Rensselaer Democrat, Volume 1, Number 1, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 15 April 1898 — MESSAGE BY M'KINLEY. [ARTICLE]

MESSAGE BY M'KINLEY.

JEzecutive Asks Discretionary Power to Intervene. m NOT CALL CUBA FREE. ■c Opposes Recognition ot the Insurgent Government. EXHAUSTIVE REVIEW OF FACTS Whole Perplexing Situation Is Laid Before Congress. fmUcat Asks Anthorlty to Take ' measure*, for the Termination of Hauttllties in Cuba - Would Use Arm; and Navy If Necessary—Only Kspc of Relief from u Condition Which Can No Longer He; Endured IsKnforced Pacification of the Island —Maine Disaster Showed that Spain Cannot Protect Neutrals in Her Own Porta. President McKinley on Monday sent his Onban message to Congress. He favors Intervention to terminate hostilities in the Inland and asks discretionary authority, hat opposes recognition of present Cuban government. The full text of the uies,aage follows: Obedient to that precept of the constitution which commands the President to give from time to time the Congress information of tlie state of the Union and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, it becomes my duty now to address your body with regard to the grave crisis that lias.ariseu In the relations of the United States to Spaiii by reason of •the warfare that for more than three Jyears has raged in the neighboring island ■of Cuba. I do so because of the intimate •connection of the Cuban question with the ■tate of our own Union and the grave relation the.course which it is now incumbent upon the nation to adopt must needs bear to the traditional policy of our Gov'Cromeut if it is to accord with the prekepts laid down by the founders of the {republic und religiously observed by suc(oeeding administrations to th.e present jtlay. The present revolution is but the successor of other similar insurrections which jlare occurred in Cuba against the dpniinllon of Spain, extending over a period of (nearly half a century, each of which, during its progress, has subjected the United (States to great effort and expense in enifprcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous tosses to American trade and •commerce, caused irritation, annoyance >aud disturbance .among our citizens and by the exercise of cruel, barbarous and •uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked (the sensibilities and offended the humane of our people. Ravaged by Five and Sword. Since the present revolution began in (February, 181)5, this country has seen the (fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by •fire and sword in the course of a struggle (•nequaled in the history of the island and .rarely paralleled ns to the number of the •ombatants and the bitterness of the courtest by any revolution of modern times ,where a dependent people, striving tg be ifree, have been opposed by the power of ■the sovereign state. Our people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to comparative want, its commerce virtually paralyzed, its exceptional productiveness diminished,'its fields laid whste, jits mills in ruins and its people perishing by tens of thousands from hunger and (destitution. We have found ourselves •constrained, in the observance of that strict neutrality which our laws enjoin •and which the law of nations commands, to police our own waters und Watch our seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the Cubans. Our trade has suffered, the capital invested by our citizens in Cuba has been largely lost and the temper and forbearance of our peoiplc have been so sorely tried as to beget (a perilous unrest among our own citizens, which has inevitably found its expression from time to time in the national legislature, so thut issues wholly external ;to our own body politic engross attention {and ataud in the way of that close devo4mi* to domestic advancement that bejcomes a self-contented commonwealth • whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of all foreign entanglements. All 'this must needs awaken, and has, indeed, jaroused the utmost concern ou the,part of •this Government 11s well during my prede•ceusor's term as my own. 1 Evils of Reconcentration. ' In April, 1890, the evils from which our •country suffered through the Cuban war {became so onerous that my predecessor jtttade an effort to bring about a peace (through the mediation of this Government M|ymjM|uthnt might tend to an honorcontest between IfcLeuNtny the Vw ,l J r- 'OB

isolated places held by the troops. The raising and movement of provisions of all kinds were interdicted. The fields were laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, mills destroyed, and, iu short, everything that could desolate the land and render it unfit for human habitation or support waa commanded by one or the other of the contending parties and executed by all the powers at their disposal. Herded in the Towns. By the time the present administration took office a year ago reconeentration —soealled—had been made effective over the better part of the Tour central and western provinces—Santa Clara. Matauzas, Havana and Pinar del Rio. -The agricultural population, to the estimated number of 300,000 or more, was herded within the towns and their immediate vicinage, deprived of the meaus of support, rendered destitute of shelter, left poorly clad and exposed to the most unsanitary conditions. As the scarcity of food increased with the devastation of the depopulated areas of production, destitution and want became misery and starvation. Month by month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio. By March, 1897, according to conservative estimates from official Spanish sources, the mortality among the reeoneentrudos from starvation and the disease thereto incident exceeded 50 per centum of their total number. No practical relief was'accorded to the destitute. The overburdened towns, already suffering from the general dearth, could give no aid. So-called zone* of cultivation, established within the immediate area of effective military control about the cities and fortified camps, proved illusory as a remedy for the suffering. The unfortunates, being for the most part women and children, with aged and helploss men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, could not have tilled the soil without tools, seed or shelter for their own support or for the supply of the cities, ltecoucentration, ndopted avowedly as a war measure in order to cut off the resources of the insurgents, worked its predestined result. As I said in my message of last December, it was not civilized warfare; it was extermination. The only peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave. Meanwhile the military situation in the island had undergone a noticeable change. The extraordinary activity that characterized the second year Of the war, when the insurgents invaded even the hitherto unharmed fields of Pinar del Bio, and carried havoc and destitution up to the walls of the city of Havana itself, had relapsed into a dogged struggle in the central and eastern provinces. The Spanish arms regained a measure of control in Pinar del Bio and parts of Havana, but under the existing conditions of the rural country, without immediate improvement of their productive situation. Even thus partially restricted the revolutionists held their own, and their submission, put forward by Spain as the essential nnd sole basis of peace, seemed as far distant as at the outset. Promise of Autonomy.

In this state of alTairs my administration found itself confronted with the Brave problem of its duty. My message of last December reviewed the situation and detailed the steiie taken with a view of relieving its acuteness and opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. The assassination of the prime minister,*"Cnnbvfls, led to a change of government in Spain. The former administration, pledged to subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform involving the wider principle of home rule for Cuba and Puerto Rico. The overtures of this government, made through its new envoy, General Woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective amelioration of the condition of the island, although not accepted to the extent of admitted mediation in any shape, were met by assurances that home rule, in an advanced phase, would be forthwith offered to Cuba, without waiting for the war to end, and that more humane methods should thenceforth prevail in the conduct of hostilities. Incidentally with these declarations the new government of Spain continued and completed the policy already begun by its testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing American citizens held under one charge or another conuectea with the insurrection, so that by the end of November not a single person entitled in any way to our national protection remained in a Spanish prison. While these negotiations were in progress the increasing destitution of the unfortunate reconceutrados and the alarming mortality among them claimed earliest attention. The success which had attended the limited measure of relief among them by the judicious expenditure through the consular agencies of the money appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint resolution approved May 24, 1807, prompted the humane extension of n similar scheme of aid to the great liody of sufferers; A suggestion to this end was acquiesced in by the Spanish authorities. On the 24th of December last I caused to be issued ail appeal to the American people, inviting contributions in money or in kind for the succor of the starving sufferers in Cuba, following this on the Bth of-January by a similar public announcement of the formation of a central Cuban relief committee, with headquarters in New York City, composed of three members representing the American National Sed Cross and the religious and business omenta bt the community. The efforts of that committee have been untiring ana accomplished much. Arrangements for free transportation to Cuba haTe greatly aided the charitable work. The president of the American Ited Cross and representatives of other contributory organizations have generously' visited Cuba and eo-op-erated with the Consul General and the local authorities to make effective distrimtlon of the relief collected through the efforts of the central committee. Nearly $200,000 in money and supplies has already reached the sufferers, and more is forthcoming. The supplies are admitted duty free, and transportation to the interior has been arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily confined to Havana and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if not all, of the towns where suffering exists. Thousands of lives have already been saved. I^^Keconcent ratio Order Revoked. ~ Bb necessity for a charge in the condire'coucentratios is recognized ■Hfiilißtoanmh government. Within a orders of General Woythe Hkttuilled lo % : ‘

Realizing this, it appeared to be my duly, in a spirit of true friendliness, no less to Spain than to the Cubans, who have so much, to lose by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an immediate termination of the war. To this end, I submitted, on the 27th ultimo, as a result of much representation and correspondence, through the United States minister at Madrid, propositions to the Spanish government looking to an armistice until Oet. 1 for the negotiation of peace with the good offices of the President. In addition I asked the immediate revocation of the order of reconcentration. so as to permit the people to return to their farms and the needy to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the United States, co-operating with the Spanish authorities so as to afford full relief. The reply of the Spanish cabinet was received on the night of the 31st ultimo. It offers, as the means to bring about peace in Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular department, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be necessary to reach a final result, it being, however, understood, that the powers reserved by the constitution to the central government are not lessened or diminished. As the Cuban parliament does not meet until the 4th of May next, the Spanish government would not object, for its p%rt, to accept at once a suspension of hostilities, if asked for by the insurgents from the general in chief, to whom it would pertain, in such case, to determine the duration aud conditions of the armistice. The propositions submitted by General Woodford and the reply of tin* Spanish government were both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are before me, aud are substantially in the language above given. The function of the Cuban parliament in the matter of “preparing” peace and the manner of its doing so are not expressed in the Spanish memorandum; but from General Woodford’s explanatory reports of preliminary discussions preceding the final conference.it is understood that the Spanish government stands ready to give the insular congress full powers to settle the terms of peace with the insurgents, whether by direct negotiation or indirectly by means of legislation does not appear. ‘ With this last overture in the direction of immediate peace and its disappointing reception by Spain the executive was brought to the end of his effort,

Three Measures Left. In my annual message of December last 1 said: “Of tlie untried measures three remain: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants nnd intervention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression.” Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives, in the light of President Grant’s measured words, littered in 1875, when, lifter seven years of sanguinary, destructive and cruel barbarities in Cuba, he reached the conclusion that tiie recognition of the independence of Cuba was impracticable and indefensible; and that the recognition of belligerence was not warranted by the facts, according to the tests of public law. I commented especially u|>on the latter aspect of the question, pointing out the inconveniences and positive dangers of a recognition of belligerency which, while adding to the already onerous burdens of neutrality within our own jurisdiction, could not in any way extend our influence or effective offices in the territory of hostilities. Nothing has since occurred to change my view in this regard—nnd I ’recognize as fully now as then that the issue of a proclamation of neutrality, by which process the so-called recognition of belligerence is published could, of itself and unattended by other action, accomplish nothing toward the one end for which we labor, tlie instant pacification of Cuba and the cessation of the misery that afflicts the istaud. Jackson on Recognition. Turning to, the question of recognizing at this time the Independence of the present insurgent government in Cuba, we find safe precedents In our history from an early day. They are well summed up iu President Jackson's message to Congress Dec. 31, 1836, on the subject of the recognition of the Independence of Texas. He said. “In all the contests that have arisen out of the revolutions of France, out of the disputes relating to the crews of Portugal aud Spain, out op the separation pf the American possessions of both from the EuroiTtan governments aud out of the numerous and constantly occurring struggles for dominion In Spanish America, so wisely consistent with our Just principles has been the action of our government that we have, under the most critical circumstances, avoided all censure and encountered 110 other evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those against whom we have been by force of evidence compelled to decide. “It has thus made known to the world that the uniform policy and practice of the United States is to avoid all Interference in disputes which merely relate to the Internal government of other nations, and eventually to recognize the authority of the prevailing party without reference to our particular interests and views as to the merits of the original controversy. “But on this, as on every other trying occasion, safety Is to be found In a rigid adherence to principle. “In the contest between Spain and the revolted’ OOloales we stood aloof and waited, not only until the ability of the new States to, protect themselves was fully established, but, until the danger of their being again subjugated had entirely passed away. Then, and not until then, were they recognized. Such was our course in regard to Mexico herself.

Case of Texas. “It Is true tliat With regard to Texas the civil authority of Mexico has been expelled. Its Invading urmy defeated, 1 the chief of the republic himself captured and all present power to control the newly-organized government annihilated within Us confines. Hut, on the other hand, there Is, in appearance at least, an Immense disparity of physical force on the side of Texas. The Mexican republic, uuder another executive. Is rallying Its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh Invasion to recover Its lost dominion. “Upon the Issue of this threatened Invasion the Independence of Texas may be considered as suspended; and were there nothing peculiar In the situation of the United States and Texas, our acknowledgment of Its Independence at such a crisis could scarcely be regarded as consistent with that prudent reserve with which we have hitherto held ourselves bound to treat all similar questions.” Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that there might be Imputed to the United States motives of selfish Interest In view of the former claim on our part .to the territory of Texas aijd of the avowed purpose of the Texans In seeking recognition of Independence as an Incident to the Incorporation of Texas In the Union, concluding thus: ••rrudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still stand aloof and maintain our present attitude, If not until Mexico itself, ot one of the great foreign powers, shall recognize the Independence of the new government, at least until the lapse of time or the course of events shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold the government constituted by them. .Neither of the contending purties can Justly complain of this course. By pursuing It we are but carrying out the Bong-established policy of our government, a Bilcy which has secured to us respect and abroad and lusplred confidence at !%.. Ktof Independence. of the resolute and ■BTliey are evidence tlmt > Bh t'o Bplcii.t by a non' ■ ro mb 8..

possessed ot the elements of stability.” and forming de fseto, “If left to itself, a state among the nations, reasonably capable of discharging the duties of state,") has Imposed for Us own grievance in dealing with eases like these the further condition that recognition of Independent statehood is not dne to a revolted dependency until the danger ot its' being again subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. This extreme test was In fact applied In the case of Texas. The Congress to whom President Jackson referred the question as one “probably leading to war.” and therefore a proper subject for a “previous understanding with that body by whom war can alone l>e declared, and by whom all the provisions for sustaining Its perils must be furnished,” left the matter of the recognition of Texas to the discretion of the executive, providing merely for the sending of a diplomatic agent when the President should be satisfied that the republic of Texas had become “an Independent state.” It was so recognized by President Van Buren, who commissioned a charge d'affaires March 7, 1837, after Mexico had abandoned an attempt to reconquer the Texan territory, and when there was at the time no bona fide contest going on between the Insurgent province and Its former sovereign. Grant Favored Intervention. I’resideut Grant, In 1875, after discussing the phases of the contest as It then appeared, aud its hopeless and apparent Indefinite prolongation. said: “in such event I am of opinion that other nations will be compelled to assume the responsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously consider the only remaining measures possible, mediation and Intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of water separating the island from the peninsula, the contending parties appear to have within themselves no depository of common confidence, to suggest wisdom when passion and excitement have their sway, and ussume the part of peacemaker. “Iu this view. In the earlier days of the contest, the good offices of the United States ns a mediator were tendered in good faith, without any selfish purpose, In the Interest of humanity and In sincere friendship for both parties, but were at the time declined by Spain with the declaration nevertheless that at a ,fnture time they would be Indispensable. No Intimation lias been received that iu the opinion of Spain thut time has been reached. And yet the strife continues with nil Its dread horrors nnd all its Injuries to the Interest of the United States and of other nations. Each party seems quite capable of working great injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the relations and interests dependent on the existence of peace in the Island; hut they seem incapable of reaching any adjustment and both have thus far failed of achieving any success, whereby one party shall possess and control the Island to the exclusion of the other. Under the circumstances, the agency of others, cither by mediation or by Intervention, seems to be the only alternative which must, sooner or later, be invoked for the termination of the strife.”

Quotes Grover Cleveland. In the last annual message of my immediate predecessor during the pending struggle It was said: “When the Inability of Spain to deni successfully with the insurrection has become manifest, and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is extinct In Cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence, nnd when a hopeless struggle for Its re-establishment has degenerated Into a strife which means nothing more than the useless sacrifice of human life nnd the utter destruction of the very subject matter of the conflict, a situation will he presented In Which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain will'be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge.” In my annual message to Congress December last, speaking to this question, I said: “The near future will demonstrate whether the Indispensable condition of a righteous pence. Just alike .to the Cubans nnd to Spain as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately Involved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and other action by the United States will remain to be taken. When that time comes that action will he determined in the line of indisputable right and duty. It will lie faced, without misgiving or hesitancy In the light of the obligation this government owes to itself, to the people who nave confided to It the protection of their Interests and honor, and to humanity. “Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the government will continue Its watchful care over the rights nnd property of American citizens, and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity to intervene with force, it shall he without fault on our part, and only because the necessity for such action will he so clear ns to command tUa support and approval of the civilized world.” Recognition Not Necessary. “It Is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban Insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood w-hieh alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in Its favor.” The same requirement must certainly be no less seriously considered when the graver Issue of recognizing Independence Is In question, for no less positive test can be applied to the greater act than to the lesser, while on the other hand, the Influence and consequences of the struggle upon the internal policy of the recognizing state, which form Important factors when the recognition of belligerency is concerned, are secondary, If not rightly ellmlnable factors when tlie real qiiestlon Is whether the community claiming recognition Is or Is not Independent beyond pe rad vent are. Nor from the standpoint of expediency do I think It would be wise or prudent for this government to recognize at the present time the Independence or IBs Cuban republic. Such recognition is not necessary In order to enable the United States to Intervene and pacify the Island. To commit this country li6w to recognition 0 { any particular government In Cuba might subject ns to embarrassing conditions or International obligation toward the organization so recognized. In case of Intervention our conduct would be subject to the approval or disapproval of such governments; we would be required to submit to Its direction and to assume to It the mere relation of a friendly ally. When it shall appear hereafter that there Is within the Island a government capable of performing the duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, and having ns a matter of fact the proper forms and attributes ot nationality, sueh government can be promptly and readily recognized nnd the relations and Interests of the United States with sneh nations adjusted. There remain the alternative forms of Intervention to end the war, either as an impartial neutral, by Imposing a rational compromise between the contestants or as the active ally of the one party or the other. As to the first. It Is not to he forgotten that during the last few months the relations of the United States have virtually been one of friendly intervention In many ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all tending to the exertion of a potential influence toward an ultimate pacific result. Just nnd honorable to nil Interests concerned. The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish desire for peace and prosperity In Cuba, untarnished by differences between us and Spain nnd unstained by the blood Of American citizens.

Grounds for Intervention. The forcible Intervention of the United States as a neutral to stop the war. according to the large dictates of humanity and' following many historical precedents where neighboring states have Interfered to check the hopeless Sacrifice of life by Internecine conflicts beyond their borders. Is Justifiable on rational grounds. It Involves, however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventful settlement. The grounds for such Intervention may be briefly summarized As follows: 1. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, ittarvatlon and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stop or mitigate. It Is no answer to say this is all In another country, belonging to another nation, and Is, therefore, none of our business. It la specially our duty, for It is right at our door. 2. We owe It to our citizens In Cuba to afford them that protection and Indemnity for life and property which no government there can or will afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions that deprive them of legaV protection. 3. TheSrjgbt to Intervene may be justified by the refiisertoug Injury to the commerce*

trade and business ot our people and bjr tk* wanton destruction, of property and devastation of the Island: Fourth.—And which ie of the at meet Importance. The present condition of affaire In Cuba Is a constant menace to our people, end entatlr upon thlis'government au enormous expeuse. With such, a, conflict, waged for years in an Island so wear us, awl with whicij our people have such trade and business relations—when the lives and liberty of our citizens are In constant danger, end their property destroyed and' themselves ruined—where our trading vessels are liable to Relztire and are.seized at our very door* by war ships of a foreign, nation, the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless to prevent altogether, and the Irritating questions and entanglements thus arising—all those, and others that 1 need not mention, with the resulting strained relation* are a constant menace to our peace and compel us to keep on a semi-war footing with a nation with which we are at peace.

Destruction of the Maine. These elements or danger and disorder already pointed out have been strikingly Illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and Justly moved the American people. I have already transmitted to Congress the report of the naval court of Inquiry on the destruction of the battle ship Maine In the harbor of Havana during the night of the 15th of February. The destruction of that noble vessel has filled the national heart with inexpressible horror. Two hundred and fiftyeight brave sailors and marines and two officers of our navy, reposing In the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to death—grief and want brought to their homes ami sorrow to the nation. The naval court of Inquiry which, it la needless to say. commands the unqualified confidence of the government, was unanimous In Its conclusion that the destruction of the Maine was caused by an exterior explosion. that of a submarine mine. It did not assume to place the responsibility. That remains to be fixed. In any event the destruction of the Maine, by whatever exterior cause. Is a patent and Impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba that Is Intolerable. That condition is thus shown to he sueh that the Spanish, government cannot assure safety aud security to n vessel of the American navy In the harbor of Havana on a mission of peace and rightfully there. Further referring In this connection to recent diplomatic correspondence, a dispatch from our minister to Spain of the 20th ultimo contained the statement that the Spanish minister for foreign affairs assured him positively that Spain will do all that the highest honor ar«l justice require in the matter of the Maine. The reply above referred to of the 31st ultimo also contained an expression of the read 1 ness of Spain to submit to an arbitration of all the differences which can arise in this matter, which Is subsequently explained by the note of the Spanish minister at Washington of the 10th last., as follows: “As to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of views between the report of the American and Spanish boards. Spain proposes that the fact be ascertained by an impartial investigation by experts, which decision Spain accepts In advance.” To tills I have made no reply. The long trial has proved that the object, for which Spain has waged the war cannot be obtained. The fire of insurrection may flume or may smolder with varying seasons, hut It has not been and It is plain that It cannot be extinguished by present methods. The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which cannot longer be endured Is the enforced pacification of Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, <4n behalf of endangered American interests which give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. Asks Authority t > Use Force. In view of these facts and these considerations. 1 ask Congress to authorize and empower the President to take measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island t'he establishment of a stable government capable of maintaining order and observing Its international obligations. Insuring peace and tranquility and the security of its Citizens ns well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for these pikpoalli.And In the Interest of humanity and to aid In preserving the 'jives'of the starving people of the Island, I recommend that the distribution of food supplies be continued and that an appropriation be made out of the public treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens. The Issue is now with the Congress. It Is a solemn responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the Intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors. Prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the constitution and the law, l await your action,

Yesterday, and since the preparation of the' foregoing message, official Information was received by me that the latest decree of the Queen Regent of Spain directs General Blanco, In order to prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim a suspension of hostilities, the duration and details of which have not yet been communicated to. me. This fact, with every other pertinent consideration, will, I am sure, have your just and careful attention In the solemn deliberations upon which you are about to enter. If this measure attains a successful result, then our nsplratlons as a Christian, peace-loving people will bd realized. If it fails it will be only another justification for our contemplated action. WILLIAM M'KIXLEY.