Crawfordsville Record, Volume 4, Number 52, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 4 June 1836 — Page 1

CRAWFORDSVILLE RECORD.

"LIBERTY AND UNION NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE." Volume IV.—Number 52.] CRAWFORDSVILLE, INDIANA, JUNE 4, 1836. [Whole Number 208.

MISCELLANY. From the New York Mirror. THE BIBLE. This is the ladder whereby men may climb to heaven. And yet we need not ransack the Indies to enrich ourselves with itn nor venture shipwreck to bring it

home. We need not sell lands and houses to purchase it, nor run the hazard of sword and fire to secure it. It is a thing always to be had, always within call, ever at hand and portable—no burden in a journey, no load in a voyage. We may carry it wherever we go; when at home or abroad; and even in the stillness of night, we may dwell upon it with holy contemplation, as did the ancient patriarch in his dream of angels ascending and descending. THE SACRED WRITINGS. One prophet speaks to us like an orator another like a logician. One endeavors by his eloquence to charm us, and another by his clear reasoning to convince our minds. One threatens and another promises. Here we have presented to our minds a sceptre of divine love, and there our ears are arrested by the shrill voice of the warning trumpet. We now hear a voice from Ebal, and now a voice from Ge rizim. One herald of salvation points up to the smoke of the torment that acendeth up forever and ever, and another with the tender accents of a saviour's love, cries out, "Turn ye, turn ye, why will you die?" THE BIBLE PRECIOUS. Some men neglect the Bible, as others neglect a valuable picture. It is thrown by and buried as dust of the rubbish. But when careluliy examined, it will prove to be a costly original, done by a superior hand—a greater than Reubens, Raphael or Michael Angelo. While neglected and sullied it seemed worthless; it appears now of extraordinary value. Its curious lines appear, the strokes of a Great Master's hand are seen, more and more admirable lineaments are discovered, and the soul is at last enamored at the contemplation. THE SOUL. The atheist laughs at the immortality of the soul—the soul that can build her nest among the stars of heaven, walk through yonder mansions, and taste of the rivers that make glad the city of God: the soul that can wing her way above the clouds, and survey the crowns and sceptres laid up tor those who dare despise the world, and have their conversation in heaven; while the body is in anguish, and when the fierce winds of worldly tribulation rage around her, can rejoice in Him who is her all in all. TEMPORAL JOYS. It is with our worldly comforts, as it was with the original pleasures of paradise. Some are for food and some are for trial. God has thought fit, therefore, to limit the use of these terrestrial felicities and to signify in his word, that his intent in giving them is, that they shall be our servants, not our masters—advantages to us and not hindrances, in admiring and adoring the immense goodness and bounty of our Father who is in heaven. BEAUTY OF HOLINESS. There is such loveliness in the way of God, notwithstanding some discouragements in approaching it, that whoever is tempted once to lift the veil, and see what is behind it; to remove the sackcloth and ashes, and see what is beneath; to open the iron gate, and view the golden treasures that are within; to unlock the cabinet, and see the jewels there; he would, beyond a doubt, be ravished at the sight, and not stay an hour longer in the chambers of death. THE LOVE OF CHRIST. It passeth knowledge. It mocks all efforts at description. We cannot reach it without our colors, but like Timanthes, when unable to depict the countenance of Iphigenia's father he drew a veil over it, we shrink from an effort that must be ineffectual. It is a love that has no type on earth. We see it glittering on the mount of God, and it leaves us in the vale below gazing at it, as a thing to which mortality can show no resemblance. CONSIDERATION. It is with consideration as it is with microscopes and magnifying glasses. Sin that looked but a faint red before, through this glass appears all scarlet. God's

laws, which we before regarded as mere human injunctions, through this glass appear so beautiful, so rational, so wise, so wonderful, so suited to an intelligent nature, that with David we are compelled to cry out, "O how I love thy law, it is my

meditation all the day" THE EXODUS OF ISRAEL. Heaven bowed to the ancient people of the Lord, and under its protection they went as under a canopy of state: and they might, with greater reason than the Sul-

tan, challenge that lofty title, the shadow of God, or with the Persian Emperors have styled themselves, Kinsmen of the

Stars. Their eyes saw miracles almost every day, and with their daily bread, they received daily prodigies. LIFE A FRAGMENT. Men generally live the reverse of God's designs and intentions, and instead of using

their visible blessings in order to secure a

secure a !

greater end, they make that their home which was intended only for their inn,

and are for erecting tabernacles to dwell there, which God designed only as a thoroughfare. WORLDLY TREASURES. They often make to themselves wings and fly off; and there was great point in the observation made by the Lacedemonian in Plutarch, when he heard Lampes commended for his valuable shipping, "I am afraid of felicity which depends so much on cords and threads." Treasures in heaven, and none other are infallible. CONSCIENCE. Judas droops, though his purse is full of money; and Cain, though he is master of a spacious territory, is almost driven to despair. PRUNING THE RASPBERRY. Where the work was neglected in au-

tumn it should be done immediately, or as early in the spring as circumstances will

allow. The stems which bore last year are first to be cleared away; then select on each root, for next year's bearing, three, four, or five of the strongest of the last summer's shoots; the remainder, including stems, are to be cut off closely to the ground. The shoots which are left should be shortened by cutting off their tops to about four feet in height, and should then be tied to an upright stake driven close be- side the root. This support will prevent their being borne down by the weight of fruit and leaves next summer, or their be- ing blown down by violent winds, and will also prevent their occupying too much ground by straggling beyond their limits. At the same time they are prunded, if the state of the ground will admit it, the earth about their roots should be cleared entirely of grass and weeds, and well loos- ened with a hoe. If not, itr must be done as early in the spring as practicable. Every farmer who is not well supplied with this delicious fruit, and its best varieties, should take early measures to produce them. The ground it will occupy is almost nothing, the labor of cultivation is exceedingly trifling; it never fails of a crop, and this comes at a season when there is scarcely any other fruit to be obtained. ENCOURAGING TO CATTLE RAISERS. FINE BEEF.—Two or three trips since the tow boat Dutchess County, took down from this place a four year old heifer, fattened by Mr. Isaac B. Clapp, of La Grange. We saw the heifer going thro' the village and noticed her as a remarkable plump and fine looking animal. She was sold in New York on the foot, for $150, to Mr. Ryerson, a dealer in cattle. Mr. R. sold her to a butcher for $20 per hundred, and this butcher again sold her to another for $26 per hundred. The heifer weighed when dressed 1147 pounds in the quarters; and was therefore worth at the last named price $297 dollars 16 cents, exclusive of the hide and tallow. Judge Thomas Sweet, of this town, also sent to New York a few days since per tow boat Clinton, a steer which weighed nearly 1600, and brought in market ,$20 per hundred.—Poughkeepsie Telegraph. APPLE TREES. A gentleman in Essex, England, having in his orchard many old supposed worn out apple trees, which produced fruit scarcely larger than walnuts, last winter took fresh made lime from the kiln, slacked it with water, and (without allowing time for its caustic quality being injured by imbibing fixed air) well dressed the trees, applying the lime with a brush.— The result was, that the insects and moss were completely destroyed, the outer rind fell off, and a new, smooth, clear one formed; and the trees, although some twenty years old, have now a most healthy appearance. The same treatment may be extended to other fruit bearing trees, and probably with a similar beneficial result. To preserve beef sweet and tender thro'out the year.—For 100 pounds prepare the following: Four quarts coarse salt, made fine; four pounds brown sugar; four ozs. salt petre. Mix the articles well together, then rub your meat with it, and pack it closely in the barrel; sufficient pickle will soon be made in the barrel by this process. By no means use any water, as it will spoil the meat when the weather becomes warm. If at any time, a scum rise on the barrel, skim it off and sprinkle into it a little fine salt, which will preserve the pickle. Never take the pickle out to boil it. This will harden the beef and change its flavor. Sowing clover seed among Indian Corn. —Extract of a letter from Charles Gale, Esq. of Milton. Pa. "It is now more than twenty years since I first thought of sowing clover seed among Indian corn. My first essay was a failure; my second succeeded to admiration, and the seed was covered by the plough. Since that time I cover it with the harrow or the cultivator, and with various success, depending in a great measure on favorable weather during the month of August. If successful it should be

strewed with gypsum the next spring, and may be partially pastured in summer. It should be ploughed down before wheat

harvest, and will be generally a good manure for a succeeding wheat crop; plough again after the middle of September, which will prepare the ground in the best pos- sible manner for the reception of the seed. From Niles' Register. A panic!—A report prevailed at Nashville that the public deposites, or a part ofj them, were to be removed from the Union bank. That is—that the bank would be required to pay a certain portion of the debts which it owed! This seems to have caused much alarm; and the Nashville Union of April 28, an entire "government paper," thus notices the report: We only await the reception of a document, which we expect to receive today, in order to lay before our readers, an authorative refutation of the insiduous and mischievous statements and misrepresentations which have been made by the Banner, Franklin Review, and other papers of kindred opposition politics, in relation to the alledged removal of a portion of the government deposites from the Union bank of this city. Suffice it to say, until our next, that no part of the deposites have been removed—that the amount within a few days has been greatly increased—and that, in all probability, unless it becomes imperiousiy necessary for the public service, no part of the deposites will be called for by the treasury department during the season. Again! The Globe, which speaks only the views of the ruling party, yester- day issued the following order to the deposite banks—those of New York in par- ticular:— "The present state of the currrency imposes upon the leading deposite banks the obligation of lessening their loans, calling upon other banks for regular settlements and payment of balances in specie, and thus give a check to their too extended operations; to the raging mania for wild speculations and overtrading; and thus restore a more wholesome state in the currency of the country." From the Nat. Intrl. Hear ye representatives in Congress from the old states! Hearken to the voice of the oracle which foretells your destiny, if ye be not wise in time! The Detroit Free Press, the organ of the spoils party in Michigan, cries out against the passage of Mr. Clays land bill, and predicts its defeat—arguing against present action upon it in the following terms : "When both Michigan and Arkansas shall become members of the union, the new states will be strong enough in the senate to defeat any measure which may be injurious to their interests, if not powerful enough to accomplish what will promote them. It is highly important for the new states that Mr. Clay's land bill, now before congress, should be defeated." CHARACTER OF MARTIN VAN BUREN. The Hon. Samuel M'Kean, representative from Pennsylvania, in the senate of the U. States, gives the following political character of the vice president, in a letter to the editor of the Montrose Register. It should be borne in mind, that Gen. M'Kenn was then a Jackson candidate for elector of president and vice president of the United Slates, and has been always considered one of the most staunch Jacksonians of the day. It is time for people to pause and reflect most seriously on a matter of such deep importance, when sentiments, like those contained in the article below, emanate from such high authority. Indiana Palladium. From the Montrose (Penn.) Register. LETTER TO THE EDITOR. HARRISBURGH, Sept. 15, 1832. Dear sir—I have read with feelings of peculiar approbation the editorial remarks in your paper of the 7th inst., on the subject of the vice presidency. I had already noticed, with no other emotions than those of contempt and disgust, the movements and declarations to which you allude—designed to create a belief that the presidential electors nominated on the 5th of March last, would, if elected, vote for Martin Van Buren as vice president. I will not believe, that any honest and intelligent friend of General Jackson, can be guilty of such gross temerity. Should even a well grounded suspicion prevail, that such a course would be ultimately pursued by any portion of the electors on our ticket—thousands of Gen. Jackson's sincere friends would be deterred from supporting it —and if the corrupt attempts to induce this course are persisted in to the last, it may render doubtful even the entire electoral vote for Gen. Jackson himself. Strange as it may seem, and discreditable as it certainly is to its authors and abettors, I am now convinced, from recent developments and facts, within my own knowledge, that a deep laid plot is actually in a train of maturation, having for its object the transfer (if possible ) of a part, it not the whole electoral vote of Pennsylvania, to Mr. Van Buren,— The plan is to remain quiet hereafter until the presidential election, when the vote of the people will have been given with a view to Mr. Wilkins; then meeimgs of squads are to be got up wherever it is possible, and resoutions passed complimentary to Mr. Wilkins, but expressing regret that his prospects

of success throughout the union are no better, and hope, that as an act of patriotic sacrifice—he will decline. These will be para-

ded as evidences of public opinion, immedi - ately before the electors assemble, to justify those (if any) who may be so inclined, for

giving their votes for Van Buren, and thus

shamelessly degrading the political character of the state. Be not astonished at almost any political movement in these times—therefore startle not when I tell you that I have seen letters (and heard of others) from New York politicians, which contain an outline of the above project. And that there are men in this state engaged in this humiliating scheme, who profess to be friendly to Jackson, but who, in truth, are merely employing the influence of his name for mercenary and ambitions purposes—is equally certain and susceptible of the clearest proof. What Pennsylvanian, let me ask, who cherishes a single feeling of state pride, or has a spark of manly spirit glowing within his bosom, but must awaken to indignant resentment at the insult to the state which this project involves? It is such an insult that no one but the servile tools of a practised political gambler, and systematic intriguer, would dare to offer, even the most insignificant state in the union. I have too much respect for the individuals named on our electoral ticket to believe than any of them will prove recreant to the principles avowed by the 5th of March convention, and cast their votes for the New York candidate for the vice presidency. I know it is a common maxim that every man has his price. However true this may be as a general rule, so far as I am concerned in this case, I must plead an exception. With me, there can be no price for such a violation of faith and declaration of principle. Mr. Van Buren having, by himself and his friends, done all in his power to defeat the views and just claims of the democracy of Pennsylvania —ought to be the last man to expect, and I trust will be the last man to receive, its favors. My vote can never be given to him for the vice presidency, under any circumstances; and I took occasion so to declare myself in the broadest and most unqualified terms, the other evening, to the state central committee, in order, if there were any latent understanding in which they participated, to transfer, ultimately, the vote of this state to Mr. Van Buren—that my name might be stricken fron the ticket. My personal respect for the president, and the connection (unfortunate, I must call it, both for the country and Gen. Jackson,) which recently existed between him and Mr. Van Buren, has hitherto deterred me in some measure from speaking of the latter as I think he deserves. The unsparing bitterness of his former opposition to Gen. Jackson— continuing until every hope of success was blasted by the firmness of Pennsylvania—argues but little in favor of the sincerity and patriotism of his late fawning professions— to say nothing of their grossness and servility. Situated as I am, when at home, on the confines of the slate of New York, and having been personally intimate with many of Mr. Van Buren's parlizans—few individuals have had better opportunities, than myself, of marking his political manœuvers for the last twenty years—during which time he has exhibited all the powers and qualities with regard to politics, of the chamelion, assuming every hue and color which his ambitious purposes, in view of the moment, seemed to require. To speak plainly—I know him to be void of political integrity,and most of those high qualities of the mind, which, wherever they may be found, I humbly trust no minor difference in matters of human opinion will ever prevent me from duly acknowledging or yielding a just respect. Cunning, and a certain species of popular talent, he indeed possesses; but these only render him the more dangerous in times of public excitement and illusion. When he first entered Gen. Jackson's cabinet, I expressed my serious misgivings of the result, to Judge M'Lean,(then post master general) and others; and the mischiefs which I then apprehended, have been more than verified. His whole course has been that of a political disorganizer, whenever it could promote his selfish schemes. Party arrangements, and even the sacred ties of personal friendship, have both, by turns, been coldly sacrificed upon the altar of his ambition. Pennsylvania is fast losing her weight and influence in the union, by substituting, erroneously as I conceive, an implicit devotion to men for patriotism. And what increases the humiliation of her position, is, that this devotion is never concentrated on her own men. Now who, that is the least conversant with the springs of human action, can for a moment believe that our state will ever be duly respected by the nation, so long as she tacitly concedes by her conduct, that her talented men are inferior to those of other states. For my own part, I am heartily sick of this trait in the policy of Pennsylvania. In the various avocations of life, professional and otherwise, this state has produced some of the most distinguished men of the age; and yet in a political point of view, many of her best men have been neglected or forgotten amid the din of party feuds and domestic dissensions. As an elector, nominated and instructed by the late democratic convention, I have cheerfully given my pledge to vote for Andrew Jackson and William Wilkins; which pledge, if I have the honor to serve, shall be faithfully redeemed—unless I am absolved from such obligation by the death or subse-

quent acts of those candidates. And even

then, since the state has taken a stand in behalf of one of her sons, I would still be in favor of a Pennsyivania candidate. But if by any combination of circumstances, I should be induced to look for a vice president out of the state—I would decidely prefer Philip P. Barbour, of Virginia, whom I know to be a democrat of the Jefferson school —a sincere friend of the president, and to possess talents of the highest order. Above all, I believe him to be as honest a man as ever lived. I have thus very hastily and concisely given you my views with regard to certain matters naturally connected with the subject of the paragraph in your paper, first alluded to. They are the same that l express on all proper occasions; and I care not in what way—by whom or to whom they are communicated. Very respectfully, Your friend and servant, SAMUEL M'KEAN. Napolean, in one of those flashes of mind, which so often threw vividness over subjects perplexing to all others, pronounced that the highest quality of a general was foresight.— "Courage, activity, tactics,and knowledge of the heart," said he, "however important, are all important in a less degree. But the supreme quality which distinguishes the great captain, is seeing the future and preparing for it." It is unfortunate for our age, that in illustrating the foresight by which Pitt saw half a century deep into the future, and proposed to prepare for the evil to come, we can only give an additional proof of the guilt, the falsehood, and the mischief of faction. The terror of our time is Russia; with her strength spreading at once east, west, and south, inaccessible in the north, and surrounded only by feeble nations, unpopular governments, or barbarians incapable of political combination, she seems under almost a destiny of increase. While all the other leading powers of Europe have reaped little else from their wars than mutual loss of blood, national exhaustation, and bitter memories, Russia has made perpetual progress. Every war has closed with a solid acquisition of territory. Even the most trying of all her struggles, the French war, advanced her into Europe, and by giving Poland into her hands, gave her a citadel from which she might overlook every movement of Prussia and Austria. All her oriental wars have been but the simple progress of armies over a soil ready for subjection. Persia is already in spirit her vassal. Asia Minor, the loveliest, most capable, and most renowned region that was ever spoiled by the foot of the robber, now degraded by a worse than barbarian superstition, and alienated by a worse than barbarian government, waits only the sound of a Russian trumpet to surrender. The Tartar wildernesses, worthless as a territory, are invaluable as a nursery of those wild troops, which now, from their long cessation of hostilities, are probably in greater numbers than ever, and which never require more than a leader to pour down a flood of desolation on Europe and Asia. But England, at all times the great protectress of freedom, and the great bond of the European commonwealth, is the enemy to whose fall, present or future, every despotic power looks by instinct, as the seal of all its successes, Russia, however reluctant to engage in hostilities with England, or however unexcited by a sense of defeats received at our hands, must yet be conscious that England is the true barrier which her ambition must break down, whether by an alliance of corrupt objects, or by actual force. To doubt that Russia meditates further encroachments on Europe is impossible. No trait of her character, national or political, justifies the slightest hope that she has learned the invaluable wisdom of moderation. With her habits half barbarian, and thus containing the mingled love of spoil, passion for conquest, and unhesitating artifice which belongs to all barbarism, from the dweller in the American forests to the dweller in the palaces of St. Petersburgh, she will never relax her determination to be supreme, until that determination is torn out of her heart by the daring intrepidity of England. Russia knows that on the very first direct evidence of her attempts on the European commonwealth, or the first clear preponderance of her power in the field against any one throne of the continent, England would be as naturally, and necessarily, in arms against her, as the inhabitants of a forest border would be on the incursion of a herd of wolves. But the power of England is essentially maritime, and from the vast continental space still interposed between Russia and England, their conflict must be on that broad field of battle which reaches from the Baltic and Bosphorus to the shores of Great Britain. The preparations for that war are urged on at this moment with all the reckless eagerness of ambition, careless of expenditure, regardless of national injury, contemptuous of the interests of a people slowly rising into commerce, and seeing nothing before it but the glitter of universal supremacy. The Black Sea is her dock yard, and every shore of it resounds with the axe and the hammer; the Bosphorus is the gate of her dock yard, and every creek and angle of it bristles with cannon planted by Russian engineers, and to be manned by Russian troops on the first emergency. A powerful fleet is already on the watera of the Euxine—a still more powerful fleet is building on its shores—twenty-four hours can bring both a fleet and an army fiom Sebastopol to Constantinople; and 24

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