Plymouth Weekly Democrat, Volume 2, Number 52, Plymouth, Marshall County, 23 January 1862 — Page 1

PLYMOUT

WEEK

DEMOCRAT.

Y

i HERE LET THE PRESS THE PEOPLE'S RIGHTS MAINTAIN; UNA WED BY INFLUENCE AND UN BOUGHT BY GAIN VOLIDIE 2 NEW SERIES. PLYMOUTH, INDIANA, THURSDAY JANUARY 23, 1862. NUMBER 52 WHOLE No. 104.

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INDIANA DEMÜTRATIC PLATFOHII. v here as, The Democratic party having, from the date of it: organization, been in favor of the maintenance of the Union und the preservation of the Constitution, and seeing iu the present condition of the country the deplorable effects of a departure from iis time honored and conservative principles, and the triumph of sectionalism; and tirnily believing that the Union und the Cocstitu tion can be preserved alone by the restoration of that p-irty to power, we invite all the Union men throughout the land to unite with us in sustaiiru: its organization and carrying out its principles. Therefore. Resulted, 1. Tlj.it we reaffirm and endorse the political principles that from time to time have been put forth by the National Conventions of the Democrat's party. ii That we are rnaltcrobly attached to the Constitution, by whk-h the Union of these Stites Avas formed aid established : and that a faithful observance of its principles can alone continue the existence of the Union, and the permanent happiness of the people. 3. That the present civil war ha mainly resulted from the long continued, unwise, and fanatical agitation, in the North, of the question of domestic shivery, the consequent organization c f a "eogfar.higal partv, guided bv the s"ctionol plat

forms adopted at lhitla'o, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, j and Chicago, and the development thereby ot sectional hate and jealousy, producing (as had long been foreseen and predicted Sy us) it coun terp art in the South of s cession, disunion, and armed resistance to the General Goveri ment, and terminating in a bloody strife between those who should havr been forever bound together by fraternal bond, thus bringing upon the whole country a calam 'y which wc are now to meet as loyal citizens, striving for the adoption of that mode of settlement best calculated to again restore union and harmony. 4. That in rejecting all propositions likely to result in a satisfactory adjusrment of the matters in dispute between the North and the South, and especially those measures which would have secured the border slave States to the Union, and a harty co operation on their part in all constitutional and legal measures to procure a return of the jnore Southern States to their allegiance, the Republican party assumed a fearful responsibility, : and acted in to'-al disregard of the best interests of the whole country. - VSM ml .a same desire to settle, by amicable adjustment, our ! ;. 1 hat ii the partv m power nan snown me internal intensions t.e ore hostilities i,aa actual ? commenced, that the Admui'-tration has recently exhibited to avoid a war with our ancient enemy. ! lircai JjriiHIl, f iiinnit iHii "nicic uui iv.icv and harmony would no. r reign throughout all our borders. 6. That the maintenance of the Union upon the princin'i of the Federal Constitution should be the Controlling object of all who profess loyalty to the Government and in our judgment this purpose can only be accomplished, by the ascendency of a Union partv in the South rn States, which shall, by a counter revolution, displace those who control and dircci the present rebellion. That no effort to create or sustain such a party can lie sue cssful which is not based upon a definite set tlcment of the questions at issue between the two .-ections; and we therefore demand tliat some such :S(ttlement be made by additional constitutionol guaranty, either initiated by act of Congress or through the medium of a National Convention. 7. That the Republican party has fully demon--Ptrated its inability to conduct the Government through its present hflieuUios, That w are utterlv opposed to the twin heresies. Northern sectionalism and Southern se cession, as inimical to the Constitution and that freemen, as they value t'ie boon of civil liberty and the peace of the country, should frown indignantly upon them. . Th".t :n this national emergency thft DemncTac, of Indiana, 1 mi-hing all fedhig of passion .and resentment, will recollect only the:r dutv to U;cm..; comury; uvn ., war not üe Marred in the snint ot connuest or suhiii'' tion. nor for thepurpos.j of over' brewing or interierin v - i I . ' , " with the rights or instit tions of the States, i,ut to defend and maint iir. the uprern ev of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, couality aul lights of the several States nnimpa'.rcd; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war oiiuh to ceasi?. 10. That we will sustain, with all our energies, a war fr the man ten ince of the Condition, and of the integrity of the Union under the Constitution; but wear opposed to a war for the emanci afion of the negroes, or the subjugation of the Southern States. 11. That the purposes avowed an 1 advocated by the Northern unionists, to hbera'e and arm the negro slaves, is a disgra.-e to the ace. calculated to rttard the .surpress"on of the rebellion and jneets our r.niul:ged condemnation. 12. That the total disretrerd of the writ of Kaltem eorpu lv the authorities over us, and the seizure and imprisonment of the citizens of loyal States where the judiciary is in full operation, without warrantor law and without ssi.'nitij anv cause or giving to the imrfy arrested ;inv opnortnVtty of defense, are fhirrnnt Mohtion of the Con stitutioti ii 1 ni alirm'ii!; aftw of usurpation nf fioer. which should receive the stern rebuke of vvery lover of his country and of every man who pti.es the security and Hessings ol life, hberfr and property. Y.i. That the liberty of peoch and of the press re guaranteed to the people by the Constitution, and non- bjit n usurjer would deprive theni of these rights ; they :re inestimable to the citizen and formidable to tyrants only. And the attempt which have been nrntde nince our present unfortunate troubles, to muzzle the press and stifle free discussion, are exercises of despotic power against which freedom revolts Mi l which can not be tolerated without converting freemen into slaves. 1 1. That the seizure of Mihoii and Slidell.on hoard a neutral vessel, on the hiuh seas, was either in accordance with international law, and at lixT'il nr !n in vii.l itlun rf end. I ...I ..,.! illegal. If ti e former, we lamect that our nation 'r Fii "I r.iMi illl o i has been bunriliated by their surrender, under a! threat ; if the latter, it was the duty of the Ad-' ministration at once to have disavowed the act of1 their oflieer, and uistead of meareeritinir the captives in toit Warren, to have immediately icpaired the wrong by placing them, :u far as practicable, in the same eomiitioii in which that tdli cer louno tnem. in ciuier event, the action of the Administration was vacillating and cow. ardly and degrading to the dignity of a great nation 15. That the action of the Republican party, as manifested in the partisan character of all appointmenfs of the Administration to ciril office ; and, in holdWis party c mouse by the Republican member of Congress for the purpose of impressin" upon the legislative action of that body the peculiar dogmas of that party, have demons! rated th it their professions of "sacrificing party platform-, and party organizations, upon the altar of their country," are but .-o many hypocritical aud false pretenses by which they "hope to dupe the unwary into their eupport ;an 1 we warn alf loyal person, sis they love their country, not to be deceived therebyJH, That the disclosures made by the investigating committee in Congress of the enormous frauds that hae fta'.ked into the army and navy departments, implicating the heads of those de ptrtm nts in a contrivance at, if not an actual participation in a system of corruption, and in ;.vhiea our brave soldiers have leeti defrauded of their proper supplies, and our (Government threat cued with bankruptcy, demands a thorough investigation into all our expenditures, both State and National, and that a speedy and marked oxample he made of all such "birds of prey," who, Ukin" advantage of the necescity of our country, have icu juu iaiicncu upon puoiic plunder. 17. Tht the meritorious co lduct of the Indiana troop, in every batllo:ield where victory has perched upon the national banner, has filled the people or this State with the highest gratitude to her gallant on, and that we send our best wishes to officers and men, dispersed throughout the country, and the heattfeit greetings of every Democrat for their further brilliant achievments in the coming contests for the maintenance ot the Constitution and the Union.

K X lt2 IS CII O F HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS, OX ACCEPTING THE PRESIDENCY OF The Indiana Democratic State Convention, January S, IStiä.

Being introduced by Mr. Pettit, Mr. Hendricks spoke as follows : Gentlemen : I thank you for the honor conferred in calling upon me to preside over your deliberations. It is pur?uant to the usages of our patty that this Convention of delegetes, freut up from all portions of the State, 19 now in session. A custom, innocent in itselt, and found to be useful, ought not to be abandoned, nor without cause, at any time and especially when the ex-gneies of the times demand ltd observance. It has been the pleasures and will of the Democracy of this State, in times past, thai chosen delegates should sit in counci!, on each revolt im; Eighth of January, to deliberate upon all matters material or important to the party organization, or touching the public weal. To maintain that custom I laise my voice, and give my vote this day. 1 am not prone to attach importance or sancity to particular days, except so far a3 our religion has prescribed, yet to me it seems meet and proper thai tlie day mado memorable by the patriotism and heroism of our great leader, Andrew Jackson, and his gallant army, should not be forgotten, now that our country ' in hei greatest peril, but that it should be observed by his political chi)Jren jn sentjment3 0f fidelity to his . . . . principles, and in deeds; of devotion to our country. It is now nearly half a century since the Eight' i of January became, to us a people, a great day, am. ng all the days of j the year; and I feel the allusion to it bring9 up in your minds sad ar.d foreboding contrails; that the pride and glory of the past stand siJe by side with the humiliation and abasement of the present. Fortyseven years ago our Fathers were united ; united not alone by the forms of law, and the obligations of the Constitution, but by that hones:, fraternal love that made them tudeed one people; and when the January sun lighted up this land, the earnest inquiry was upon every tongue, what will be the fate of New Orleans this day? Will that Capital our late acquisition become the prey of a soldiery imbruted by the war cry of 'booty stud beaut??' T t i f , day threw back o J his arys upon the banner of our country floating over a victorious Held, and as- the news ran from the border settlements over the towns, and cities and States, a wild shout of joy went up, from a people of one heart. Ad deep and earnest as was the love of that d y, so profound and implaca bl3 is becoming the enmity of the present. j Fanaticism, bigotry and sectional hatred are diing their work of evil upou a great, a generous and a noble people. The propriety and policy of holding this Convention have been much discussed, but to me it has seemed most pioper and and politic. The Democratic party, with a well defined system of political principles, and animated by an intense d?votio to the iaterea! and lienor ol the country. 'comes dowo to tu Irorn the tarlv days of i, , , - . ' . 11,0 K''PUÜ'C with a history intimately identified with out progress, and the greatness we have achieved a a people. IMd, confident, aud determined, the Democratic party has always assumed and occupied its position upon every question, affucting either the honor of the lioverr.ment, or the prosperity of the people. It has never sought to avoid the responsibility which, because of its inlluetice and . . . - i , . ,ls Fowcr Ul r,ö" "'ngeu to It; ana when itH mi'hty Weight ha b . " . . ii throw : for or !,Ü,n1 HUY particular hy-!em of public policy, it hab been felt ihloiiv'hoUt . , , . ,,1 t,t the whole framework of jovei um it. I not mention these things tu boast there of, but that, as we stand in the preserce of the past, invoking its spirit, and feeling its power, we may be stimulated to follow where duty beckons, whatever dangers beset the way. Do tve not now hear the wailing cry of our country? And does not the sobbing voice of civil liberty, coming from out the ruins of a violated Constitution, and the broken pillars of our institutions, call U3 to the rescue? Then let the word pass along the serried ranks of the Democracy: Every man to his post, every miy for Iiis country. If the Democratic organization bo not maintained, then whera are the hundred of thousands of honest, conservative and patriotic citizens who have heretofore actod with the Republican party, but who now regard the success of that party as a public calamity, to go, that their illuence may be exerted for the 6aIvation of the country? They will go with us, if we but maintain our organization, and occupy a wise and patriotic position. Hut if we abandon our organization under tho false cry of no par'y. in whose hands do we leave tho State and Fedeial

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Government, and the rights and interests of the people? In the hands of the leaders of the Republican party, the most proscriptive and .ntolerant over known to the country the very men who for years have labored to build up a sectional party who for the sake of political power, and by the arts and appeals of the demagogue, have taught the people of the North that they have separat and opposing iuterests to the people of the South, who. by appeals to sectional pride and prejudice, have excited, first jealousy, and then hatred, until now the power of the sections is embodied in terrible armies, ready to join in the death gapple who, as late as last winter and spring, when the storm was coming, and the sky was growing black, refused and spumed every proposition of adjustment, that would have quelled the storm, swept the dark cloud away and again let in the bright sunshine ol pe'ace who, when Virginia and Kentucky called for a peace Congress, that terms of conciliation and peace might be made, refused to respond in the spiiit of the call, and disregarding the democratic and conservative sentiment of the North, appointed a controlling number of the delegates distinguished for their party rancor, and known to bo opposed to all conciliation and com promise. Can we then, as patriots, without an effort to save it, surrender our country to the control of a part, whose history, thus far, is written in failuie, in corruption and in public ruin? May I t.ot say in failure, when in vain I ask for one good act of that part-, ono sinl measure of its adop lion that adds to the prosperity of the people, ot to the greatness of the country? All men will sayjn failure, when the results of Republican rule are examined by the light of promises made before the election when the good times promised are compared with the hard times brought. May I not say in corruption, when the factions of that party contend in mutual accusations of more enormous fraud and speculations when the mpporters of Fremont throw back the charges preferred and proven against him, by the extraordinaiy defense, that the sappers and miners, at and about Washington, the Camerons, the Weeds, the Welleses, the Morgans ami the Cummingses, ate more llagrant plunderers of the treasury than the camp followers of Fremont when this reeking corriiption is not cMifined to the miserable wretches who sell hospiial stores, or give short weights, or adulterate the food and drink of the soldier, but crawls upon the very council table of tho President, and mingles iu Cabinet deliberations, and is now brought to the knowledge of the President by indubitable aud record evidence, and et the publio wrong is not righted; when to such astounding letiirhts these things have gone that, the Times newspaper of Cincinnati, a better opponent of the Democracy, in a rocent article, has been compelled to paj : "(od help the nation if these things are to conuiiue. We must confess we aie losing our patience. The Congressional reports show that the War Department, at least, is in the hands of of thieves, llio masteily inactivity of the Administration is broken only when it comes to the plundering of the Tieaeury. The report of the Congressional Investigating Committee ihrills every honest man with horror. It is the saddest exposition of our national history. It exhibits a degree of corruption in the War and Navy Departments, not ex pected in this critical hour. The public treasury is in the hands of thieves, whose only solicitude is plunder. If Congress was holiest. a it ought to be, Simon Cameron would have been hurled from 1 is office in disgracH before this, and Ft. Lafayette crowded wi h the Weeds, the Cumming6es. the Morgans, and the host of plunderers proved guiliy by that investigation. Rut even this terrible exhibition does not seem to have created a sensation in Cengress. Does the pluLder conspiracy extend even there?' In this connection, it is right that lionoaable mention, and exception be made. of the Cabinet officer from Indiana, and as an Indiauian, 1 thank him that his official conduct allows me thU pleasure. I said the history ol the Republican party is being written iu publio ruin ; and does any man hesitate to believe it? If go let me refer him to broken institutions toadistutbed commerce and interrupted trade to a deranged currency, and the low prices of all our valuable productions and let me ask, is public ruin not marked upon all? In what single thing that we value, are we now as secure, a9 we were before the Republican parly came into power? Is it individual wealth, or public credit? Your depreciated estates. im iitu u'iiius M Aiiuiaijit ruiugeu in the market, at eighty cents on tho doll-r. furnishes tho answer. Is it individual security, aud liberty? ller tho response. in tho groau of men couüued without a

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charge, and denied the privilege of a trial, Is it the honor of ihe nation? The surrender of Mason and Südell tells us, that we have, for the first time in our history, bent the knee to our ancient foe. The lin.es never so demanded a thorough and efficient organization of the Democratic party as at tho present. Throw out the banner, and upon its ample folds let the people see inscribed their time honored piinciples, and they will gladly ta'ly around it, as of yore. A civil war is upon us. For its existence the Democratic party is not responsible. For many years we have admonished those who favored a section! party of its danger iu the sentiments of Washington's farewell addre-s, that the greatest danger to bo apprehended to our country, wa9 the formation of geographical parties we have advocated 'those dectrinee which wo believe fair and equal to all sections; and which could have been adopted without wounding the pride, or stimulating the arrroance of cither.' Our appeals were disregarded. Sectional pride, prejudice, and hatred in one section produced the same sentiments in the other; and of this sectional strife was begotten our present troubles. The war is upon us 'wickedly provoked on the one 6ide, and in fully and 6in, aud without sufficient cau.-e, commenced on the other.' With secession upn the one hand, and sectional interference with Southern rights upon the other, we hold no sympathy. Our most earnest desire is for the restoration of the Union, upon the basis of the Constitution, and, for myself, I will give an honest support to all constitutional and proper measures, adopted by the Administration to that end; and I will as earnestly oppose all acts in violation of the constitution, and in suppression of liberty, because of my veneration for that solemn compact of our fathers, aud because such policy renders the Union impossible, by obliterating the Union sentiment of tho South, and giving aid and comfort to its enemies. What are we to do with the negroes of the South, in connection with the war, is asked upon eveiy hand. Before answering that, lot me ask, for what purpose is the war waged? If, as O.e President does profess, and the soldiers in the field believe, it is to suppress a rebellion, to restore the Union, and establish tho Constitution and tlie supiemacy of the laws, then I answer, with the negro slave and his condition, we hav nothing to do; nothing whatever, either a3 a purpose, incident or conaequence of the war. If the Constitution be restored, in its authority, over all the States, then the Constitution itself refers the condition of the colored race to the authority of the Slates, and by its own provisions excludes Federal jurisdiction. Rut beyond that, how is the ne gro to bo made an element of strength for tho euppiession of the rebellion? Cameron, and his supporters of the Republican party say, put arms in their l ands. For what purpose? Are there not as many men in the North ready to fiht as we can arm and feed and clothe and pay? Or is it true, that outnumbering tho South, nearly as three to one, the North falters and fails and must call the negro to the rescue? I would call upon my countrymen to visit with universal indignation and scorn the miscreant who entertains so base an opinion of Northern strength, and Northern courage. Ignorant of the use of arms, and lacking those high intellectual and moral qualities, that make the efficient 6oldier, the negro can win no battles where the men of the North are driven back. What General would go into battlo trust ing to black regiments for his strength? and what regiment, made up of the proud men of Indiana, would 6tand in a battle, where they must lean for support upon armea negroes: Atrjther class, too cowardly to fight, and too malevolent to be gratified by the results of civilized warfare, demand a carnival of blood, feast of horrors, amid scenes of Rervilersurrection. Our fath ers detested the foe that would incite the forest savage to scenes of midnight mas sacre, and the judgment of enlightened and civilized humanity condemns an ap peal to the cupidity or luet of tho soldiery. Shall we, then, who have in keeping the honorable memories of our fathers; who are amenable to the judgment of the civilized nations, shall we invoke to our aid the negroes of the .South, calling up the foul spirit of insurrection, and making indiscriminate aud uncontrolled war upon men, women, and children, amid scenes loo horrible tu be described, and too wicked to bring a blessing. As I believe our soldiers are strong and biavo, I denounce it as an insult to them; and a? I am jealous of our good name and fair fame, I would make a proclamation of it as a thing so atrocious as to consign us to infamy, in the eyes of tho civilized world. There is yet anothor class who demand,

some as a purpose, and others as a consequence of the war, the emancipation of the slaves. In a military point of view, there if weakness, embarrassment, and burthen, in the proposition, and no strength. Without emancipation and its evils, the slaves, found in the neighborhood of the camps, may b used to relieve the soldi ?ra of exhausting labor. Owing service to their masters, they may be tequired to render that service to the Government; but if made free, it will be at their discretion and pleasure whether they relievo the soldiers in the trenches and upon the breastworks ; at least such is tho view of the administration, as expounded by the Secretary of War, who says, 'The Government has no power to hold slaves, none to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to exact his service. It has the right, however, to use the voluntary services of slaves, liberated by war from their rebel masters.' If tho slaves be freed by the act of the Government, and the masters thereby discharged from the care and responsibilty of their maintenance, that burthen at

once falls upon the Government. That is ihn rloolrinn n f thö A lininieofJ. Tn ' , . . . , T . , his last message. President Ltncold says: I says: 'Under and by virtue of an act of Congress entitled an act to confiscate properij used for insurrectionary purposes, approved August C, 1001, tlie legal claims of certain persons to the labor aud service of certain other persons, have becomi forfeited; and numbeis of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for ia some way.' The argument of the President and the Secretary of War amounts to just this: By the authority and act of the Government, the slaves ate mado free, because of the rebellion of the masters, and being free, the Government cannot exact their services; involuntary service would make them slaves, and the Government cannot hold slaves; but being free by her act, they are dependent upon the United States, "and must bo provided for in some way.' That is the emancipation policy of the Administration. As a war measure, to give strength 10 the North, what do you think of it? You will obsorve we cannot 'exact service' from the manumitted slave he is to work or not work as suits his pleasure. That alternative being presented, the negro does not work. Rut ho is to be 'provided lor in some way.'j W hat will that provision cost, when more than 3.000,000 slaves belonging to masters who go with the South, are liberated? TLat will depend largely upon the number of Republican commissarios detailed to the service, and whether the present per cent, of profit is continued, and upon th number of missionaries that are sent among this interesting people, to prepare them for 'liberty, equality, and fratoruiBut Mr. Lincoln is not content with an advocacy of emancipation by the United States, but hs proposes to encourage the States to adopt the same policy. He goes on to saj : "Resides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which, persons of the same chss will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such case, I recommend that Congress provide for accepting 6uch persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some o'.her plan to be agreed on with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by the General Government, bo at once deemed free.' The proposition amounts to just this: The public expenditures are now so enormous that a direct tax is inevitable: the Constitution of the United States, Article 1, section 2, provides that 'direct taxes shall be apportioned among the seveial States, which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers;' the tax must bo so apporih n and imposed, but when we come to coIk . tho taxes, if any State, as for instance Kentucky, will freo the negroes, wo will receive such freed negroes in payment of her portion of the tax, according to their value, to be ascertained by appraisement. A fair construction of the Constitution requires, not only that the direct tax shall bo imposed upon all the States equally. but that it shall also bo collected from them equally, in proportion to their numbers. According to tho President's recommendation Indiana would pay her tax in money, to be used for tho common benefit, but Kentucky might pay in the slaves of her peoplo. at a valuation, but as soon as so received they are to 'be at once deemed free.' Such is the war policy of the Administration, defeating revenue, instead of furnishing it. Rut the question recurs, in what way are we to provide for tho manumitted slaves ; they wiil becomu dependent upon

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us, anc? 'must be provided for in some I way, the President says. He gives us . his plan After recom-r.ending that ne- j

groes be taken from States in payment of localities in Illinois the useful and valuathe ditect tax, he goes on to recommend ble article of com is used as the cheapest 'that in any event steps must b-2 taken for; fuel. To estimate the loes in Indiana colonizing both daises, (or the one first for this year is difficult; but w mar asmentioned, if the other shall not be bro'tjsume upon potk the following: Upon into existence,) at some place or places, 'each IUU pounds 82, and an average in a climate congenial for them. I weight of 2.TJ lbs. gives a los of So ou To carry ont the plan of colonization may j each hog. Upon one railroad lhne have involve the acquiring of territory, and also; been hipp-d liJ:..JU'J heal, and assuming ihe appropriation of money beyond that ! that to be on-tenlh tho ;v-s w the expended in the territorial acquisition.' State, the entire stock for market in thy President Lincoln does not inform us, on J State for this year is 1.O0O.0C0. mi l our what portion of tlie globs we are to pur-j losses upon perk 5,000,OUO. It is probchase tho territory for the free nogroc, ably eafe to assume an equal lo-s upon

except that he suggests, that it must be ' where the climate will be congenial. " Know ye the land of the cedar and vine Where the Mowers ever blossom, the beams ever shine; Where the citron and olive are fairest of fru;t. And the voice of the iiightingtle never is mute; Where the tints of the earth and the hues of the sky, In color though varied, in beautv miy vie. " 'Tis the clime of the South; 'tis the land of the sun." What think you of this description of tlie modern Eden, the Elysium, which the I'resident would have us buy for the wea- . f . , ; ' . A . A . iv iiiiiutoii ui anlief; uui ivna'. is io oe the cost of its acquisition? Perhaps only a few hundred millions. This presents the disagreeable and embarrassing suggestion which Mr. Lincoln ha3 not met, that we may not have tho gold on hand that we can conveniently spare. Rut perhaps we can buy with Treasury notes, and thay may be multiplied as the leaves on the trees, or the sands upon the shore. Rut if John Rull should bo the owner, he is not in temper with us just now, and may prove churl enough to say, I will keep my land of orange groves where the nightingales ever sing, lather than take your promises to pay. Clay and Jackson and Webster, and statesmen of that class regarded the colonization of tho negroes as a work of such enormous cost, as not to be undertaken by the Government, even when at peace, and freo from debt; but in the midt of a civil war trade aud commerce disturbed our sources of reveuuo impaired with our industry paralized, and a national debt accumulating at ihe rate of nearly two millions per day, the wisdom and statesmanship that now manage our public, af fairs, commends it as feasible and desira ble. When we &QQ ßUch stupenutous My united to most abandoned corruption and wickedness wi can not too earnestly strive to rescue the government fri oucti control. Emancipation, then, war measure, is weakness and "t strength a burthen and not support, and can bo adopted only as a means of revenge to destroy the South, but not to restore 'he Union and to that aspect of the questiou I call your attention. As a party, the Democracy of the Northwest have not been sectional, but have advocated equality of rights and privileges to all and thug far have even conceded New England and Pennsylvania might have the revenue policy of the United States so adjusted as to give them an advantage of from twenty to forty per cent, upon their labor, more than could be given to our labor. Rut we are now being so crushed, that if we and our children are not to become the 'hewers of wood and drawers of water' for the capitalists of New England and Pennsylvania, we must look to the interests of our section; and for the first time iu my life I intend to speak as a sectional man. We are not a manufacturing peoplo and can not well become such; our wealth mst come from the cultivation of the soil, aud is of those heavy and bulky articles that require a convenient market and cheapness of transportation. A foreign demand will enrich those regions from which there is convenient and cheap approach to tho ocean, but it can not greatly benefit us; our corn and wheat, hogs and cattle are so weighty and bulky that before they reach tho tea ccast much of their value is lost in the cost of transportation. And this must continue, for railroad transportation cannot become cheap. The mamalign policy of the party now iu power in the enactment of the tarilF of last summer, which in ordinary times will be pro. hibitory and defeat revenue, and which makes us buy at high prices and sell at low prices, and which will impair our foreign market, has heretofore been partially defeated by the 6hort crops in Europe, causing a lamer foreign demand for breadsiufls than we have enjoyed perhaps since 1847; yet. with an extraordinary foreign demand for all we have to sell, what is our condition? Compare the present with our condition sixteen months since, and wo have the answer. Our hoR were then worth from four to five dollars per hundred; they are now worth from two to two dollars and fifty cents. Out corn and wheat and cattle havt fallen al -

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most in like proportion. And further to the West I am informed the losses are still greater, to that de 'ree that in 6ome each of the articles of com, wheat, a.id other stock, making tho loss to the agricultural interoiis of Indian 2J,!;'KJ,0i.'0. Those estimates are not reliable, and :te not g;ven a such, but rattier as i!Iuuatwns. The main fuct is that our h'Ses are enormous. In the rclleciive miuJ the inquiry arises, why is thi so It is rot ! for thi want of tjreigo demand, we luv that iu an iucraased decree; it is rot in the scarcity of money that is abuudant for all the wants of cur trade but tha answer is in the fact that we are cut off from our Southern market. It ia a sinking fact in contrast, that in the Eastern States, during the Kst nine months, hava accumulated more wealth than during the same time at any period of their history. For the want of a maiket the men of Indiana lose nearly one half the rewards cf their labor. Why that market is of such value to U3. is apparent upon a moment's reflection; the transportation of our heavy and bulky products upon the rivers is easy and cheap it is the interest of the South mainly to employ her labor in the production of rica, sugar, hemp, tobacco and cotton (articles which tvo do not produc?) and to dopend upon and buy from us the production ot our lands aid labor. To encourage and stimulate tha people of the South in the production of their peculiar commodities, that they may be large buyers from us, has been, and so long as 'grass grows and water runs will be, the true interest of the Northwest; and that political party that would destroy that maiket is our greatest foe. Most earnestly, then, do I call upon tl e men of Indiana to consider what President Lincoln seems to favor, what Cameron urges, what the Republican members of Congress, in caucus, have determined upon, ard what bills now pending in f-" gress contemplate the freed' oI ,ie" il.o robwl .States in a word, the destruction of Southern labor. 'J 4l,e ru" in, forever, ol our rich tra I.' and the value of our products. Impelled by a foUo philanthropy, Eogiand has made her rich islands a luxutiant wast a"d wi.desness. tha trade i which is worth no more than one of the jewels in the Queen's cxpwn. Are we now, who hava for ourselves and the generations yet to com1, such important interests involved, to consent to fuch policy towards the great and fertile regions upon the Gulf of Mexico? The first and hijhest interest of ihe Northwest is in the restoration and preservation of the Union upon the basis of the Constitution and the deep devotion of her Democracy to the -aue of the Union ia shown by in ti Iclity i:i the past; but if failure and follv and wickedness of the party in power render a union impossible, then the mighty Northwest must take care cf herself and her own interests. She must not allow tho arts and finesse of New England to dispoil her of her richest commerco and trade, and to render her labor wholly subservient to an Eastern, sectional and 6elfih policy Eastern lust of power, commerce, and gain. I know the potent appeal that has been made to our ptejudice, upon the charge that slave labor is in competition with tha free labor of tho North; but I know also that it is not founded in fact. The cultivation of rice, sugar, cotton, tobacco, and hemp is not in competition with our labor. but in aid aud support of it. With tha gold which the Southerner receives for tha sale of his crops, he purchases our products, and thus secures to our labor its hi?h rewards. ' Rut if we disturb the institutions, as our fathers approved them if we free tho negroes of tha South, what are tho consequences upon u? Largo numbers of the negroes would seek tho North, expecting to meet a peculiar sympathy, and one of two reiuhs would follow: either they would not work, and thus bo supported out of the earnings of our labor; or they would come directly in competion with our labor; and being of an inferior class, aud not competent to do a much work, nor do it as well hs the rhite mm, our labor would be degialed a'J cheapened; and the white man w-uM be driven to seek employment in competition with the negro, and to accept as the reI ward f his labor, the standard of prices l which that competition would fij.