Plymouth Weekly Democrat, Volume 4, Number 11, Plymouth, Marshall County, 16 April 1863 — Page 1

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D YMOUT o f HERB LET THE PRESS THE PEOPLE'S RIGHTS MAINTAIN; UK A W ED BY INFLUENCE AND UNBOUOHT BT GAIN. VOLUME 4 NEW SERIES. PLYMOUTH, INDIANA, THUKSDAY, APKIL 1G, 1863. NUMBER 11 WHOLE No. 1G7.

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gui5iof$$ girrrtory. ., Ft. W. A: C. R. K. Time Tabic. WINTFIt ARRANGEMENT, bsrvarvaa or Taais from rumore aTario. XA8TWARD DOUKD TRAINS. fgss,"4 :::::::io. fÄi::::::::::."."..;'--Live Stock and Ex. Freight V5 at' Local Frcieht 12;20F..M. WESTWARD BOUND TRAISS. Dir Ktnrer s an Mail, '7? f M Ncr;vs; ::::::::::.1ir:M AFrÄiV.::::: ;;;;;;pVm: Prnht S.-R. EDWARDS, Agent. C. P. & C. II. It. Time Tn.ric. SUM M F.R"a TrÄNG EMENT. EASTWARD. Lav La Porte, daiM 8:45 A.M. (SunUvi Excepted,) Arrive at Plymouth 10 A. M. WESTWARD. LFlf month Arrive at La Torte.. ...4:50 P. M. Train run br La Porte time, which is kept at K. W'! Jewelrv "tore, and is 1 minutes niower tbaa p.. Ft. W. tCR.R. time. H. R. PRULlNER.Supt. Attornoyn. REEVE &. CAPRON. Altomevsand Notaries, PI vmouth, MorsnallCo., lad., 'practice in Mikhail and adjoinins counties. Rr.emto R.ibcock k Co.. Phelps, Dodge A cV,N'ew York. CooW.Farwcll .V Co., tto-M k ttro.. Chieipo. London k Co., Phila., Gr I Beaette A 0.,Pittburh, Hon. A. L. 0bou , Circuit Judge, L.-iportlnd. JOHN S. BENDED. Attrev itLiw aud Real Estate Agent, Knox, Cmi. Ind. . . ClUsti.. Tax pivin-'and examination or Titles, promptly Attended to. na-ly DR. T. A. BORTON. Pai"iin and Surgeon, office on Michigan street, west side. -vcr Hill's Bikery. whero he may be saltl during o5ic hours. J. J V1NÄLL. H--apthicP:vji?;sn. Farticularattentionpald ts ritetric nractie, and chronic dieaes of womea, a,i J discasesof children, office over C. r!rar' t-re, corner Michisan and Laportc tareeU. rhvhe m e coin.'UeJ at all hours. D. O BA1RO. desse aid o5s narShiU's Mill. Tirr men, Ir.d. " Ifiil 1m( iVOIL A. O. BORTON, v....... m-ri-it. PUiB.Mith. Ihdi.tn-t. W liole or. " . , ... e T ..u : . 1, mtattn. I or ire 1 pU:h. S iecl il attention paid to the -eservitioM of he natnr.il teeth, and irregularIff of Children's teeth i-orrerted. Fansrs and iUc'lll 'eth xtra:e-d with or without Chloroform. CjnhecinWted at hi office at any time teenton Mndavs aud Tuesdavs. oi M chii i street, west side, over f!!!' Biker. -43tf i Hotel. EDWARD3 HOUSE. Pivaiewth. Ind. W. C. Ed wird. Proprietor. TIirdvarc H. B. DICKSON &l Co., n.!tr in Var.lwar of every description, also, tovrs, tia, hert?rn, and copper ware. BUCK iL TOAN, DiiWs in IIrdrare of very deiicnptirtn, and mnura?'irer of Tin, Sheet-Iron and Cofperwre. Michirun street. Der Oood Ac Groceries. J BROWNLEE, jj..tfr:n rv-oods of all kinds, e;rocries, wares otc, .Michigan street, Plymouth, Ind. C PMER. eaVrin D-y GrU, Groceries, etc., south side La Pjr'e tre't. NJ33VJ1'Ät DAVIDSON. DeVersia Croceries and Proviaicns, east side of Michigan street. Iloot SllOCK. E. PAUL. D-ter in Sott) and ih'e.. m.nufactaiB all kind ofh'irne work in his line, Michigan street, Ply mouth. Ind. Q. BLAIN 'Sc Co. Druf istsand confectioners, west side of Michigan treet, Plymuth, Ind. T. A. LEMON, b Dealer In drugs, medicines, notions, literary magiaines, paDers, etc., nrth side Lapoite ' street, Plymouth, Ind. "VVattjhiiinkor, JOHN M SHOEMKER, Ptiler in -..tches, clocks and jewelry, Plymouth Ii I ,'os cntantly on hand clock?, watches !.rcat oins, ear rins, finger rings, lockets, etc CJ -'i 4ul wr.ttohejt etc., repa'red in the bes maauer pjsj'ble. ? ... . I ,TT MICHEL GINZ, Barber and hair dresser, (Wett side Michigan street oyer Pattersons store) Plymouth, ,Ind. Everything in the above business attended to by me in the best style, -rrs "Wj tf"0 ssin 1 1 si if. C HASLANGER & BRO S. 4gar"tiiror. of wagons, enrrinsres etc. Black ".n. liiiag, pxintin nd graining done to order I.4very. N. B. KLINGER. iisrri-tor ' Rucke ve Livery,' opposite Edwards Home, Plymouth, Ind. n27Iy Affoney. - T. Mcdonald, al estate agent and notary public, office in kaon's .hardware store, Plymouth, Ind. D-airs lfed, mortgages, bonds, and agree a- !its, sells lands, examinestitlesand furnishes .Htrtetsof the same, pays taxssand redeem t si! 'M raw bm es

$ocütal.

The llnlnbow, BtMss. A.M. F. IIookm, Arous, I.id. The Rainbow! What a beautiful thin! So pure and blight, like an Angel's wing. Shining through the raindrops, a token of lore Sent to us mortals from Heaven above . O, what are we, Lord? And what shall we be? As pure and bright as the emblem we see; If we walk in Iiis ways, and keep Ilia command, We may live forever hi His own happj land. God said, this is a token between me and thee; An everlasting covenant, perpetual to be. And to every living creature which to you is given; For so I have spoken from my Throne ia Heaven. From my throne in Heaven I will look on the bow And remember my promise with thee below. And through all ages and all nations of men, I never will send a deluge again. What a blcsssd truth for us to know; On us the Omnipotent looks in the bow; When the cloud passeth o'er and the rainbow we see, We remember IIi3 promise U everlasting to be. Judsc Curtis on Loyalty. Ve malte an extract from a recent ad- ! dress of Judge Curtis, delivered in New York. JuJge Curtis is one of the most eminent jurists in the country, and an undoubted atriot. We would publish the whole address but lor lack of room: "Nothing but the sense of duty which every man owes to society, according to the measure of his ability to serve it, would have induce 1 ma to address yo in a time like this. It is a time of strange excitements and strange act?. No man who dois not join in a wild, undiserirninattng support of the measures and dogma of a dominant'party can hope to escape detraction and obloquy. The utmost exertions ate made to suppress ordinary freedom of speech; every effort is made to misunderstand the purpose of those who are in-po-litical opposition to the party in power. The vocabulary of political Blangi"a exhausted to find terms of reproach and infamy wi li which to stigmatize men whose motives have in their favor all the ordina i ry presumptions of puiity, and whose ar guments and upiiiioriS are at least entitled f. a raanantfill liO,r!ni Tli'o nrnici which has b.'cn goingr on for may months, with a violence un.xamjled even among a people whose political dißcussioni are ner er marked by temperence, hat culminated from time tu time in outrages upon the rights of persona and property, and may do so aouiu. It is no time when one would O choose to utter opinions iihout being impelled by a strong sense of duty. Bui it we are not prepared to suffer for our convictions, they rnul be very feeble convictions. If we do. not love our country und its institutions well enough to enC unter all th haznrdt that may attend an ho:et etrrt to save, them, our love must be cold indeed. Such, I am sure, is not your case, or ray own. Applause. Meaning to utter here nothing butwords of truth and soberness the truth as I hold :t, in the soberness that becomes me I accept all the responsibility to public opinion which may justly fall thereon. I propose to speak to you ti -night upon a subject which recms to me to be strangely misapprehended by many good men, and strangely perverted by many who are net good. 1 mean the subject of "Loyalty." The word itself, at least in the sense in which it is used in those countries from which wo hare lat ly borrowed it, can scarcely be said to have an appropriate place in our political and social system. But it is a word at present in great U6e s.niong us, and we must take it as we find it, and am bound to inquire what arc the moral duties which its just and true signification embraces. This inquiry, and the certain conscquonees of accepting and following out the doctrines which are now forced upon us, wilt, form the topics oi my dis course. The true conditions of American loyalty are not to be found in the passionate exactions of parttzan leaders, or in the frantic declarations of the pulpit, the rostrum, or the press. Cheers. People who do not like my political opinions may hurlat ms tho epithet 'disloyal," but when they have thrown this msaile they have not taken a single step toward defining, to me or others, what ths true conditions of loyalty are. It is important that this step should be taken; for whether we are to go on or to cease in this course of idle and unmeaning abuse, it concerns us all to know what measure of public duty may rightfully be exacted of us. To know the heighth and depth of those great virtues which are comprehended in the term "patriotism" to feel at once that they arc settled in our affections and enthroned in our reason is to "get wisdom and to get understanding" in the largest earthly con cerns. Applause. The true conditions of American loyalty are to be found in the law of the laodj in the institutions :mler which we lire; in.

the du'ies flowing from the Constitution of our country; applause; in the politi cal system which we have inherited from our fathers, with all its manifold relations, through which we may iraci the clear di riding-line that separates perfect from imperfect obligations. Cheers. Tho text of our fundamental law is the guide, and the sole guide in all ethical inquiries into the duties of the citizen. To that source all mti?t come, tulers and

people alike; to that fountain all must resort. The vague and shifting standards that are drawn from supposed drngera to what is called "the. National life," or which spring from the conflicting judgments of ra;n respecting public necessities, can determine nothing. Thesa things can furnish no rule. We must hare a rule, for lo) ally is a raotal duty; and it must therefore be capable of definition. A people whose 4'National Ufa exists only by virtue of a written constitution, and wto can hare no necessities that lie out of or beyond that written necessity, can find no rule of lovalty in any of the necessities which their constitution of government does not corer. They may find grounds of expediency, in one or another supposed necessity for destroying their constitution; bul it would be extremely absurd to say that this expediency could be made the object of their "loyally." Lit us go then to the fountain head the source of all our National obligations. The Constitution of the United States itself prescribes the full meaning of our loyalty in thee words: ThU Constitution and the laws of the United States, which shall be maJe in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be ravle, under the authority of the United St.ite, shall be the suprsmb LAW OF THE LAND." Oberve bow precise ns well as compre hensive this great rule of our duty is. It expresses without ambiguity the whole of our obligation toward the Federal Government. It makes a sltkeme law; a law paramount to all other human laws an obligation transcending all other political obligations. It leaves no room whatever for the intrusion of another or a rival claimant to our civil obedience. That claimant can neither be a person inrested or uninvested with office, nor an idea of public necessity, nor an imaginary National life beyond or aput from the lifo created under the Constitution. The only possible claimant of our obedience is the law; tor as that Uw is made supreme, all other demands or demandants upon our submission are of necessity excluded. Loud cheers. What then docs this 6upreme Taw embrace? The text on which I am com menting itself furnishes the answer. This Constitution," it s.tys what this Constitution contains, and the laws shall be made in conformity with it these shall be the supreme law, rising in authority above all other laws. No public necessities, save as they are embodied in the Constitution; no "national life," sae as it exists under the Constitution; no Icgiala tton that is not in accordance with the Constitution the supreme law; but what the Constitution ordains or authorizes, that is the public necessity, thatv is the national life, because it is the supreme civil obligation. Applause. Such U the fundamental character of our political system; and ro perfect is it in its consistency with itself and with the rights of ull who are subject to it, that it contains a machinery by which the conformity of all acts of the Government with the prin ciples of the Constitution may be peace fully tested, without forcible resistance. If the acta of the Government are complained of as unconstitutional, they may be brought to a judicial test, or the people may themselves pass upoa them at the ballot-box, through the Instrumentality of frequent election. Applause. Now, when wo look into the Constitution of our countrr to discover the full scope of the obligations which are embra ced in the supreme law of the land, we find that it grants certain political powers and rights to the central or National Government, and rcserres all other political powers and rights to the States nr the people. Hence it is plain that the reserved rights of the State or the people are just as much comprehended within the duly of our allegiance, just as much the rightful objects of our "loyalty," as the powers and rights rested in the National Government. If the political existence created by the Constitution is the national lifo, called into being by the supreme law of the land and he would be a bold and reckless sophist who would undertake to find that national life anywhere else then the rights which the Constitution reserves to the States or the people are equally concprehended in that life, for they are equally declared tobe parts of tho supreme law of the land. For th's reason, all idea of a supremacy of national rights or powers or interests, when founded o'i fomething aot

embraced in the Constitution, is purely visionary. ISo duty of "loyalty" can possibly be predicated of any claim that is nor founded in the supreme law of the land. When it is once ascertained what are the rights and powers rested in the, National authorities by the Constitution, they are parts of the supreme law, and our 'loyalty' is due to them. When we know what arc

the rights and powers restrred lo the States or the people and we know tjiat they are the whole residue of all possible political rights and powers they arc equally the objects of our loyalty," for the sfcK-same reason, namely, tbey are parts of the supreme law of the land. Lond applause. Airaiii: The Constitution not onlv contains sonic political powers and the tights granted to the Federal Government, and a reservation of all other political powers and rights to the States of the people; but it al so embraces rights of persons and property guaranteed to every citizen in his indi vidual capacity; and these are equally made, oot by implication but expressly, parts of tho supreme law of the land, and are therefore equally the objects of our "loyalty," All pretence, therefore, of any paramount authority in the Central Gor. eminent to override these personal rights of the citizen, or to claim our "loyalty" in disregard of thee co-ordinate parts of the supreme law, is a perversion of the very idea of American loyalty. Cheers. As well might the citizen claim, because the Constitution has made hid personal rights part of the supreme law, that therefore the loyalty of his neighbor is due to him alone, a the Government can claim that loyalty is due solely, or primarily or ultimately to the functions which it is appointed to perfor n. The rights of the Government. the rights of the Saates, and the rights of InJi viduals, all and equally, aro comprehended in the supremo law of the land, and our loyalty is due to that law, to the. whole and every part of it, and public officers are in tha name scne and for the same reaon bound to obey every '"jut aud title" ol it. Great applause. These positions are very plain and familiar truths, too familiar perhaps, you will say, to be treated. But in these days nothing that U true u too fundamental cr too plain to be inculcated. The extrava gant language and idoas that arc current in the mouth of even sensible people on this subject of loyalt) would have exceeded all rapacity of belief in any other than this. If one were to undertake to reduce this language and these ideas to something like a defirite moral proposition, it would be found that the doctrine is something like this: In a time Df war, when there arc great public dangers, the rights of the States and of individuals must give way; and if those who administer the Government are satisfied that public necessity requires them to use powers that transcend the limits of the Constitution, he who does not acquiesce in their judgment, or who questions their authority to do particular acts, is a "disloyal" citizen. Laughter. This statement of the doctrine is the best I know how to make; for 1 know not how else to interpret or so apply the denunciations which we find in the proceedings of public meetings, in the columns cf party newspapers, and in the common speech and action of very many persons. I need only to point to the utter prohibition that is attempted to be placed upon all discussion of any plan for bringing thin dreadful civil war to n close excepting by the particular method of fighting; or to the manner in which the terms "traitor" and "secessionists" are hurli d at all who question the policy and lawfulness of the methods pursued by the Gorernraent in the prosecution of the war. For myself, I do not profess to have a definite opinion, as yet, concerning several of the modes in which a peace might safely be sought. Tho Normal Condition ofthe Xegro. It is a self evident truth that negroes are, naturally considered entitled to our rights, or they arc not, or, in other words, should be placed in the same tatu$ as ourselves, or they were designed by the Creator for a different position and differ ent purpose, in short, we should apply the great principle ofthe Declaration of 1770, and amalgamate with them ns we do with the Europeans who came among us, or we should hold them in a domestic and suboruitiate position; as at the South. Of course the iguortnt and besotted anti slaveryite will say that he does not wish to amalgamate with negroes he only insists on giving them the same "freedom;" but this is only saying that while he himself shtinks from amalgamation, ao would fore this disirustin fate on others. There is no such condition a he imagints for the negro. God Almighty has forever forbidden it. Ho can only exist as in insolaled, useless, oooproducing savage, a in Africa, or as a useful Christian "slaw," in juxtaposition with the whit man. Thrust into the Statut of the white msn m tie Jyorth, he tends to

extinction, most rapidly where he ha most "liberty," as in Massachusetts. In llayti aud Jamaica, he tends to ex tinction on the coast, while in the interior he rapidly goes back to his African status, and proportionately multiplies himself. Thus if we stand off, a time will come which all that they imitated from their for

mer masters in these islands will have per ished. They will speak their African dialects, worship their African fetiches, sell their women and children for a string of beads, &c, and, on occasions, perhaps eat their prisoners of war, and then, too, the births will predominate over the deaths and therefore, bad as such a condition may seem to our missionary brethren, it is assurdly bstter then "freedom" in Massa chusetts, where they dL for life is better than death. Indeed, with the high endowments with which God has blessed our own race, and all the glories of our Christian civilization, there are greater hotrors in our midst than in Africa, or, with all their snake-worshipping and captire-eat-ing habits, there is no such awful thing as prostitution; while here, jostling us every hour in our streets, are ten thousand lost creatures whom (Hod created only a little lower than angels, but whom society, as represented by the Ueechers, &c, have transformed into something scarcely better than devils. We repeat, then, only two (permament) conditions are possible to negroes insolated, useless, non-progies-eiag savagery in Africa, or useful, advancing Christian "slavery" in America. Can we doubt, ior a moment, which is best oi which is most in harmony uith the economy and designs of Providence? Of course not, fcr even if their were any doubt in respect to the well-being of the negre, without this negro, or rather without this "slavery," some sixty degrees of latitude, right in the centre of this Continent and the most naturally fertile as well as the centre of products essential to human welfare, would become a wilderness or the home of a large African heathenism. These negroes arc here and they or their descendants must remain an element of our population forever. God his made the white roan superior and the negro iuferior, kod the local law is in harmony with these fixed, unchangeable and everlasting facts. Thdir interests arc indivisible, and though there are doubtless defects in tbe so. 1 organism, in essentials it is the most natural, beneficent and harmonious social condition in Christendom. In Europe, society is an organized barbarism and ''government" a mere contrivance of the few to plunder the great igncrant, degi aded and almost hopeless many. In the North, society, while just and true in thcoty, is at war with itself in practice. Capital and labor are in deadly and irreconcilable conflict, and though the latter, to a certain extent, protects itself through tha ballot-box, it may be doubled if it could do so permantly, if separated from the South. Capital and labor are united i:i the South, and this condition, this so-called slavery, which brings the talent, wealth and education of that section to the support ofthe i orthern laboring classes, is the most beneficent and hopslul fact of our times, for everywhere else on God's footstool, capital aud edu cation are the oppressors of labor. But even if this were not so if the assump tions of the ant't-slaveryiics were true in the main, or rather, w the presence of the negro among us were really an evil, the lu nacy and crime of the "enemies of slave ry" would tili rcraaio the most stupen dous, unnatural aud utterly dovlish, the world ever saw. They assume that negroes are men like ourelves, save in color, and they organ ize a party to get posesion ofthe govern ment to carry out this ' idea," and force the white citizenship of the South into "impartial freedom" with negroes. Thirty years ago when this "idea" was first pro mulgated, its exponents were beaten with rotten ge in every northern city, an and now it is promulgated from the White House in Washington, and half a million men are in arms to force it on the South! Did the world over before witness such lu nacy, suh madnes?, 6uch crime? And if the South could be beaten down in this struggle, and the confiscation and emancipattoti decrees forced on them, what then? Why, one of three things only could follow : The negroes, thrust from their normal condition by noithern bayonets, would be massacred by tho whites: the lat. ter would abandon the country to them. or they would amalgamate with them. Of course eight millions of white people would never abandon their native soil to four millions of idle and useless negroes, and it is not to be supposed that the descendants of Washington, Jefferson and Jicksoo would amalgamate with them; therefore, if the north were strong enough and lunatic enough to conquer the South, and enforce Mr. Lincoln's proclamation' there could only be one result, the universal massacre and extermination of the ne'grots,

What bouudless and bottomless lunacy ,

tobe sure. If the ''anti-slavery" North could conquer the South it would be the greatest calamity that has happened to humaa kind in a thousand years, for in addition lo strikiug down self-government and the civilization of fourteen States, it would end in the masjacre of four millions of negroes. But this calamity will not happen. The North is rapidly cotnirig to its senses and disarming through the ballot-box the mad creatures who are blindly and wickedly seeking to set aside God Almighty and force the inferior negro to a monstrous and forever forbidden level with the white man. We shall return to the Constitution as defined by the Supreme Court, and all men North aud Souih will agree to leave the negro where God and the Constitution placed him, in domestic subordination and under the care and guidance of his master. It is a frigh'.ful thing 1 to realize that all this bloodshed, misery, ast and desolation has been in vain, worse than vain, for it is all spent to set aside the order of nature and degrade ourselves into "impartial freedom" with an inferior race. But, after 11, a great aud beneficent end will be reached and future generations will receive the benefits of our sacrifices. The status of the negro will be settled forever, and American Democracy, no longer endangered by the schemes of its enemies in the Old World or the Ne ? , will be secure in the future, for no man from the Gulf seas to the northern Lakes will ever dare again to propose such monstrous treason to his race as ''impartial freedom" with negroes. A". V, Caucas tan. Choice Extract. The following is an extract irora the late speech of Hon- J. K. Edoertok, M. C. to the Democratic Mass Convention, at Auburn, De Kslb County, Indiana, February 21st 1S03: ''Ever since the bnaking out of the rebellion in the Southern States, we have heard and seen freely applied to those of us, who have ndopted or adhered to the name Democrat, and have chosen to main tain democratic organizations, and to insist that the Government shall be admin, istere 1, and this war conducted according to the Constitution many opprobious terms; secessionists, semi secessionists, Northern rebels, rebel sympathizers, butternuts, copperheads traitors, arc among the terms freely applied to democrats. It is not pleasant to have such names applied to us; it is not for the peace or good orJer of any community, much less for the good ofthe nation, that they should be so applied. ! Mere names are nothing, but the spirit that prompts them is often a malignant and dangerot.3 spirit, sometime s capable of worse things thau coining abusive epithets. Our best and most consoling answer to ail these evil names, which surround us with an atmosphere of stinging insects, is the consciousness within. We would be unworthy of our lights, and of our high duties to our country, if wo could permit the slanders aud abuse of partisan editors or orators, or of deluded private partisans, or oven tha wrongful persecutions of a partsan Administration, to fright us from our propriety, or 6werve us from our sacred purpose. We can only say to them, that they ignorantly persecute those whose purp ose is to do them good and not evil, for we can do no higher service, even to oui political enemies, than by saving from destruction the Government whoss life is as valuable, and should be a dear to them as to us. Let deluded or evil disposed men call us whit they please, our purpose as Democrats, is to do our part to restore peace to our bleeding country, and with that peace to restoro and establish throughout all its borders, from the pine forests of Maine, to the shores ofthe Mexican Gulf, nd from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the supremacy of the Constitution of the United States not alone in its letter, but in its true genius and spirit as a perpetual bond of brotherhood and peace. That is our purpose and platform as national Democrats, and they slander us who charge us with any other, and nothing but the will of God and overpowering force will ever drive us from it. Those who will faror this purpose, and will stand with us on this platform, acd co-work with us, are our political friends; those who will not are our enemies. And we franklv sty to them, it-would be far better for them in ar m stead of denouncing us as traitors, and foes to the Government, to try and see how much of their own partisan creed and spirit tbey can abandon , and how near they can corao to an accord with us, as to the means best calculated to save and restore the broken Uaion and dishonored Constitution. - i i Some genius has conceived the brilliant idea to press all the lawyers into the military serviee because their charges art so great that no one cto stand them.

To our minds, nothing aince th- war b? gao, save the emsncipa:io:i proclamation, has been so disheartening to the eucceS of the Union cauie (snd by the Union cause we mean the cause of the restoration of th3 Union by every means which would contribute to that result) at the iuforooation contained in the subjoined paragrsph from the money article of the London Times of the 23d ult: "The demand for money at the Bank and in the open market was very active on Saturday, chiefly in consequence of the large amount locked up in the shape of deposits upon the Confederate loan. The Confederate loan touched 5 per-cont, premium in the morning, then it rt-lapsed during a short period to 4 per cent premium, and closed at 4f and 4 premium.

The aggregate of the subscriptions in Loodon Liverpool, Paris, Franklort. and Amsterdam is about fifteen millions." The Confederates are, then, able not only to negotiate a loan in Europe, but lo negotiate it at a premium! and we cannot say whether thd Federal government could do as much. The event disclose! the judgment of the most careful public opinion of Europe as to the chances of success by the Federal government against the rebellion; and tbt loan will replenish the exhausted exchequer ofthe Confederates, and the ability U procure other loans hereafter will give hope and confidence to the southern people such as they have not frit before. We venture to declare that not until the emancipation proclamation had its f fleet upon the people of the North, as well as of tho South, could the Confederates have negotiated a loan in Europe on any terms. The truth is, the administration at Washington are deliberately murdering the Ameiicati Union. Chicago Times. Wjt do not know whether or not the administration fit Washington will feel ashamed to put the conscription law inio operation until they have achieved one great substantial victory with the army of six hundred thou a id men which they called into the field last year. They hare not yet achieved aueh a rictory with that army. In reality, we are no farther advanced in the war than we were before that army was called out. This fact, leaving out all consideration as to the miseries ot the political policies of the wsr, is most discourging to the country. Tens of thousands of lives and hundreds of millions of treasure have been sacrificed lo no purpose. And what ground of encouramfnt there that what has been will not be ugalu? What ground of encouragement is ther that the same incompetency and imbecility will not reiün in the future that has reigned in the past? Is it not prohalft, indeed, that greater incompetency and imbecility will reign in the future than has reigned in the past? Are not the most competent officers in the service set aside, and untried and weak men put in their places? It is no wonder that, in a mere military point of view, the country ia discouraged; and when the political policies of the war aro regarded, is it not wonderful that this discouragement does m t b come depalr? Chicago Times. Pcxcii has the following article on Punctuation, which is worthy the attention even of compositots addicted to Lager: "Puoctuation that is, the putting the stops in the right places cannot be too sedulously studied. We lately read in a country paper, the following startling ac count of Lord Palmerston's appcaranoe in the House of Commons: "Lord Palmerston then entered on his head, a white bat on his feet, large but well polished boots upon his brow, a dark cloud io hie lnd, his faithful cane in his eye, s meaning glare saying nothing. He sat down." A paper in New Yorkaays that a strongfisted servant girl in that city wa recently assaulted by a couple o f scoundrel, named John and Elnm Mile, and that she flogged them both. We have heard that a miss is as good as a mile, but hero was a case in which a miss was as god as two miles, and a little better. A Hibernian was reproved by an officer for daring to whistle in the ranks while on duty. Just as the officer spoke, one ofthe enemies' balls came w histling over the ravine. Pat cocked his eye toward it quietly, and said There goes a b y on duty, and, by jabcrs, how he whistles. Frazkr's Magazine says a refonved f male drunkard has never been known. Mrs. Swishelm held it possible that they oould be reformed, but thought that, as soon as they were, they should be taktn out to sea and sunk. At a recent fancy drea ball in Portland Maine, an editor appeared in pood ,4jro to. meting," clothes. The di.gui?e a so complete that his best friends failed to reeogn::e lira.

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