Plymouth Weekly Democrat, Volume 2, Number 25, Plymouth, Marshall County, 18 July 1861 — Page 1

PLYMOUT

WEEKLY

DEMOCRAT.

VOLUME 2 NEW SERIES. PLYMOUTPI, INDIANA, THUKSDAY, JULY 18, 1861. NUMBER 25 WHOLE No. 77.

5 t

' '- ' i f i i f i - i r

IETTER FROM WM. G. POMSROY.

Steelville, Mo., June 12, 1S61. Ed Democrat, ffcar Sir: Your favor of the 25th of May is received. In reference to your suggestions touching the present war, I am at a loss for an answer. The object of this war, tmthe part of the Federal Government, is to f up,rcs3 what at the North 13 termed a rebellion. The manifest object on the part of the South is, to dissolve her conntction with the Federal Union and establish a Southern Confederacy. How far the opinion3 of mankind will justify the South in this revolution, remains for future evenrj and future historians to disclose. The causes that impelled the separation, are well known, not only in this country, but in Europe. A government de ficto now exists in the South, composed of eleven States, and rtrange as it may appear, each Power, contending for the same form of government, and each professing devotion to the principles and measures enunciated by Washington, as incorporated in the paramount laws of the land. If it is not 'he design on the part of the South, to discard any of the cardinal principles of this government, lhen of course their action will be the more closely scrutinized, because of the reproach that must eventually fall tpon one, if not both contending elements. Tne high protective policy, enforced by the revenue laws since iS lß, probably has much to do with the present difficulty, but, to my mind, this can be no just cause for revolution, because the evil would, sooner or later, be corrected, and juttice in this respect given the South. But, the long continued clamor, and frequent legislation at the North on account of Slavery, probably had more to do in producing this struggle. Slavery was recognized by our Fathers in the formation of this Republic, and existed centuries before. The South insist that the North do not, or have not administered tbe g-vernment according to the true intent, and within the spirit and meaning of those who framed its organic laws that in the free States there has for many years existed an antiflavery party, whose sole cohesive principle was a bitter hostility to the 6lave institutions of the South that this party gradually increased until political parties began to court it3 aid, and from it rapidl progressed in number?, and increase in hatred to slaveholders that the public mind became inflated with prejudice, and that politician, demagogue s, and fcmat'on preachers, pandered to this infatuation, exciting the Northe n mind aga;nst the South, until the sacred ties of Union in sentiment and "Union of hearts" were enJrely broken up, and nothing left th South but contention and bitter strife. The South insist further, that the North has enacted unconstitutianal laws in many j States, prejudicial to the true interest of the Souih that the North have violated a sc lemn compact, by refusing to enforce the 3rd subdivision of the 2d section of the 4th article of the Constitution, which provides that "no person held to service or labor in any one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, hall, in consequence of an law or re gwlatian therein, be d'scharged from such f ervice or labor, but shall be delivered up. on claim of the party to whom such serrice or labor may j be die." That the North has failed to enact laws J providing for the delivery of the slave who owed service to his master under th laws of the Suite where the slave had been reared that the North has at repeated times refused the master aid, and permitted lawless citizens to deprive him of his property that when Congress interposed for the relief of the master, by the enattmens of the fugitive slave law, the North trampeled that law under foot, and in some States nullified it by legislation that the North hold that slavery is unconstitutional, except where it exists in one or more of the original States that signed the original articles Confederation in 1773, and so holding, are disposed to treat it accordingly. The South alledge, the North La3 inaugurated the irrepressible conflict as between free and slave labor that the North assert "our government cannot continue to exist as our fathers made it, part slave and part free that a house divided against itself cannot stand, that it must become all one or all the other that slavery must be confined and restricted so that it will cat out and destroy or consume itself," and that the decision of the Supreme Court, as pronounced in the Dred Scott case, is s t the North held for nought ; and ridiculed as a farce. These, and many other things arc allcdged by the South as against the j North, and assigned as causes for revolution. Tin North, it is said, insist that slavery is a six. The people of the South aver they are unwilling longer to live in the same Confederacy with a community so inflated, and ask permission to withdmw peaceably, and take all tbe sin of slavery on this continent on themselves, willing to render an account to a higher ttibunal for their treatment to the slaves, and, if so adjudged, for the institution of domestic servitude. The many sayings of crimination and re-crimination, upon both sides, have long since divided churches, colleges, schools neighborhoods and families the Missouri compromise, the compromise of '50, and all former pledges have fallen States, too, have passed or dinances of 6ecesion, and our Union, the bes government ever devised by man, broken un, two mighty armies now arrayed in hostility, and no human sagacity can contemplate the end of the present strife. The sentiment once so happily expressed, "a union of hearts" o longer applies with force; this kind of Union is broken. nd it will require perhaps an age to re-unite the hearts of the American people in friendly intercourse. Father and son, brothers, relatives, old associates, and fond acquaintances, have become enemies and arc already encamped in opposite armies. Who can contemplate the horrors of civil war, and who shall yet achieve the bootle?s viciory? While I regard it as true that the people r-t the South have well-grounded complaints against mat y of their Northern fellow-citizen, and while 1 regard many ot their allegations correct in the main, yet I cannot believe these a Hedged causes sufficient to finally dissolve this government vntil there 13, at least, a fair opportunity giv n for reconstruction upon an honorable basis. A government like this should not be dissolved for light and trivial causes. Yet, what will tha Union ke worth, if the sword is the final arbiter? Will not the entire people, as will the State as nations,1 government, be bankrupt? I apprehend the North too will soon become panic stricken capitalists withdraw their deposits, and probably every bank suspend in a few months. The daily expenses are eLormous, (probably one million per day) and when the present appropriations by the different States are eihausted, the question arises, wheth er the people will be willing to submit to the enormous taxation which must of course follow. The Mme difficulty ret op-n the oub, only

with greater severity. If the war continues three

years canot England buy u all at low figures, and crown us King of our own follies 7 The North as a people, on reflection, will, I hope, be disposed to do "equal and exact justice to all." In my judgment these pe -p!e should take the matter in

hand, and no longer have the questions requiring , who were in Corgi-ess last session, voted for the immediate decisions in the hands of wild and dan-! Crittenden Compromise. He said that they did gcrous politician North or South. Fanaticism ! not nnd that they were willing to vote for any comSouth and Ntrh, in the form of factions, goaded promise. I c n end 'd fiat the? were willing to by designing men is fast producing ruin in it. most coni r mise. We aree to lit you decide which of

comprehensive sense. Under ihe present patron are. how is this difficulty to be settled. Are the people of the free States willing to recede, and if so, to what terms will they accede ? Will the South return, and if so, on what terms. It seems to me thoso are Important questions that ought to be speedily answered by every St te, Missour. and Kentucky have spoken, and are willing to accept the Crittenden resolutions, or any other honorable adjustment, any it acceded to will remain content. It is to be hoped Congress will speak in a conciliatory manner in Ju'y, and if possible remove the idiosyncraey of our nation. There are other inducements for action, of more monmit than dollars and cents. Every American citizen has a birth-right in th"n country, and that right cannot be limited to any single State. The people of the North, or South, have no right to commit the suicidal act, and disregard the rights even of future generations, by destroying this government. The abundant prosperity and happiness that so recently blessed our people have flown, perhaps never to return. No longer can it bo said "we are a happy and prosperous people." No longer can we in truth say "the voice of the people is the voice of God.' The flag of our country, oi.ee so much known and admired at home and abroad, is now trailing in the dust and millions refuse its protection. The disintegration has already sown misery and vice broadcast over the land. Christianity -must soon take its flight, and barbarism, anarchy, and confusion cnue. These are portentous times the mantle of glooin and dismay enshroud us all, and dark despair is just heaving in view. Soon we may approach a military despotism, and Van Buret; s plan for a standing amy, once ridiculed, become a veri'y. To subj agate the South is a mural impossibility. Tlie North deny any purpose on their part to abolish s'avery then why should not thtfy and the South strike for peace in some lorm. Had slavery bet ternotbe confined to fifteen State?, or on the other hand extended to all the Territories, than desrroy this government, and impoverish every human being on our soil. Mm! Fallible being!! No longer can we look to human arm for protection, nor to human wisdom for guidance, but in humble devotion must look alone to II IM who governs ail, for preservation. Time the great soother of all care, may vet heal a nation's wound, but the cicatrice may be again repulsed by the optition of like milammalorv causes, and a conquered, subjugated people or province, may in the future sei ve as a cancer, to take out and destroy the vitality of our form of government Man needs a belter acquaintance with man the world over. Would to God that people of the Noi th and South, knew each other better, that heart burnings and jealousies might be lemoved, ami soniethiug done for the restoration of peace. But, how unfortunate every man at the North seems to know he is right in his political opinions and action, and every man South over in "Dixie Land" manifest- the same degree of firmness as to his notions of governmental affairs. Unless there is yielding and concession, a long, and bloody war n ust follow. Let each party yield very little, and peace would bless our millions. If the stubborn will must rule, then the sooner the work of death is done probably the better, for surely life can In of but little enjoyment in times of cixil war. The pride of Atmrica has fallen. Her tower of strength is tottering at its base. The eagle breast of liberty no longer succors all her subjects her sheen iiwaxing dim before astonished millions her sun of freedom no longer shines with effulgence. The star of hope is well nigh extinguished in foreign climes. Our government, it .-eem, w a only an experiment. The 'land of the free and the home of the bra ue" is soon, to become a by-word and reproacrt. An asylum for the oppressed " is delugca. and probably to b "known no more foi ever." Our great men have fallen, and I far our once glorious fabric is crumbling to ashes. The idea is to heart rending and 1 must for the present discard the subject. Pardon me for thus trespassing upon your time. The interest I feet is my onl apology. Respectfully, WM.G. TOMEROY. 1 ho Quaker Captain. At the tive of the Revolutionary War, when i was very dangerous for a m 'reliant ship to venture to sea, a Quaker who lived in Phil alelphu had a ship w Inch was loaded with a valuable cargo, and he was very anxious to have it transported to Boson, flavin? engaged his crew, and takon caie to get a m te he could dopen 1 upon to manag? the ship, our friend set s til for Boston. After being at sea six or or eight hours the mate espied an English private vr in chase and fast coming ujkiii them He informed the Quaker commander of the appearance of the Ei.cliah craft, and the danger of his ship. What shall thee do?" r.sked our friend. "I shall fight the rascal," said the mate. "Oh, no, I should advise thee not to fight But thee rmiatuo as thee please; I shall shall go be low." The commander accordingly went below, and room heard the clashing of musketry and the shouting of the ci-mhatant, and notwithstanding Iiis friendly disposition, began to be interested for the safety of his ; roperty. He soon stuck his head up the eompanien-way to see how the battle was progressing, and saw the English cornm tnJer swinging his lut and chef ring o i his men- Our hero could stand this no longer, and stepping backte loaded his gun and soon made his appearauce again. Taking aim at the Brkish captain be fired, "dropjed linn," and again retreated. Soon after, finding that the victory was turning ou the side of the Yankee, he came ou deck, and stepping up to the mate said: "Has thee seen any thing of that little noiscy fellow lately that was making such a fuss, after I went below?" No," says t' c mate, "he has been pretty still since you shot him." Our friend justified himself in duicting a noisy fellow, arrived safely with his ship aad cargo, but thought the mate did wrong to fight. In the 2d dmt., Ky., Jackson, Union, is elected undoubtedly.

The Crittenden Compromise would the

bouth have taken it? Cincinnati, June 23, ItCl. i To the Editor of the Enquirer: In a discussion with a friend, yesterday, I said that Jefferson Davis, and the Southern members us is rij.Lt. Yours, &c., "AQUILA." correspondent is right, Messrs. Davis, Our Toombs, Breckinridge and the whole South, with . tne exception of South Carolina, were anxious. j wn(,n Con-'rcss met last December, to settle all our j difficulties upon the basis of the Crittenden Compromise. A committee oi I uineen was raiseu in the Senate to consider a plan of adjustment. The most tminent Senators, North and South, Democrats and Republicans, were on the Committee. Among them were Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs, no the Pre ident and Secretary of State of the Southern Confederacy, Stephen A. Douglas. John J. Crittenden and W m. H.Seward. Fessenden and odier Influential Republican Senatots. What was done in that Committee was thus alluded to by .Mr. Douglas in the last speech which he mide in the Senate of the United Stites.on the 2d of March, 161, two days before the close of the session. His remarks w e?e thus quoted in the Congressional Globe of tint date. .Mr. Dougla said: "J can confirm the Senator's declaration that Senater Datis, of Mississippi, himself, when ou the Committee oi Thirteen, was ready at al! times to compromise on the Crittenden Proposition. Is will go farther, and say that M. Tombs was also." No Republican or Southern Senator questione 1 the trtr.h f Mr. Douglas a$ett'on, which, indeed was a notorious fact to every in Wndi nton. Mr. Breckinridge, a representative of the extreme Southern sentiment, who had received the vote of n- arl all the Southern States for President of tlie United States, wrote a letter to Governor Magoffin in which he strongly advocated the adoption of the Crittenden Compromise. Votes were taken in the Senate and House, which showed the Southern members in a solid column, together with the Northern Democrats, to be in favor of that measure; but the opposition of the Republicans to it defeated it. Cnly a few months have passed since these memer ibte events, and yet the belief hi the extraordinary untruth that Davis, Tombs, and the Southern men would not accept that Coinpromise, pervades a large portion of the community, he whole South, save South Carolina would have accepted the Crittenden Compromsei All the Border Slave States including Virginia. Vorth Carolina, Tennessee aud Arkansas, wlieh h ive seceded, would have accepted the Border State Conference Report, or Mr. Douglas' Compromise, or the Peace Conference Report. It is written down in stem and inexorable history that the Republicans iu Congress would not accept of these propositions. No compromise teas the motto in that quarler! They v ould not even submit the question of a compromise to the direct vole of the people of the United States. This proposition wasmide by Mr. CaiTTKNDEN himself, and was afterward renewed by Mr. BiGLER.of Pennsylvania Had the people voted upon it, we have no doubt they would have accepted the Criitendkm adjustment. But thev were denied the opportunity. They would not even call a National Convention to consider our difficulties. It is but just, i:i this connection, to say that Presidtnt Lincoln, when be assumed the robes of office, after Congress had adjourned, did make such a recommendation, but Congress was not ther to ptattieally act upon it. Had the Crittenden Compromise b vn adopted, n . mi , . . ' 1 not a State would have been out of the Union now, and cvry thing would have gone on smoothly and peaceably. Had the other compromises to which we have alluded been accepted, the So'itho n rebellion would have becu confined to the Cotton States, and could have been quickly subdued. Indeed, it is probable we bhould have had no war, and that now wc should have been in th? midst of prosperous litnos. Never in the history of the world was there a greater and more fatal mistake than upon the part of those who rejected these compromises. All can see it now! The true and wise Union men were overruled in their counsels, and lo! what a result has been produced by ignorance and folly. How ridiculous and absurd iu the view of history, of reason, of common sense, is the pretension put forth by those who opposed these compromises, of being as good or better Union men than those of us the North who favord them! If they were for the Union, Providence had not given them much wisdom to act in its behalf. It is only for the purpose of vindicating tke truth of history th it we allude to these remiuiscenses, for the past is gone never to reiuni, and we stand prepared to act shoulder to shoulder with nil those who labor for restorafon of the Union, without regard to past differences. We are willing to concede to those ho differed with us honosty and patriotism, and will meet them now as Americans, up-n Union C institutional grounds It is due to truth to say that we have seen no occasion to change our views of public policy At the risk of offending fools mid bigots, and of being called traitors, we declare our willinguesti lo ac cept the Crittkndex Compromise vow as a pana cea for all our troubles, and we are satisfied that our national interests mould be subserved by it immensely. Cii Eiiq'iiscr. Cirronvle. In the IrUh Gardened Magnivie it is stated not only that a deacction of the leaves of the camomile will destroy insects, but that nothing contributes so much to the hcal.h of garden as a number of the plants dispersed though it. No green house or hot house should be without it in a green or dry tates einher the stal'ts or flowers will answer. It is a singular fact tint if a plant is drooping and app ir antly dying , in nine cases out of (en it will recoer if you place a plant of camomile near it. For kino Borders. -This is far better than digging them with a spule, as it injures less the roots of phruhs- Indeed, the f.irk his nearly su-prrccd lhat old emblem of the gardemr' occupation the spade. A font pronged fork for tiff cobs, and a five pronged fork for sandy soils, work them quite as thoroughly as the pade, and with the cxpcLdituro of much less strength from the work-rain.

Bishop Otey to the Hen. Wm. H. Reward. The Memphis Appeal of May 2'th contains a long letter from Bishop Otey (Episcopal) of Tennessee, to Secretary Seward, a part of which wc subjoin : 1 repeat that I know this people ; I know their impetuosity, their reckh ssness daring. But 1 know too, and others who have foucht by their side know also, that thev can be cool and steady as veterans, when the occasion demands. Accustomed fiom childhood to the handling of arms, nnd practised in their skilful use in the chase, which frequently involves dangerous encounters with formidable wild hearts, they acquire all the readiness of atta;k and defence which makes the veteran in war, and far more activity than he possesses." It is not to be denied that the same qualities of soldiership distinguish the tioop of the northern States, where they hare been trained in similar schools of hard v discipline. But this pdmission suggests first and foremost, the thought, by no means a pleasing one to minds which are set on peace, that an encounter bercen such troops m ust be proportionately more des'rncti ve. But be that as it may, the coolness and d 'liberation with which our people are preparing for the conflet, may well surprise any one, and kno-ving their tem

pcra.nentas I do, I may aid, their calmness fills me with amazement. They certainly inspire high hopes as to the final result of this unfortuinte differences, disastrous as the realization of these hopes must be lo nnv who, with hostile tred, ventures to violate the sanctity of our soil. But suppose Ihe contest enventtiate otherwise. Let it be supposed that the whole picture 'of threatened devastation and ruin be filled out in the form of a living reality ; that our youHg men are slam in battle ; tint our old met , women and children, take refuge in the cave and under the rocks of the mountains ; that our servants are set free to roam lawless through the 'land, plundering, burning, ravaging, an 1 destroying, with the ferocity of unchained t:gera ; that the volume d desolation ha rolled like d like a wave dj the wail of nony , fire over the whole South ; and and cry of despair ascending to heaven from every habitation : and what then ? Is this a consumtn ition which n Christian statesmen and patriot can behold, with no enotion of sorrow nnd regret for the share he has had in its accomplishment ? Is this the way by which you will bring! back the 1. ve and respect of the South ? In this the method of piocedurc by which our heavenly Father wins back his erring and straying child: en, ond restores them to the obedience of love and to his favor ? Have you subdue I the people with whom yon arc contending by this terrible infliction ? by this awful visitation, before which the dissolations of the Carnatic and the atrocities of Wyoming dwindle into miniatmes, and pale in their enacted horrors ? Will you lorm these ruins reconstruct the Union ? Will the children of the South who have escaped butcherv, grow up under any tuition you may institute dutiful anl obedient subjects of a Government whose foundations have been laid in the blood of thiir slaughtered parents ? Will you be pleaed to lay your finger upon the age of history which records any such instance in the annals of the world ? Will vou, after your work of subjugation and of vengeance is accomp.i-iicd, will you make provision for the four millions of African children, whoe ancestors your forefathers brought over the sea, and when tiieir labor on northern soil proved unprofi table, they sold them to the planters of the South, end foi the title gave special warrantee to slavery looke ; for no year f jubilee for rehasc ? Will you put them to work the cotton fields and sugar plantations which jour armies devastated and laid waste ? V ill you cccupy the mansions of the owners with your pious soldiers who have been excited to murder, plunder and pillage, by such promises of reward as we read of in the days of Barak and Deborahin Israel, "To ferryman a dimsel or two, and then comp I them in return to send you the products ot that same soil and labor, on which your country has so prospered and so increased in wealth and power during the last forty years ? Is this to be the destiny of the slaves your arnries have fiecd from bondage to be placed under supervisorship of northern abolitionists ? It is to be hoped that you will at least allow them, ns freemen, to vote iu choosing the men under whom they will prefer to serve, as we sometimes permit them as slaves to elect their own master. S'r, permit mo to say here that I have some few, very few of diese people, niide, as far as I can interpret the will of dirine Providence, dependent on me for the care of their bodies and souls, and I hope you will not think 1 feel an unreasonable anxiety, : rowing out of the patriarchs ll character of this institution as it exists among us here, to know what disposition is to be made of them, when you shall have put an end to my stewardship iu regard to them At present they kneel with myself, wife and child, at the same altar, nvriing and evening. Our meal comes out of the same barrel, our oil out of the ame cruse, our meat w boiled at the same time and in the same pot, and our bread is b ked in the same oven. The same roof shelters us, and the same blessed Lord's day daw n brings to us mike a release from our worldly occurations. Every chil I born in my ht use, whether white or black, has been dedicated to God's set vice in h-dy baptism ry the same forms, no wnenueatii nas cioscu tneir eartniy pilgrimage, they have been committed to the grave w ith the same solemn service which the church pre scribes alike for the master and the slave, tne high and the low, the rich and the poor. Such I ofi'er us a sample of the practice, so far as I know, j revails generally through this country, in families where G id's name i nd word ar honored. Will the Government you propo-e to cstibli.-h here, do better for them? Will the subjugation of the South enlarge the measure of their happiness, or increase the numb r of their rational enjoyments and privileges ? I ask you, sir, to cast your eye over these fair fields now beauti ul with the living verdure of spring, wavii.g with ripening grain and smiling with the promise of t':e coining harvest, und then contemplate their changed appearance, as your own iid imagination can depict them after they luve been trampled and trodden down by battallions ol conten ing irmics, anl s julJrmi of ci fairy ruihing to battle." In the 8th District. Kentucky, Crittenden's majority is 2,555. Ir the 3d District Kentucky. G rider, Union 1 lectd rj a lurgt nsajority.

The President's Message. Tliis document, so argerly expected, is now be fjre the people. As a State paper, and a literary composition, it :s not equal to the inaugural, al though in some parts, rivaling it in ambiguity. So far as it urges Congress to raise men and money sufficient to repress tke rebellion, we are satisfied with it. There is only one way to fight, and that is vigorously. The fact which it asserts, that notice was given to Governor Pickers that the government only intended to provision Fort Sumpter, and would not throw men and ammunition into it unless it was attacked, or farther n-itice given, cer'ainly places the Southern Confederacy in as bad an attitude as possible. The general discussion o.'thc right of secession might as well have been oinii'ed from the message. It evolves no new principles, nor i.oyr lights; but is a rehash of views which the people have long since acquiesced in. It, therefore, nly serves to vindicate the national character for unnecessarily lorg speaking and writing. The point made i;i the inaugural, that the fight cannot, 'nst always, and that, '-When, after much lo.ssonboth sides, and no gain on cither," Me fighting shall cease, "the identical question as to ter.ns of intercourse arc upon you," is abandoned

in the message, l e. it is as true no-. as it was ! t!lcP anJ V;lstlv mnre ilIiport!int than elementarv j C3S;lv upon the reilt;1H of tlic. St:ltei t0 the gcn'. ; , Vt?rnmeilt: for. n .ir.rv.n ! manner militates against suppression of the rebellion, it keeps before both sections of the country the great truth that they are destined to be one nation, and that pea ca fid idherence to the laws i a more certain manner of attaining rights than armed rebellion. We regret that the President has deemed it propj or to allude to the declaration of indepen lerce of : some of the southern States as a text fmm which to preach the universal equality of man. He say s upon thi3 point: "Our adversaries' have adonted some declarations of independence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jeffer-son, th';.' omit the words "are created" equal.' Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, they omit we, the people,' and substitute we, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States. Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? This is essentially a people' content on the side of j the Union. It i a struggle for maintaining in the world that from an l substance of government whose leading object is to elcate the condition of men, to lift artificial weights from all shoulders to clear the paths of laudable pursuit, and to af ford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life, yielding to partial and temporary departures from necessity. This is the leading object of the government for whose existence we eontend. I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate t his " In so far as this language condemns the ignoring of the people by the Southern Confederacy, we cordially endorse it as j ist. bit what i ment by lifting "artificial weights" from offihe shoulders of men? Whose shoulders? Negrots, or white men? If the latter, we say amen, for ours is a government of white men. If the former, we ; protest against it, because such is not the object of j t'ie goven ment. The Presi lent srvs "all men." This, of course, includes blacks as well as whites If they are thus comprehended in that same design by government, it becomes a very curious question what is meant by "asiiflcial weights." Is slavery one of them ? Is the general inequalitv social and po itical, of the negro one of them ? We w ish the President had not used this language. It is not happily constructed Is tihs to be imputed to carlessness of style, or to design ? We hope to the former, but, if to cither, it certainly is unfortunate. It is remarkable that the message in no manner il'udes to a financial policy, and barely touches upon foreign affairs tbe two really absorbing points at the present time in the national s'tuation. We arc, therefore, ignorant of how the administration propose to raise money, or of what our exact relations to France and England are. These subject may, however, receive consideration in the reports of the Secretaries the receipt of which alone can determine the real rolicy of the administration. Some surprise ii expressed at the enormous am Mint am mnt, $41)0,01)0 000, which the President urges Congress to raise for w. r purposes. It is thought that this indicates a long war, and, there fore, both the apprehensions and the policy of the administration. Chicago Timrs. Tobacco for Sheep Ticks. Several agricultural correspondents of the Michigan Farmer conduct in recommending trbacco as an effectual remedy. We should have su posed it would m ike the innocent creaturei deadl v "ick, but they all say not and here ia one of th ir letters : ''I have made it n practise for years whenever my sheep w ci e ihicky, to dip the lambs i:i tobacco jii'ce I take about four pounds of what the merchants term poor tobacco. Place in a cauldron kettle, boil until you have the strength. then reduce it nearly one half with water that will be a sullic ent quantity for one hundred lambs. This will kill the lick- sure and leave the animal healthy and vigorous; at least such has been the case with mv lluck. My mode is this: After sliering let all my sheep go ia o:ie flock for four or five weeks; ihe ticks will all leave the olI sheep and go on to the lambs Then prepare as above and dip your lambs. By so doing, you will lear your flock of an enemy which has been very destructive in m iy fine flocks of sheep. Try and see. A stronger solution wc are very wure would injure the lambs, but these writers, three in number, all practical men, agree that a weak soiution, such as if described above, is safe to them but death to their tortorsmen. Vacant Spot, liiere are neg'eited corners on almost every farm. Some of these could not be made productive without much labor, and therefore it might not be ndvicahic to look after them now when harvvst is jut at hand and the labor of cultivating the growing crops is pressing. Odiers can be made productive with very little labor and now is the very lime to steal a few hours from the regular farm work and make them contribute to the iu gathering of the coming Autum. In one place you may find the corner, already fenced perhaps, where little or nothing is grow ing, but on wh'.ch a patch of turnips could bo grown advaitigconsly; Niid in another a piece of laud, where corn for tall feed might well bo grown. These arc small mitten, but ire worth attending to.

Johnny Booker's Speech ! ELOQUENT EXPLANATION OF AFFAIRS COCNTUY.

an IX OCR An exchange savs to Wm. L. Mvcrs, of Tiffin, Oh io, we arc indebted for a phonographic report of that celebrated speech on the "Crisis," the text of which is by universal consent, allowed to be "OR ANY OTHER. MAN The speaker said : "Ahum-m m ! Fellow-Citizens : I have been called upon this evciiin' to apper.r before you for for that is, I have been requested to appear upon the scaffjld, this evenin, for the purpose ofelucidatin' to you the all-a'?. sorbin' subjec," of which am now agitatin' the the certainly I have." (Cheers.) "Ahnm-m-! but to return to our subject : as I was about to remark previously beforehind, whats our country comin' to ? Tl.ats what I'd like to know myself. Look at the great congregated circumflex of this glorious Union, just look at it ? Docs any person see it ? Certainly, that's just what's the matter. Ahum-m-m ! but to return to our subjec.' Look at our great American eagle, the glorious emblem of our libertyjust look at me. (Here the speaker's voice was drowned by continual shouting and applause.) "What arc you going to do with that'ere bird ? Look at'em as he flies from the cloud capped summick of the Licherdee mountains sez, the terrific abyss of the Goshwal lican avenue, an'flutters his tail-feathers, an' to, in the sweet language of the Apotles Paul, in his epistle .o the Egyptians, when he said, 'root hog or die,' That's what's the matter." (Enthusiastic cheering.) Ahum-m-m but to return to our subjec,' look at our look at our look at our thats what I'd like to know. Look at our newspapers, just look at them ; can.t pick up one without readin something in it- that's w hat's the matter. What did I see in a paper this moring ? What did I see there " (With Impressment.) Provisions has nz. What's the consequnce ? Coffee an' molasses had a fight ? What's the con sequence again ? Molasses got licked, and coffee had to settle on its own grounds." (Applause.) That's jut what's the matter or any other man." (Cheers.) "Ahum m m ! but to return to our subjec. Look at our soldiers ! just look at em ? Docs any body sec 'cm 1 Do they not march forth to war in time of peace, an' an' an get shot in the neck ? Certainly they did ; that's just what's the matter." (Cries .f "good)' '. "Ahum-m-m! but to return to our subjec" Look at our sailors ! look at cm ! Do they not do they not ? Certainly they do. Do they not sail out in the briny ocean, where the roarin' billows flumigate, an' where the devorin elephants open their jaws for 'em an an lay down in their warm hammocks, an sleep ? Certainly they do or any other man." (A voice, "certainly.") Ahum-m-m look at our firemen ! Do they not at the dead hour of the night, when the clock proclaims the hour of midnight, when the barometer is 47 degrees below Cicero, do they not rush fortn to the scene of conflagration, an' an get drunk ? Certainly tin y do, an' thats just whats the matter of me or any other man. Now, what does the great an glorious Constitooshin of this United Confederation of Pcnnsjltucky tay ? What docsti say ? Does it not say Joes not our Constitution say ? Certainly it does; that's just what I sez." (Sensation) What did Patrick Henry Jackson say ? Did he not say that each and every one should stand upon his own ground, and did he not lay his hand upon his heart, an' say wita a clear conscience, that, he was a paper-doll, with a glass eye ? Certainly he did or any other man." The speaker retired with thunders of applause. The Style and Compositionof the President' Message. Yrrta tl.t U bn.ni Argun. July 9. The State papers issuing from the officials of the Federal Government have been generally characterized by a stv.e and diction corresponding to the elevation of thought and purpose that char acterized them, and worthy of the high sources from which they emanated. Tho Message of Presinent Lincoln is so remarkable an exception lhat it u worth while to point out the grosser rrors of composition, if only to am the youth o the country against the corrupting influence of such an example in such a place. If these errors were attributable to the imperfections of the telegraphic rendering, it would be unjust to dwell upon ihem. But this is not the cae, for the grossest of them are to be found in the ßcmi-official copy in the Nutionul Intelligencer. Throughout, the document is characterized by the verbiage of an attorney's book of forms "in and to," "in and about," "then and thereby," as hereinbefore stated,"-' this incumbent," &e. This slang, like the "hold, occupy and posse-is" of the Inaugural, iud;catcs the style of the attorney rather than of the statesman. The very first sentence furnishes an instance of faulty grammar, such as runs through the whole : " Having been convened on rn extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, your at tention is not called to any ordiaary subject of leui-lation." Who has been convened ? To use the language of the scools ; how pise "having been convened ?" with what no-in does the participle agree ? Strictly it me ins "your attention having been cou vined." kc, which is absurd. '1 his same error runs through and deforms the whole paper. For example " Finding this condition of things, and bettering it to be a duty, a choice of means became indispensable. "So tiriting the issue, no choice was left. ' Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated. "These measures were ventured in trusting then as now," &c. In these cases the participle stands alone se cedes as it were, and rushes into unsupported rev olution. What shall be said of such sentences as thoso ? A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had tomehoip found their troy into these States, and had been seized to be used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue, lying tcilltin them, had been seized for the same ol ject " .Muskets somehow finding their way down South, and public revenue lying within them ! For Heaven's sake, withdraw the charge and pocket the proceeds. What does this mean ?

believed possible to keep the government on foot. And docs not this sentence reverse the intended meaning of the writer ? "Their memoranda on the the subject tcre made inclosurts of 3iajor Anderson's letter." Were not the memoranda inclosed in.intseadof being made iuclosurcs of, Major Anderson's letter ? The mixing of singular and plural in the following sentence is indefinable : "The sophism itself is, that any State my withdraw, &c, themselttsio le tliCFolu juuge." The message winds up with the declaration, that the Executive "hail no moral right to shrink," without saying from what. A man six feet four has always the right to shrink ; and every well grown boy should shrink from such an exhibition of carelessness mj.I ignorance as this message ex hibits. The President says that there is hardly a

regiment in the service of the Union from which a president or Cabinet might not be selected competent to administer the government. Why- did he not call upon one of those men to correct his composition ? Capture of the first Privateer. The schooner Savannah, in command of midshipman McCook, arrived at this port Saturday afternoon, having been captured as a privateer by the United States brig Perry, about sixty Teiles outside Charleston Harbor. The Savannah was formerly a pilot coat at that port ;is schooner rigged, of 51 tons burthen, and has an 13 pounder pivot gun amidship. She had been ont from Charleston about 3G hours previous to her capture. During her cruise she had captured the brig Joseph, or Rockland, which was sent into Georgetown, S. C. The Savannah was hi ought to this port by midshipman McCook und a prize crew of U. S. ship Minnesota. Her crew, about S9 in cumber, were put into irons on board the Minnesota. Iiesides the IS pounder, a lot of shot an l shell, grape and canister, muskets and pistols, cutlasses and bowic krives, and ten pairs of handcuffs (sir posed to be for the safe keeping of prisoners,) were found en board. The S iransah w:ll lay off the Battery until she is disposed of under U. S. laws. From the papers found onboard, the Savannah was thefitä vessel to obtain from the Montgomery government letters of marque aud reprisal. They were numbered 1. The names of the captain and crew detained ou board the Minnesota arc not given. The Comet. The following card in reference to the comet visible at this time in the northern heavens has Seen issued by the astronomical obsencr at tho Allegheny Observatory: "The Great Comet of 1SG1 , as see from ths AlLF.GHAXEY ObSERVATORT, Jl'XE 30, AT 2, 05 I.H the Evening. Nucleus in the Lynx about 93 deg. R. A., and about CO deg. N. declination ; well defined both to the unassisted eye, and also by a magnifying power of GO or 90. and in either case appcarautly much larger than the phmct of Jupiter. 'Tail 7 deg. broad, and rcore than CO deg. in length, extending between the head of Ursa Major and the Cameleopard, and about midway between Polaris and Belie Ursa? Monoris, and onward almost to Lvra. It docs not set in this latitude, but is visib'e during the night ikirting the northern horizon. " it will be on the meridian to-day at about 12 o'clock, and about ten degrees to the North of the zenith. By the appearance of the tail there is rea son to infer that it is approach'ng the sun at an inconceivable rate. It will probably be remembered, and also recorded as one of the most extraordinary of the celestial phenomena that has floated into our horizon fur hundicds of years. "BRADLEY. "Alixghaney Observatory, July 1, J6G1." Dairy Products. The ceusiu returns of 1."0 show ed 313,000,000 lbs. of butter, and IOj.OuO.OO'J lbs. cf cheese made in this country in a single year, worth $100,000,. OO.'l, or more. The recent reusus will undoubted ly show a very great ii;crea-e in this branch of agriculture. Till of late, the business of producing butter and cheese for sale, h is been very muh confined to the older States. In 1650. nearly a qurter of the butter, and still larger proportion of the cheese, was made in New York. Tbe compendium for 1G0, when made out and publitcdt will show a vast extension of ibis business into the fertile grazing regions of the Wot, North-west Suuth-west. In the finest giain-growiug regions, farmers may possibly fiad eas'er ways lor living and accumvlatiDg a competency; aud so in the tobacco and cot tou legions; but in all mounta;uoas territories, better adapted to gras than to other productions, dairying, iu connection with stock growing, will be four.d a mos: dcairablc blanch of industry. People accustomed to the making a little butter aud cheese for home ue, finding it rather troublesome , are apt to thk.k it a rather mean business. But when engaged in it largel , with all posfible conveniences, though, like other branches, it b is lis vexations, ytt they re not more, nor worse than those of other employments; and it will be very long before dairying, connected more or Lss with the rearing of nca' cattle, wiM be worse paid, taking one jear with another, than the average ot human employments. For the lat ten years, it would be hard to name any agricultural employment wh'.ch has paid better. English Farming a Ihousaud Years Ago. It will be not only interesting to the ant quarian, but iustructtve iu nianj respects ti every reflecting person in any w ay coinii-cted villi agricultural pursuits, to revert to a period when iu rich anl fe-tile Lngland a sheep was worth twenty five cents, a cow a dollar and a quarter, and a man (slave) less than fifteen dollars; when one fifth of all the cattle died eveiy w inter from starvation. and w heuour worthy ancestors had not yet ccacd to eat ihcir horses, uor to milk their ewes twice a dv. Among the Anglo S ixous a value was fixed by law to horses, oo, sheep, da es, at which they might be seized by a creditor. A section of tho Welsh laws laid down the value criminations. One of the Saxon laws of King Etheired fixed the price of a hone at what is worth, according, to tho same statue, a little more than a dollar and a half, a hog forty cents, and a goat obout a dime. Theso rales, however, were not always adhered to ia ac tual sales. Country Gentleman. A CnAXcr to Disrosr. or Ilujcois Monet. A country merchant advertises for I rge nuantitifg

of r.ft.

i V

1 , r'