Crawfordsville Record, Volume 4, Number 32, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 2 January 1836 — Page 1

RECORD.

'LIBERTV AM? UNION NOW ANT FOKEVEIt, GNE AND I-SEARAE).E.1, Volume IV. Number 32. C R A W F O R D S V I L L E, I N D I AN A , J A N U A It Y 2, 18 3 0. Whole Number I S3

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flr-AnvEUTisKMENTS, lora limited time, or, rom a distance, must be paidor in adraner, itherwise thev will be continued at me exfl, t. . from otherw pensc of the advcrtiscr.C3 Lettcrs on business must be ost -jaid. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE coxclui'IIp. Haying, in this manner, vindicated the dignity of France, they next preeecded to illustrate her juslice. To this end, a hill was immediately introduced into the chamber of deputies, proposing to make the appropriations necessary to carrv into elf ci the treaty. As this bill Mibsi-quetdy passed into a law, the provisions ol' which now constitute the mailt subject oi difficulty between the two nations, it becomes mv duty, in order to place the subject be.'ore vou in a clear

libt, to trace tite history .sfirs jias- J'cnuon to menace or insult tne sage, and to refer, with some par- government of "France, isasnnfountmularitv, to the proceedings and "d as the attempt to extort from discussions in regard to it." Tho;im- llars ' 'bat nation what her minister of finance, in bis opening ! sc'sc of justice may deny, would speech, alluded to the measures 1 be vain and ridiculous. But the which had been a lopted to resent constitution of the United States the supposed indignity, ami rccom-; bnposes on the president the duty mend the execution of the treaty as f laving before congress the cona measure required bv the honor i'ihioii the country in its foreign and justice of Franco. lie, as the' a,u! domestic relations, and of organ of the ministry, declared the recommending such measures message, so long as it had not re-j as mn.V, 1:1 bis opinion, he received the sanction of congress, a iqnired by its interests. From mere expression of the personal o-j b performance of this duty lie canpinion oi the president, for ;t hich jnot ho deterred by the fear of neither the government nor peonle ! wounding the -sensibilities of the of the United States were rospon-i PcoPli; or government of whom it sible, and that an engagement had : m:1y become necessary to speak; been entered into, for 'die fulfilment ;a,ul tllc American people are incaof which the honor of France was P:ll)io of submitting to an mterferpledged. Entertaining; these views, vncc h)' im' government on earth, the single condition which the ! hovvcvor powerlul, with the' free French ministry proposed to annex ! performance of the domestic duties to the payment of the monev, was.! which the constitution has imposed that it should not be made until it j on tho,r. public functionaries. The was ascertained that the govern- j discussions which intervene beir.ent of the United States had done ! twcen tho several departments of nothing to injure the interests of ! our government belong to ourselves France; or, in other words, that!"" amI for any thing said in them, no steps bad been authorized byour P'ddic servants are only recongress of a hostile character to--sponsible to their own constituents wards France. i and to each other. If, in the course What the disposition or action of I of dieir consultations, facts are ercongress might be, was then . j roneously stated, or unjust deducknmvn In the French cabinet Hut 1 "ons are made, ibey require no O-

- -' - : on the 14th of January, the senate resolved that it was, at that time, inexpedient to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France, and no action had occurred on the subject in the house of representatives. These facts were known in Paris prior to the 28th of March, 1835, when the

committee, to whom the bill of in-1 ,u,t as a na,,on- 1 pnncidemnification bad been referred, P.e which calls in question the prereponed it to the chamber of dep- s,(lom for " language ot his mesuties. That committee substan- sa8 would equally justify a foreign tiailv reechoed the sentiments of jpower in demanding explanation of

the ministry, declared ihat congress! bad set aside the propo-iiion ol tin president, and recommended the passage of the bill, without anv oiber icstriction than that originally j proposed. Thus was it known to the French ministry and chambers that if the position assumed by them, and which had been so frequently and solemnly announced as the only one compatible with the honor of France, was maintained, and. the bill passed as originally proposed, the money would be paid, and there would be an end of this unfortunate controversy. But this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amendment introduced into the bill at the moment of its passage, providing that the money should not be paid until the French government bad re-

CCivei SilLlsf lClorV explanations of h( prosj(enl-s mrsSaga of the 2d D b d , sii more extraordinary, the president ol the council of ministers adopted lnjs amendment, and consented to Us incGrporation in the bill. In recard to a supposed insult which p , r u a i i bad been formally resented by the recall of their minister, and the of-

vr ,,J purports to ours, they now, or the frI lime, proposed to ask , , , exnfmatior s. Sentiments and propoition hich they bad declared could not j'isdy be imputed to die ovoniiut-iit or people, of die LJ. S., aie set up as obstacles to the performance tf an ict of conceded justice to that government and people. They had declared that the honor of France required the fulfilment of the engagement hito which the king had entered, unless congress adopted the recommendations of the message. Thev ascertained that congress did not adopted them, and yet that fulfilment i n fused unless they first obtain from the president explanations of an opinion characterized by themselves as personal and imperative. The conception that it was my ' -l.l dur iiidncetiient to correct them, however informed of their error, than their fve of justice, and what is due to their own character : but they ran never submit to be interrogated upon the subject as a matter ol right, by a foreign power. When our discussions terminate in acts, our responsibility to foreign powers commences, not as muivui,,,e language used in the report of ja commute, or bva member in de bate. This is not the first time that the government of France has taken exception to the messages of American presidents. President Washington, and the first president Adams, in the performance of their duties to the American people, fell under iho animadversion of the French directory. The objection taken by the ministry of Charles N, and removed by the explanations made by our minister upon the spot, has already been adverted to. When it was understood that the ministry of the present king, took exception to my message of last year, putting a construction upon it which was disavowed on its face, our late minister at Paris, in answer to the nolo

which first announced a dissalisfac- j tion with the language used in tbej

message, made a communication to the French government, under: j the date of ibe2i)tb of January, 18- j 35, calculated to remove all impres- j . i-i . i i , sions wtucn an unreasonable Mihoeptinility bad created. lie repeated, and called the attention of the French government to the disavowal contained in the ; message itself, of any intention to intimidate by menace he truly de clared that it contained, a no "was ; intended to contain, no charge . of j ill faith against the king of the j French, and properly distinguished between the right tocomplam,ln ; unexceptionable terms, of the omission to execute an agreement, and an accusation of bad motives in ' withholding such execution and demonstrated that thc necessary use of that right ought not to be considered as an oflensive imputation. Although this communication was made without instructions, and entirely on the minister's own responsibility, yet it was afterwards made the act of this government by my full approbation, and that approbation was officially madeknow n on the 25th of April, 1835, to the French government. It, however, failed to have anv effect. The law. i after ibis friendly explanation, passj ed w ith the obnoxious amendment, supported by thc king's ministers, and was finally approved by the I king. The people of the United States ;aro justly attached to a pacific sysI tern in their intercourse w ith forl eign nations. It is proper, there fore, that they should know whether thcir government has adhered to it. In the present instance, it has been carried to the utmost extent that was consistant with a becoming self-respect. The note on the 21)ih ol January, to which I have before alluded, was not the only one which our minister took upon himself the responsibility of presenting, on the same subject, and I in the same spirit, rinding mat it ; was intended to make the payment i of a just debt dependent on the performance of a condition w hich lie knew could never be complied with, ! he thought it a duty to make anoth- ! or attempt to convince the French ! government that whilst self-respect land regard to the dignity of other J nations would always prevent us ifrom using any language that ought to give offence, yet we could never admit a right in any foreign govj eminent to ask explanations of, or to interfere in any manner in, the (communications wbjcb one branch of our public councils made with .mother; that in the present case, no such language had been used, and that this had, in a former note, I been fully and voluntarily slated, before it was contemplated to make thc explanation a condition ; and that there might be no misapprehension, he stated the terms used in that note, and be officially informed them that it had been approved by the president; and that, therefore, every explanation that could be reasonably asked, or honorably given, bad been already made that the contemplated measure bad been anticipated by a voluntary and friendly declaralion,and was therefore not only useless, but might be deemed offensive, and certainly would not be complied with, if annexed as a condition. When this latter communication, to which I especially invite the attention of congress, w as laid before me, 1 entertained the hope that the means it was obviously intended to afford, of an honorable and speedy adjustment of the difficulties between the two nations, would have been accepted ; and I therefore did not hesitate to give it my sanction and full approbation. This was; due to the minister who bad made

himself responsible lor the act; and it was published to the people of the United States, and is now laid , r i before their representatives, to show

llOW far their executive has gone in its endeavors to restore a good understanding between the two countries. It would have been, at any time, communicated to the government of Franoe.had it been officially requested. The French government having received all the explanation which honor and principle permitted, and which could in reason be asked, it was; hoped it would no longer hesitate to pay the instalments nowdue. The agent authorized to receivc the monev was instructed to inform the French minister of his readiness to do SO. In reply to ib i t i j .i . .1 notice, he was told that the money ' . eould not then be pain, because the formalities required by the act ot the chambers had not been arrang V J 0( I. iot having received anv official communication of the intentions oft die French government, and anx- j iotls to bring, as far as practicable, j this unpleasant affair to a close be-1 r .i . , . J fore the meeting oi congress, that, you might have the whole subject j before you, I caused our charge d' j affairs at Paris to bo instructed to ! ask for the final determination of the French government ; and in the event of their refusal to pay the instalments now due,w iihoul explanations, to return to the United States. The result of this last application has not yet reached us, but is daily expected. That it may be favorable is my sincere wish. France having now, through all the braneliesof her government, acknow ledged the validity of our claims and the obligation of the treaty of 1851 ; & there really existing no adequate cause for further delay, will, at length, it may be hoped, adopt tin4 course which the interests of both nations, not less than the principles of justice, so imperiously requiie. flie treaty being once executed on her part, little will remain to disturb the friendly relations of the two countries; nothing, indeed, which will not yield to the suggestions of a pacific and enlightened policy, and to the influence of that mutual good w ill and to those general rc collections, which we may confidently expect will then be revived in all their ancient force. In any event, however, the principle involved in the new aspect which has been given to the controversy, is so vitally important to the independent administration of the government, that it can neither be surrendered nor compromitted, without national degradation. I hope it is unnecessary for me to say, that such a sacrifice will not be made through any agency of mine. The honor of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me, for thc statement of truth and the performance of duty; nor can I give any explanation of my official acts, except such as is due to integrity and justice, and consistent with the principle on which our institutions have been framed. This determination will, I am confident, be approved by my constituents.. 1 have, indeed, studied their charactei to but little purpose, if the sum of twenty-five millions cf francs wi'l have the weight of a feather, in the estimation of what appertains to their national independence; and if, unhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain in any quarter, they will, I am sure, rally round the government of their choice, with alacrity and unanimity, and silence forever the degrading imputation. Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which, since the last session of congress, have occurred in this interesting and important matter, with the views of the executive in regard to them, it is at this time only necessary to add, that whenever the advices, now daily expected from our charge d'afTtirs shall have been received, they will be made the subject of a special communication. Thc condition of the public finances was never moic flittering than at the present period . Since my last annual communication, all tho k mains of the public debt have been redeemed, or moiuy lias been placed in deposito for this purpose, whenever the creditors choose to receive it . All thc other pectin r ary engagements of the government have

jle n li noraUy ,-uid promptly fulfilled, and j 'hero wiiJ be a bilance in the treasury, at !,ho ci?. of '1' l'reuiycar?of about nineI teen millions ot dollars. It is believed, that jaficr ni!,c1 all oulgt31ulinaand unexpend-

cd appropriations, there will remain near vvn """'ons to bo applied to any new obj xis Miiin vu.igies may uesignaie, or 10 the more rapid execution of the works alre::dy in progress. In aid of those objects, and to satisfy the current expenditures of the ensuing year, it is estimated that there will be received, from various sources, twenty millions more in ls3G. Should congress make new nppropriations, in conformity with the estimates which will be submitted from the proper departments; -amounting to about twenty-four millions, stiil the available surplus, at the close of thc next year, after doducting all unexpended appropriation?, will probably be not less than six millions. This sum can, in my juiliimenf, be now usefully applied to propnsul improvements in our na vy yards, and to new national woik?, which h.re not enumerated in the present estimates, j or to the more rapid completion of thoso alivr.dv begun. Either would be constitu- , , r,a i m i , . itional, and uselti!, and would render unnej c; .ss.u -,ny attempt in our present peculiar ; condition, to divide the surplus revenue, or to icduce it any lasier tiian will uo eliected bv the exist imj laws. In any event, a 3 tho annual report from the secretary of the treasi '''T will enter into details, showing the prob bilitv of some decrease in the revenue durinT tl r-vl seven vpars. mid n verv pnnsiilcr"i,0 deduction .in 1S1, it is not rccommended that congress should undertake to uwMy ,hc present tariir, so as to disturb the principles on which the compromise act was Taxalion cn sonllc oftlo aniclc3 cf rTrnoral consumption, which are not in competition with our own productions, may ) no diminished " to lessen to some extent u:e souice oi was revenue; anu the same ol-j ct cm also be assisted by more liberal provisions for the subjects of public defence, which, in the present state of our pro; pcrity and wealth, may be expected to cnn(ie your attention. It, however, alter ?a:istinT all the demands that can arise from ihese sources, the un xp aided balance in the treasury should still continue to increase, it would be better to bear with the evil until the great changes contemplated in our iar:irie.vj have occurred, and shall enable us to icvise tho svsiem with tint care and cirjenmspection which are duo to so delicate and j cf It is certainly our out v to diminish, as far as we t an, the burdens of taxation, and to regard all the ntriclioi.s which are imposed on lhe trade ai.d na igation of our citizens, as evils which we shall mitigate whenever we are not prevented by i ho adverse legislalinn and policy ol foreign nations, or those primaiy duties which the defence and inde pendence That we 1 ot our country enjoin upon us. eo accomi bshed much towards ih ' relief of our ciiiz"t,s by the changes which have accompanied the paymert of the public debt, and the adoption of the present revenue laws, is m inilest from lhe fact that, compared wit!) 1S:'., there is a diminution of near lueiiu-lhe millions m the last 'wo years,and that our expenditures, independently of thoso for the public debt, have been reduced near nine millions during the same period. Let us tiust, that by the continued observance of economy, .and by harmc n zing the great inteiesls cf agriculture, manufactures, and commv rce, much more may be accomplished to diminish the burdens of government, and to increase still fuiihertho enterprise and tho patriotic affection of all classes of our citizens, and all the members of our happy confederacy. As lhe data which the secretary of die treasury will lay before you in regard to our financial resources, are full and extended, and will afford a safe guide in your future calculations, I llrnk it unnecessary to olier any further observations on that sub ject here. Among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of thc country, not the least gratifying is that alibrded by the receipts from the sales of the public lands, which amount, in the present year to the unexpected sum of $11,000,000. Tin's circumstance attests the n pidity with which agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, advances, and contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory. Being still of the opinion that it is our best policy, as far as we can , consistently with the obligations under which those lands were ceded to the United States, to promote their speedy settlement, I beg leave to call the attention of the present congress to the suggestions I have offered respecting it, in my former messages. Jt is incumbent on congress, in guarding the pecuniary interests of the country, to discontinue, by such a law as was passed in 1812, the receipt of he bills of thc bank of tho United Slates in t.jyment of tho public revenue; and to provide for the designation of an agent whose duty it shall be to takechargo of the books and stock of thc United States in that institution, and to close all connection with it, after the 3d of March, 1830, when its charter expires. In making provision in regard to the disposition of this stock, it will be essential to define, clearly and strictly, the duties and powers of the officer charged with that branch of the public service. . T need only add to what I have on former occasions said on this subject, generally, that 'in the regulations which congress may pre.