reign supreme, and the fondest hopes of the world will perish in destructive concussions. [Long and continued applause.]

0O”A fat man enters the following grievance: “I am a fat man and require room. I had to travel by dilligence from Flacon in France. I sent the rascally gar con from the hotel to book two places for me, and paid for them. When I came to the office to take my place. I found tliey had booked one seat inside and one out!" Mr. Richard, how does my son get along with his grammar lesson!” “He surpasses any pupil that ever I had.” ’‘ln what does he cliieffv excel, sir!” ".In stupidity sir. He surpasses any hoy that ever I saw in that quality, sir." politicians have thrown me overboard,’’ said a disapointed politician, “but 1 have strength enough to swim to the other side." is mine, even to my life, is here I love; but the •ecret of my friend is not mine.