Crawfordsville Record, Volume 4, Number 41, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 19 March 1836 — Page 1

CIRAWFOflBSV

J MIA "LIBERTt AND UNION NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE 11 Volujie IV. Number 41. CRA W FORDS VILLE, INDIANA, M A R C II 19, 183G Whole Number 197

, J A

PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY I. F. WADE, At two dollars per annum payable in advance, or within three months after the time of subscribing; two dollars and fifty cents within the year; or three dollars after the year expires. No paper will be discontinued unless at our option without special notice and payment of all arrearages. Advertisements, not exceeding twelve lines in length, will be inserted three times for one dollar; and twenty five cents for each subsequent insertion. Advertisements, for a limited time, or from a distance, must be paid for in advance; otherwise they will be continued at the expense of the advertiser. Letters on business must be post-paid.

COLONIZATION SOCIETY. ANNIVERSARY IN 1S33. At the annual meeting of the Indiana Colonization society, held at the Representatives hall in the capitol, on Tuesday evening Dec. 15, 1835; Isaac Blackford President, in the chair. The report of the Board of Managers, and the Treasurer's Report were read, and approved. A very approprtate and interesting address was delivered by the Rev. Elilm W. Baldwin President of the Wabash College. On motion of Mr. Merrill, Resolved, That the thanks of this Society be tendered to the Rev. Elilm W. Bildwin, for the very interesting address delivered before the meeting; and that a copy thereof be respectfully requested for publication. On motion of Jeremiah Sullivan Esq. Resohed, That Hon. William Hendricks and John Tipton, be appointed Delegates on behalf of this Society, at the anniversary meeting of the American Colonization Society to be held at Washington City during the present season. Mr. Thompson of Lawrence county submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the different assemblies of our fellow citizens which may convene to celebrate the anniversary of American Inde pendence, in the next year be requested to take up contributions on the occasion, to aid the Colonization cause. On moti.m by Rev.W. McKennon: Resolved, That it be recommended to the respective ministers of the Gospel in the Stale, to take un collection in their several ConarewatiotM, in ;iid of th? Colonizitiou cause, on a Sabbath near the 4th day of July annually. Resolved, That it be recommended to every friend of the African cause in Indiana to contribute as soon as may be convenient and practicable to thern respectively, as much in aid of the Colonization cause as will be sufficient to colonize in Africa, one of the free colored people of the land. And thereupon, a subscription to that effect was taken up, to which sufficient i? now subscribed immediately for colonizing six colored persons to Africa; which is directed to be remitted. On motion by N. B. Palmer, esq. Resolved, That it be recommended to the Board of Managers to prep ire and cause to be circulated throughout the different counties in the State, a circular requesting the several assemblies of citizens who convene on the 4th of July next to take up contributions in aid of the efforts of the Colonization Society. The following officers are elected : Isaac Blackford, President. Steven G. Stevens, Andrew Wylie, and Divid Wallace, Vice Presidents. Samuel Merrill, Calvin Fletcher, Nathan B. Palmer, Samuel Hanna, Rev. Elihu W. Baldwin, William Sheets, and James Blake, Managers. Isaac Coe, Treasurer. Jameg M.Ray Secretary. ADDRESS. Mr, President and Fclloic Citizens: The Colinization Society has for its object, to meliorate the political and moral condition of the African race. In its immediate bearings upon our own African population, it aims indeed to afford opportunity for liberating the enslaved, in accordance with the laws and the benevolent wishes of the citizens of those states, where they are now held in servitude, but more especially, to elevate the aspirings and the actual condition of the free colored people, wherever found in these United Slates. This object it proposes to effect, by the simple method of colonizing them, with their own consent, on the shores of their parent country. I need not inform my audience that colo nization is a measure of practicable wisdom, to which past generation.", and different races of men, have manifested sufficient partiality. It had its origin with the early dispersions of die pa'j-i ucli il t unities of m inkmd over the f-ice of iheeatth. Every considerable country, would seem to h ive been originally occupied in this way. The Egyptians and Phenici ins, as colonies, took possession of Greece. In their turn, the Greeks planted their enterprising . citizens on almost every coist of U . mediter mean sea, and along the shores of the numerous and extensive waters connected with i. Alexandria, Syracuse, and Cartilage, were founded in th's manner. .Roman historians trace back the origin and renown of their empire, to a body of Trojan Colonists, who landed in Latium, under the conduct of their prince Aeneas. That mighty people subsequently : increased their power, and extended the permanent limits of their fjppire veiy much by means of military colo-

i nies. In this manner they succeeded in disj possessing the conquered nations of their

! countries, or lliey transformed them into me I sturdy character of Roman citizens. In latter times, the maritime states ot Europe pursued the same policy. The Portuguese and Dutch, the French, and Spaniards, and English, have followed up their discovej ries of distant countries, with the location of flourishing colonies on their shores; until a large portion of the habitable globe has become addicted to their language and their laws. Even the tameness of the Russian, is not sufficient to keep him within the bounds of his quarter of the habitable earth; but we, peaceful republicans, must be startled by the bristling of bayonets, just on the borders of our western paradise. And for a greater wonder still, the Chinese, the very antitypes, as we should think, of an incurious genius, whose laws and manners and religion and arts, must ever wear one invariale aspect , whose very women are denied the privilege of ever seeking a newer fashion, cannot be restrained from colonizing. They will sooner transgress the boundaries of the Celestial Empire, and brook the disgrace of a passage with European barbarians in their misshapen ships, rounded oif at the keel, than repress within themselves this universal disposition for colonizing. The process then of colonizing would seem to he the natural one of overspreading and subduing the earth. It is undoubtedly, the best resort of an overgrown and ill-led population; a noble one, certainly, lor those who, under the iron hand of oppression still aspire to self government and political influence. I do not wonder, that this method of elevating our colored population, should especially commend it self to the practical good sense of American citizens, lor what let tin; ask, is our own experience on this very subject? Who reads our h story with an American heart, or lifts up his eyes upon this mighty confederation of young communities, whose growth and prosperity carry terror to the very soul of despotism, and hope to the crushed nations, still longing for freedom, but almost blesses even the hand and fires ot persecution, which forced the pilgrim colonists to these shores! What little spot of our country is dearest to us all, if it be not where the feet of the first daring colony pressed the favored land? It is indeed no want of sympathy with the colored man, that advises his being colonized, with his own Iree consent. And yet there are loud and serious objections raised against this provision for his welfare. It is, some aver, a measure of injustice and inhumanity, and fatally destructive of his prospects. How we ask, can it prove either destructive or inhuman? Has not colonization subserved the highest moral, political, and social interests, of other races of men? Are not we and the millions of our fellow citizens witnesses to-day of its happy and sublime results? Who of us w ould decline the privilege of being reckoned a descendant of the noble adventurers, that preferred hardship and danger in the wilds of America, to oppression and contempt in their parent land! Why then, I ask, must it be reckoned unkind and injurious,tourge our colored population to a fair and manly trial of colonizing the fertile plains of Africa? Because the black man is, by his natural tameness of character and dullness of apprehension and incapacity to adapt himself to any such change of circumstances, disqualified for emigration? Let them take back their pathetic appeals on behalf of his emancipation. For it is demonstrable, that if the immense colored population of the United Slates, cannot supply thousands ol colonists, capable of subsisting and uoveming themselves in small cominunities under the most friendly patronage, they must be fatally disqualified to enjoy en masse, the blessings of political freedom. It is not, be it known, the most ignorant and spiritless who will offer themselves to be enrolled for such an enterprise. Or will it be said, tfeat the condi-

tion of the black man among us, is already so replete with comfort and happy prospects as to forbid his colonizing? I trow not. It seems to me little better than mockery to hold such language to his ear. Where, I ask, is his condition amona us to be reckoned desireablc? I shall not surely be told of the blessings of involuntary servitude. The opposers of colonization are by their own avowal anti-slavery nien. They see nothing in servitude, but wrong, oppression and sin. Shall we then go to those states where slavery is discarded, to descry the happy condition of the colored man? I ask what is it? The emigrant of every other race, enters in among us on terms of equality. The humblest European peasant the Jew, hated as his nation have been and persecuted in every other land, the straggling Gypsey,

even, who conforms to the laws of honesty and to our republican manners, can aspire to eqal rights of citizenship, and to equal patronage in every honorable calling. The path to wealth and social intercourse and public trust, are open alike to all. But how fares it with the colored man? May he sit down in the chair of Magistracy? Or let his voice be heard in the halls of legislation? Or lead our polished daughters to Hymen's Altar? Or place his sable children with ours behind the merchant's counter or upon the mechanic's bench? Show me one district in this broad land of freedom, where he can mingle with white men of any trade or condition, upon terms of equality. The fact is, fellow citizens, that emancipation does not work his deliverance. No resource and no prospect remains to the colored population in these United States, but to be, whether in servitude or nor, hewers of wood or drawers of water to the white man. Will the objector reply, that the encouragement of colonization must have the effect of riveting the manacles of the slave? Yes many are heard to say this. There is a spirit of romantic speculation abroad, which says to the colored man, "stay where you are, be an underling, be oppressed, be a slave, lest by your removal to your parent land, now opening her arms to receive you, you should perchance, put back the period of universal emancipation in this great country." These sanguine theorists are quite sure of their foresight and prognostications. Their plans are perfect, and connected with inevitable success; they only need to be carried into effect. Cheering prospect! The thing only remains to be done! But is it not self-evident, that our slave holding fellow citizens will sooner or later abolish their svstem of domestic servitude! God grant that they may. Let oppression in our sister states soon come to a perpetual end. But the means the means. What are the probable means of effecting this great result? It is pretty generally conceded, that there is no power in the General Government to interpose between the state sovereignties and their domestic slavery. The constitution authorizes no legislation on the subject, but leaves it to be disposed of exclusively by the communities that are practically involved in it. This we suppose is right. It is the most consistent and only safe policy. Much as 1 regi t the existence of involuntary servitude in any of these United Stales, I do heartily rejoice, that the General Government have not the shadow of a right tp meddle with it. I am no less gratified with the fact, that on the most exciting subject the states in their individual capa city, have left them no plausible? ground of controversy: and for

this plain reason, that the prescriptions of law and of foreign dictation, would here be of no avail. The views and policy of one, half of this groat confederacy, on this practical question, cannot be forced upon the other states, by any claims of right or demonstrations of power. But how then shall we, who discard the practice of slavery, do our duly to the states who uphold it? How clear ourselves, before the world, of the woes, which are inflicted, in Republican America, upon Afric's injured children? WTe answer, that the duty of the slave holder, in respect to his dependents, is one thing, and our duty in regard to the subject of interference, quite another. I know of no obligation laid upon us to assume his responsibilities. The constitution, we perceive, does not make us either his keepers or his legal advisers. Something however is required to be done. And I am happy in believing, that, the first and great public duty of the states, not involved in the practice of slavery, has already been discharged. They have all, either in the formal act of abolishing or proscibing it, given an instructive form to their policy. Their sentiments are published to the world ; they are read and known of all men. It is testimony of the most sober, consistent, and practical kind. It is the testimony of law and the constitution , the voice of the whole people. I do rejoice, I glory in such a testimony. It is demanded, what more can be done to rescue our sister slates from the evils of slavery? I answer without hesitancy, nothing, absolutely nothing of any promise, except with their good will and co-operation. If they have any sense of justice and philanthropy on the subject worthy of high minded republicans, ought it not to be consulted and enlisted in the enterprise? Does it not become us, to manifest that respect for their wishes? " But may it not subserve the interests of the colored man, to place slave-holders under the ban of the Church? Or cannot the evils and the terrors of slavery be so pressed upon them, by closing up every avenue of safely, and alleviation, except immediate and universal abolition, as to effect this great result?" Christianity has a mighty power in its legitimate application to the evils which afflict society. It loves to bind up the broken heart. It inspires the godlike spirit of doing unto others, as we would that they should do unto us. Yes the meek and inoffensive and peace speaking religion of Jesus Christ, can do all things for the oppressed and miserable. But the thing sometimes misnamed Christianity that modern hercules with his lion skin and his club, going forth to rid the world of its political monster, promises to effect very little in this cause, ''But ought we not at least as a measure of christian policy, to withhold the relief to slave holders comprised in colonization; and which may possibly keep back from them the destructive consequences of their system?" I answer promptly, no. Let us treat our brethren concerned in this matter in a more magnanimous and christian spirit. It were inexcusable to do evil that good may come; it is much the same to restrain our hands from well doing, for fear of the evil that may possibly result from it. He does not reason well nor act with the feelings either of a christian or a practical philanthropist, who can upon such grounds as these, say to the active colonizationists, stand back, close your eyes and your heart to the iiood you have now the opportunity of effecting, for fearofsuch very distant anil doubtful consequences. We contend, that while the neglect to colonize our colored popula

tion would ensure no other movement for their welfare, the prosecution of this measure is not fairly chargeable with contravening any effective plans or frendly influence, on their behalf. The calculations of some well meaning individuals, which have carried excitement and agitation through many parts of our land, are, to say the least, most uncertain, yes worse than questionable in their results. We claim for the enterprise before this society, an entirely different charcter. The prosecution of it, promises certain and incalculable benefits to the injured and oppressed. We have not to learn from observation or experience, the moral and political effects of colonizing different races of men. They are seen in the growth and enterprise and improvement of numerous states. What other course has more obviously imparted to this favored nation, a characteristic spirit of independence, a love of liberty and improvement, far in advance ot every European community! Who does not understand, that neither communities nor individuals can prove their resources, till they have made fair trial of them. I would colonize the colored man, as the most certain means of developing the native energies of his character. This measure is no less indispensable, to awaken throughout this great nation a generous sympathy with the injured children of Africa. Wrc have too generally regarded them as an inferior branch of the human family, and destined by the forming hand as well as the providence of God, to hold a middle existence between their more favored brethren and the brute creation. There is reason for such impressions of their inferiority. The black man was found in his native land, in the lowest state of ignorance, ofunmanly vice and national impotency. He was stolen or purchased, merelv as an article of commerce; in this character was he brought to our market; and there has he ever been held as, property, and tasked for gain at our pleasure. How can we respect him as a man? The voice of reason almost of humanity, is lost in the tame servility and meanness, with which his present and past condition are associated. By what means shall we divest ourselves and our fellow citizens of these injurious associations? Is it not by placing the black man in a situation, to gain our respect? Separate hirn then from a community, whether free or not free, he must still be doomed to comparative degredation. Make hirn the citizen of an infant Republic, and an equal there among all the citizens. Throw around him the incentives to successful enterprise; set in bright array before him the great motives to moral and intellectual improvements, that are present to the minds of the sovereign people of such a country; and you will do more than dcvelopc his manly character. You will lift hi m above the associations with which wo have surrounded him. You will draw forth our fellow sympathies with his every effort to rise in the scale of intellectual and moral existence. O! sirs, this is the direct way to interest every heart, in the prosperity of our colored population. The enterprise in which this society is enlisted, is destined to have an influence, more effectual than can now be conceived, in rolling away from the sons of Africa the contempt and disgrace which now oppress them. I speak with confidence of the success of this enterprise. Why should it not succeed? Is not Africa the parent land of the black man? Does it not comprise almosf

K