Rensselaer Gazette, Volume 2, Number 22, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 22 September 1858 — Page 2

THE RENSSELAER GAZETTE. RENSSELAER, IND. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1858.

THE REPUBLICAN TICKET.

For Congress, SCHUYLER COLFAX, Of St. Joseph. General, WILLIAM T. OTTO, 'a of Floyd. Treasurer of State, JOHN IL HARPER, of St. Joseph. Auditor of State, ALBERT LANGE, of Vigo. • Secretary of State. ; WILLIAM PEELE, of Randolph. Superintendent of Public Instruction, JOHN YOU'NG, of Marion. L'or Supreme Judges. . FIRST - IirSTRICT, HORACE P. BIDDLE, of Cass. SECOND DISTRICT, ' ABRAM W. HENDRICKS, of Jqfferspn. • THIRD DISTRICT. ‘ SIMON YAN DES, of Marion. fourth i>. strict. 1 WM. D. GRISWOLD, of Vigo. For State Senator. DAVID TURNER. Of Lake county. For Representative, ROBERT PARKER, of Jasper.,For Treasurer. EZRA WRIGHT. For Sheriff, W. J. WRIGHT. Foe Commissoner, JOHN LYONS. \ For Surveyor, J. D. HOPKINS. For' Coroner, THOMAS PEACOCK.

SLAVE AND EHEE STATES.

. Modern Democracy requires but FORTY THOUSAND inhabitants to make a Slave State, but it takes NINETY-THREE THOUSAND to make a Free State; org<j, one Pro-sla-vertf man is as good as two FreeState melt a id one third! Qff7=So long as'God allows the vital current to flow through my veins, I will never, ne.ver, NEVER, by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in.admitting one rood of free territory to the everlasting curse of human bondage.—HenJry Clay.

Grand Rally!

I<El»< BEICAN MASK MEETINU. We. have the pleasure to announce to the people of Jasper county that the gallant Colonel HENRY S. LANE will address them at Rensselaer On Wednesday , October 6, at one o’clock P. M. Indiana has no superior speaker to Colonel Lane as a stump speaker. Colonel Lane was President of the Naitional Republican Convention at Philadelphia two years ago, and made his mark among that distinguished body as effectually as he has at home. Let the people turn out and welc«mc the old hero to our midst. . “ N OTy-Mainc has just held her election, and enery Congressmen elected is a Republican. (E5~We have a piece of the Atlantic Cable, which every one is invited to come ‘ and see.: Off/"Dred Sco'tt died in St. Louis last Friday night. The Dred-Scott-Lecompton party will die on the 2d Tuesday in October. OffT’Pleasant Massey will accept our thanks for a couple of quarts ot splendid Chinese'sirup. . <)! Massey, how Pleasant! off7“Mr. McCarthy has at last received the necessary papers to constitute him postmaster at this place. We wish him success, and believe he vyill so conduct himself as to merit the approbation of the community. Qff7”The editofffs again at his post. We have, no apology to make for deserting the Gazette, for it has been ably conducted during our absence by Messrs. Milroy & Cole, for which those gentlemen will please accept our thanks and those of our readers. Off/’ The Circuit Court’ adjourns to-day, in consequence of the indisposition of Judge Test. An adjourned session will be held in December. Some half a dozen criminal cases were tried, in which all tlie prisoners were acquitted.

JESSE BOYS.

It is with-'sorrow that we announce the death of our esteemed young friend, Jesse Boysr lie died yesterday afterudon, after a protracted and painful illness, which he bore with patience and resignation. Opr county contains, not a better or more worthy young man than was Jesse Boys, and his friends will drop a tear when they hear of his death.

WHERE THEY STAND.

The bogus-Democracy of this vicinity are very loud in their denials that the Democratic party, as a party, are in favor of the principle of the Green-English bill. It is no uncommon thing for them to protest long and loud that the Democratic party, by its members in Congress, will vote for the admission of Kansas as-soon as she presents herself with another constitution, even though she may not have the ninety-three thousand inhabitants, and though that bill says that she must remain out of the Union until she has more tham twice as great a population as when they to a man voted for her admission as a slave State. But hear what Henry S'. Fitch says upon this point. lii a speech delivered at a convention of the “unterrified,” held at Springfield, 111., on i Tuesday the 7th inst., he says: ! “Is it true, gentlemen, on the other hand, i that that one point has been settled! Is it ; improbable that Kansas will present another ' petition for redress of grievances;; in the form of a Topeka constitution! in which ; event the very gist of the Conference Bill will be brought in play.” “The/provisions of that bill will prohibit her admission until she obtain the ratio of representation heretofore required in tvferv other State. The present Administration, and the entire Demoeraliafparlif of all tlie Slates, stand pledged to maintain those provisions. Thjcre will then arise another conflict between the Democracy and the Abolition hordesj-similar .to the one waged last winter.” I his Henry S. Fitch is a son of bogusSenator Fitch of this State, hi nA was appointed to the oflice of United States Attorney for the Northern district of Illinois (which oflice he still holds) by Mr. Buchanan, in return for his ardent devotion to tire ■present bogus-Democratic Administration, or in other words, to the interest of the Slaveocracy. Hefis universally recognized as the leader and champion of the Administration party of that State, and is, to do him a. man- of splendid talents, and one who deserves to stand high in his party, as he does.

Here then is the position of the party, laid down by a man who is in a situation to know whereof he speaks. |vansas is, by . the Democratic party, to be kept out of the Union for. several years to come, for Mo othJ offence than that of preferring freedom to slavery. This.thing has been pointed out | to the people trine and again, hut those who made the exposition were met by the statements that that provision of the English Bill was to-become a dead letter—that notwithstanding the Democracy acquiesced in the Bill; they would, upon the earliest opportunity!, violate its provisions, and Vote ike admit Kansas, even though she had not at, the time! of her application under some other than the Lecompton Constitution, mofe’than forty or fifty thousand 'inhabitants.' But herd Mr. Attorney Fitch has gone and “let the Cat out of the bag.” There is no hope for ijier from that quarter— she must stay out until she has ninety-three thousand inhabitants.it the Democracy can only keep the power, and vain is the attempt of the bogus to gull the masses into the belief tiiat they intend at last to do tardy justice to Kansas, i*>twitlistundingijefu?lr pledges to do her all the injustice, men as Henry q. Fitch avow, the above as the “true intent and meaning” of the party. Let the honest voters of Jasper and Pulaski counties say at the polls in noct October, whether they can indorse this infamous attempt to punish a brave and virtuous people, for-loving, as did our revolutionary fathers, free institutions instead of slavery.

COVERNOR HAMMOND.

Lieutenant. Governor Hammond made a speech at the Court House last Monday afternoon. The house Was comfortably full;’' about two-thirds of those present, however, : were Republican’s. The Governor com- • mended with a lontr tirade against AboliI tionists. In fact, one would think, from the speaker’s earnest abuse of the Abolitionists, (.hat ho fears that Lloyd Garrison and his handfull of followers were about to riiake a descent upon the South, and overwhelm this Union in one common ruin. We have not the space to follow the speaker throughout hiis speech, but will notice a few points ho made. . . | The Governor said there was never an issue Bchyeen the old Whig and Democratic parties on the question of slavery, and . challenged contradiction. Of course no one was foolish enough to contradict this,, for both parties in former days were unexceptionable to the great' mass of the people on the subject of slavery—both resolving to discourage its extension; but he forgot to state that there is an issue betweep< the Democratic party of 1848 and that of 1858. It is well known to our readers that the Democratic party North, ten years ago, was us much opposed to the extension of slavery as the Republican is today. Every Northern State in the Union, except dpwa, instructed their delegates in Congress to vote for the Wilmot Proviso. He'haid lie would as soon go to Indianap- . i olis and reason with a lunatic, as to attempt to reason with an Abolitionist, (meaning a Republican.) Just so —i tis easier to reason a lunatic into a wrong position than to pull the wool over the eyes of .intelligent Re- . publicins?. He charged«Xhe Republicans, with being demagogues, and then exhibited the worst , feature of demagogueism in his own person j

. . • ■ - - - - —■- we have witnessed for some time, by asserting, until he grew’ rod in the face, that no one living in one State had the right tej interfere with the institutions of another—just : as though there were a party in favor of such proceeding. He then went on to make use of that much hackneyed saying, that there is no difference of opinion of -moment between Buchanan and Douglas. The difference, as we understand it, is this: Douglas asserts that a Territorial Legislature haslhe authority, under the principle of squatter sovereignty, to make laws, sustaining slavery if they desire the institution, or to decline making laws to sustain it if they do not desire it—thus allowing it to fall for want of protection; while the Washington Union, the organ of Buchanan, say.-?: “The ..doctrine of popu- . lar sovereignty, as. laid down by the Democratic party in its whole advocacy of the Nebraska-Kansas bill, and in its promulgatiomof its platform of principles at Cincinnati, is, that the people of. a Territory, at the time of forming a Constitution preparatory to admission as a State into the Union, and no[ before, have tliii power to form their domestic institutions in their own way, neither Congress nor other authority h .t ing the power to interfere, then or at any time before, to forestall or control their action.” And yet Governor Hammond flippantly says he “'would not give a fig for the difference between them.” In speaking of the manner the Lecompton Constitution was formed, he admitted that great frauds were'perpetrated, and that that instrument did not "express tint sentiments of the people of Kansas; in fact, he believed that four-fifths of the people, from the beginning down to the present-time were in favor of a free State; but as Lecompton had all. the forms of law. it was valid. “Why,” sard the speaker,“we very’ often elect .men by’ fraud in this country!” We must admit that this is a frank admission to be made by a leader of the ; Democratic party. He said, also, that the people were bound by these frauds, although they do not reflect their will. Infamous! Good argument for a tyrant.

The speaker then went on to deplore the devision in the Democratic party, but consoled himself somewhat by saying that Democrats have the right to differ among themselves, so they don't bolt the ticket. In other words, the only fest bf a man’s Democracy in these latter times, is, that he sticks to the ticket, no matter in what manner nominated. This reminds u? of the. opposition of Mr. Sny.Jer, three years ago, to what he was pleased to term “ Spitler’s kitchen,ticket.” Mr. Snyder was not then a good Democrat. but.he is now taken into their embrace. Let him be careful that it be not the embrace of death. The Governor then made an exceed! n<dy unfair and one-sided statement of the manner our present bogus senators were elected and the.cause of the failure of the collection of the revenue, and ended by making the undignified assertion for a man in his high • position, that if any two Republican Senators had a particle of honesty,-the revenue i laws would have been passed. It comes with a bad grace for the presiding officer of the Senate; to charge the whole opposition, numbering one-half of the body, witliffieing dishonest. We remind the Lieutenant Governor of this in the hope that, he will refrainfrom making like undigiiified remarks I in the future. -- 'rhe Governor closed by making a pathetic appeal to the Democrats to stick to their ticket in voting for members of the Legislature. This was made lor the especial l benefit of Mr. Snyder, and no doubt the I -.gentleman was very much gratified to the [ . Governor lor it. Upon the whole, we think [ that ..Governor Hammoffd makes damaging speeches for his friends.

JOHN L. MILLER, ESQ.

John L. Miller, of Lafayette, spoke at the, C ourt House last Monday evening, in reply , to the remarks of Lieutenant Goveror Ham-] mond in the afternoon. We give below : some of his remarks in a. condensed form. I Mr. Miller was willing to admit, with,Mr Hammond, that the two parties were alike! on the slavery question—each vied in being 1 I most opposed to slavery. Every Northern State, except lowa, instructed’ Representatives in Congress t<* go for the Wiluot proviso. Up to 1850, there was no | between parties on the slavery question, and the only party that has taken issue with them is th.' DemoCratic party of the present day; a party Democratic only in name. Where did Democrats and Whigs stand in 1848, and in 1850! You stood where the Republicans stand now.. .Where did Fitch stand then! He was more ultra than we, are now. We are opposed t<<the extension of slavery—all admit that it is a curse to the country—no man can be Ln favor of the admission of slave States and be opposed to the extension of slavery. He cannot be both, and must be one, if he joins issue with us, and he says that slavery is the only isi sue. I heard n Democratic orator say in 1851, that slavery could not go into Territories without positive law; but now they have changed their tune—lt)re.d Scott-car-carries slavery wherever the Constitution goes. We say that slave labor is calculated [ |to degrade free labor. We love the white man better than the black—let the block j i take care of himself—we do not wish to, | make him our' equal. No Republican ever

contended for such docrine. The Governor speaks of Violation Of the compromise of 1850. Whp violated it! Did the Republican party Violate it! Who repealed the Missouri Compromise, which was made a porton of the Compromise of 1850! The Democrats trampled it under foot, and now the Governor turns round and charges Republicans with violating the Compromise made by Cljay, Cass, and other statesmen. The Republicans only wish to use legal means to prevent the further extension of slavery. If the Democratic and Whig parties in 1858, passed resolutions on slavery as strong as the Renublicahs, those who are not Republicans now hav charged. You all know wh it squatter sovereignty is now; it has completely squatted. (Applause.) Only’ twenty-twb Democratic members in /the House of Representatives sustained it, and finally the number was reduced to - twelve. Dojglas says that Territories, before they became States, can exclude slavery. Tire Oil-Liners say that this cannot be done until they form their State Constitution. I say- to you this evening, that I never before heart! that fraud, known and admitted fraud, was binding on the people. The Governor admitted that four-fifths of the people of Kansas were opposed to Lecompton, yet he ccntends that it is binding. ■ Because; they ilid not vote against it, they must submit to it. Would you vote in the manI nor prescribe!ll, when you cmild vote for it> but not against it. And they say that the Republicans are to blame for it. We have forced slavery from the soil of Kansas—it is' now as safely devoted as any other State; but the Democrats have d me their best to make it'a slave State. Every vote on thd-subject demonstrates it, and now they come forward ami claim freedom in Kansas as a Democra ic victory —settled by the English bill. Look at the history of h t Governors. Walter went there under the flattering au.-q ices, tin 1 ivith promises of'being sustained by Buchanan; yet when he did justice by’ the people, he was deserted by’ the Administration. Now they say they' are in. favor of allowing the people to do as lhey please-. Very liberal! Can tin y hinder them from doing as- they please! Now, for th ■ State politics. The Goveror .says the R 'publicans refused to vote for revenue laws. Wily did he not g > bac k to the session <bf two years previous! That Legislature re'used to pass a law apportioning the State. 'l'llo House (Republican) passed it, and when it went to the Senate, Governor Wila-ird put it. in. his pocket, and it has nrva been seen from that day to this. That same .Oh-Line Sefrn te a Iso ref used on c-veTy occasion to go into an election of the United States Senator.- Wh-> was the first m tn who refused to g> into an election and gave the casting vote! Jesse 1). Bright. The Old Lino- party’ inaugurated this system. You muff excuse me for this rambling manner. I lur e not had time to con over my speech, am am not in the habitof going all over the State making the same one. (Applause.) i Mr. Miller tl en went on to show up the glowing inconsistencies of the Democracy' through the entire session. While t'wentvtliretr Democratic, members of the Senate, went out without adjourning, to elect *a United States Senator, the remaining twen-ty-five Repub leans and two Americans, 1 turned out Leroiy Woods from his sea't in the I Senate, to which he was Constitutionally’ in- ; eligible. The*Constitution prohibits a man holding two oil ces of trust and profit under it. Woods, while holding his seat as Senator, was Chapii-in to the Penitentiary, for which he received SGOO a year. TKe Republicans had endeavored to. come to a vote on the subject before, but the Demofli’ats would not. The next case was the contested election case of Miller tnd Schryock, from Fulton. Miller was elec.ed, but held the oflice of Judge ol Common Pleas at the same time. The Constitution says that no person elected to a judicial office ijhall hold any "other office of trust or profit under it, except a judicial office, for tl e time for which he shall have been elected. The Democrats refused to come to a vote on this case, and the Republicans said t ley would settle this question first, before attending to any other business. It seem;; that the Democrats were determined that Miller should draw his pay as Senator, although ho was not entitled to it. Mr. Miller alse said that Mr. Hammond would sit in his seat for days at a time, leisurely reading the papers, paying no attention to what was going on in the Senate, and refusing to put any motioii, because the Clerk did not call the name of Woods. gov ei:x o r 11A tn ji on r> Fallowed in a short speech or harrangue, and endeavored tb break the force of Mr. Miller’s remarks. It is our opinion this was a happier effort -than that of the afternoon, but it was nil a up hill bnstnes, ami he failed to make an impression on the remarks of his predecessor. The Lieutenant Governor is a tine stump speaker, and it is to be regretted that he is found advocating such odious principles. JUIIGE MILROY Followed Hammond, and made svieii a telling speech, pouring down upon his head such a scathing rebuke of his partisan course in presiding over the Senate, that the Lieutenant Governor cou d not sit still in his seat, but kept C'ontinuajliy interrupting the Judge;

but the Judge held the mirror up to facts so correctly, and painted his violation of official dignity so faithfully, calling him tostrict account for his stewardship, that the Governor keenly felt the rebuke, and spluttered and gesticulated at a furious rate. Although the Governor, as we say’ above, is a fine speaker, and Judge Milroy much his inferior in that line, yet his positions were so untenable that he could not stand before tlie words of fire that flowed from the lips of the Judge. In conclusion, the Judge said that the Dred Scott decision ought to make the blood tingle in his (Hammond's) face. .fe'"f<yrsAis part he would, like Hannibal, instruct his children to take the oath on the altar to eternally’ oppose the decision, which brought down the house with tremendous cheers. Should the Governor meet with - the same reception at other places as he did here, and be as plainly told of his faults, we think he would refrain from making more speeches during the campaign.

OAVID SNYDER, ESQ.

As this gentleman has become the candidate of the Democratic party for the Legislature, his past political record, as well as [ the; present, is public property, and as such, I we, and everybody else, have a right to use. j We are sorry Mr. Snyder was nominated, i not because we believe him a strong man, —far from it—but because his past record .is. so black and damning.'that we regret to bring it forward. As Mr. Snyder is now before the people, seeking their suffrage, it is our duty, as conductor of-a public journal, to keep the people posted up in regard to him. Much as we dislike to find fault, yet we are compelled, under the circumstances, to warn the people that if they elect Mr. ; Snyder, they will elect a man who, of all I other prominent men in his party, is the . least qualified to till the-station with ifonor to himself or profit to his constituents. His j most intimate acquaintances place no reli- ■ ance upon him, except when they can make it to his interest not to break peace with them. His character is too "well known I here to need saying anything- about him. did we not fetir t hat jnany who know bettor, in their blind party zeal, will go for him. We now sound the note of ’alarm. If David j Snyder should be elected, this district will I have cnus(> ; to regret it, ami his parly will be ashamed of him.

THE REASON WHY MR. SNYDER WAS MUM IN 1850.

It is notorious to all who lived in Jasper ' county in 185 G, that -David Snyder, Esq., ! before, the State election,-was entirely’ mum [ o:i the politics of the day—jhe .expressed no ; opinions openly, 'ol did s:iy to some ol the leading Republicans that he was "with ' them.,” :: nd even secret !y advised .with them I how to best succeed in the campaign; but im- | mediately after the State election,when it becamc’known th't the Democratic ticket was { triumphant, Mr. Snyder saw a. ne.v light, for he promptly commenced stumping the [ j county for Buchanan. Democrats ami Republicans, who tsad not correctly’ road, the [ character of Mr. Snyder, were astonished .. at his course, am! they all', with one accord, | cafiie to the conclusion that ho was only’ ‘ “lying low”to see which party’ woujd come oil'' victorious. However, this appears to have [been a wrong conclusion, as Mr. Snyder gives a diflerdnt explanation of his conduct. Wo. give him the benefit ol his explanation, and much good may it do him: Some ten days ago he approached an honorable, upright Democrat, who is a farmer, electioneering for himself. The farmer said: - “1 am a little .suspicions of you, Dave; we hardly knew where to find you in 185 G.” “O,‘ never mind that—that was all right,” replied Mr. Snyder; “you -see I wanted to secure tjjfl, <>oo in the -liands of the State officers, so I thought I would kdep on good terms with the Republicans; but ns soon ns I secured my money, I declared my principles!” «• So it seen,is, according to Mr. Snyder's own statement, that the reason for his inconsistent and strange course in 185 G was,, that he had $2,G00 at stake, ;ind this was in connection with seme of his swamp-land operations. Citizens of Jasper and Pulaski! is this the kind of a statesman we wish to represent us in our State Legislature, who can be influenced from what be believes to be his duty by pecuniary considerations! No, no; we are confident you will pift in a tremendous no iu the ballot-box on election day. Remember that the bond-holders of the Wabash Canal will make every’ effort, ami leave no stone unturned, to bribe the next Legislature to take the worthless — nay, more 'than worthless—Canal back, ■ causing a loss'to the State of several millions ot dollars. Remember that tbev (the bond-holders) would make a nice thing if they could bribe the whole I^egislattire at fifteen thousand dollars a head! We hope that every honest man, of all parties, will candidly look nt these facts, and then vote tor either Robert Parkdr or Mr. Snyder, as their conscience shall dictate. The next Legislature will be an important, one, and it I is of the utmost importance that we have capable and honest men to represent us. We do not mean to say that Mr. Snyder is susceptible of bribery, but, according to 1 his own showing, be once swerved from his I path for the consideration of $2,G00. VVhen |

a man sw-erves for §2,G00, what would fie do if $15,000 were involved! The reader can make his own application.

ARE THEY MEN!

It is well known that Mr. Snyder, in tho campaign ot 1855, stumped the. county in opposition to to the regularly nominated Democratic ticket, 'lhe ifien composing that ticket were Messrs. J. McCarthy, .1. H. Loughridge ami Wfn. Jacks. Perhaps it is owing to the disaffection of Mr. Snyder then, more than any other cause, that they were defeated; and from that time the Democratic party can 'date its downfall in this - county. Mr. Snyilrr then denominated the ticket “Spitler’s Kitchen ticket.” - Now, can the men thus defeated, and Mr. Spitler; wl name was so contemptuously’ used on the occasion,'vote for Mr. Snvder for the Legislature! If they, believing him to be a good ai d true man, superior in every good quality to Mr. Robert Parker, can fizrget-tlie old injury and vote for him, they are more than men. But if they support him, merejy -because he is opposed to Mr. Parker, and will.vote for him cnt~of partypride, they are less than men. If they support* him, it will tend to demoralize the party, and any person dissatisfied with a nomination, can come out in opposition to it, and inn himself on the same ticket in three years.

THEN AND NOW-SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY REPUDIATED.

The following article was published in the Jasper Banner on the 9th day of December last. The first two paragraphs were written by the editor of the Banner, and the balance of the article was copied from the State Sentinel, which the Banner indorsed: “The Kansas Is.sce.—We have nfit heard any’ plausible- reasons assigned in favor of the position of the President and iiis CabineVin refererice_to the Kansas Constitution-al-Convention. They may good to justify the stand they have taken; bur. unfortunately, they are evi’den" lv at variance with the views entertained by th--mass of the Democratic partv. “A strict conformity to the doctrine ot—‘popular sovereignty ■’’and the provisions of ■ the Kansas Nebraska Bill wilt be maiYftaincd |by the Democracy. We are glad to see the \ State Snllnet. as well as most of the other. Teliding Democratic pipers, taking-a. bo.hl I aiiff manly’ position, as is evident from tile following'article: •We Stated in an article upon the subject yesterday that there might be Circumsta ~'ces which would justify the admission of Kansas as a State umler tire Lecompton Constitution. \V e Won id acquiesce in its rec ept ion “ with that provided a inajoritv of the citizens should so eject, and that expression of sontfm’-nt was tairlv and equivocany 'obtained. Ni -thing' sh.irt of this ct‘iii'l induce us to tavor the measure, ami this elm! itige.ncy i < ti t likely to'happen. •it is not. a di batnble qui^sti >:i t !mt the people .have a .right to net upon flseir organic, law. Tl'.fi ■ basis of popular sovet eigtity- is that the will of life people must govern when legally am! fairly expressed. In a Republican government the m ijorilv must [rule. How is it with Kansas'! Hit Territorial charter guaranteed th it-the- people [ thereof sliinild be perfectly tree to form and regulate their domestic, institutions in their own way-’ The right of tin#- people, actino through the lega lv and lairjv exp.ressed will of. a majority ol actual residents, not vnlv to regulate the question of slavery, l ot to [y’orwi a Constitution. was distinctly recognized in the Cincinnati resolutions. This right of the- people to -ileteriiiine their own iristit til ions—poptlar so\ ereignl v—was made the isstie in the last Presidential canvass and was accepted by all Democratic conventions and speakers. Mr. Buchanan in his letter of acceptance, in his inaugural message and in his instructions to Governor Walker asserted, recognized and reaffirmed 'the principle. The Democratic party is responsible for the faithful application of this principle in the legislation and determination of their domestic instructions, not billy by the people of Kansas, but those of all the Territories, of the Union. Tho power to make their Constitution was specially vested in-tjie people of Kansas. To use the emphatic, language of the Washington Union, of July 7, r last— other power to make such an instrument there is..not under the sun.’ “No one can assert that the action of the Lecompton Convention was in coni’ormitv with this principle. Its members were elected.by about one-eighth of the legal voters of Kansas. After their election the sentiment of the people of Kansas was fairly expressed in the election of a fcegisI lature and delegate to Congress. The total [ vote for Parrott, Free-State, was nearly G.fjflO, and that for Ransom was 3;82-4. This vote puts beyond all doubt the character of the constitution and institutions which they desired should govern thein. The attempt ot tlie Lecompton Convention., representing as it di<£ only a small portion nf the citizens ot Kansas, in the face of _ what they knew to be the undoubted sentiment of the people of that territory, to force a constitution upon them which they knew could not be otherwise than obnoxious, isnn usurpation of power—an aet of despotism,, which should be reprobated by tlfe Democratic party and prompt ly rejected by tho Democratic Representatives, if presented to. Congress for acceptance in violation of the expressed will of the people. “It is said that the only question at issue, that of slavery, is submitted to the people for their rejection’ or adoption. If they have a right to vote on that isssue, they are equally entitled to vole upon tho constitution as a whole. It may contain other un.acceptable provisions. It may do violence , to the sentiment of the people upon the question of bank's—tlfe manner of selecting a judiciary, and many other mattemot general concern. If the constitution was submitted to a vote of the people it might be rejected for some unacceptable provision other than-the issue ol slavery. It is not the province of Congress to form a constitution for the people of a territory—-to force upon them institutjons and a government in