Plymouth Weekly Democrat, Volume 2, Number 24, Plymouth, Marshall County, 11 July 1861 — Page 1

DEMOCRA VOLUME 2 NEW SERIES. PLYMOUTH, INDIANA, THURSDAY, JULY 11, 1861. NUMBER 24 WHOLE No. 70.

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WEEKLY

THE QUIET SLUMBER. Lay him gently to his rest Fold his pale hand3 upon his breast ; From hi3 browOb ! how cold and marble fair Softly part the tangled hair : Look upon him now ! Asa weary child he lies, "With the quiet, dreamless eyes. O'er which the lashes darkly sweep, And on his lip the quiet smile The sour adieu to earthly strife, And on his face the deep repose We never saw in life. Peaceful be his rest, and deep ; Let him sleep. No fears for him he needs them not ; Along life's drear and toilsome road Firmly his manly footstep strode, Striving to bear its weary lot. With such a pride upon his brow. With snch a pain within his heart, The firmness of the manly will Veiling the secret smart. Oh ! it is well that the strife is o'er, That thus so peacefully he lies, Unheeding now the bitter words, The cold, unpitjing eyes, Fold his mantle o'er hia breast Peaceful be his sleep and blest ; Let him rest. No sigh to breathe above hi3 bier, No tear to stain the marblo brow. Only with tender, pitying love. Only with faith that looks above. We gaze upon him now. No thought of toil and suffering past Dufjoy to think the task is done. The heavy cross at last laid down, The crown of glory won. Oh ! bear him gently o his rest Oh ! gently heap the flowery sod. And leave his body to theduat. Hid spirit to his God.

From the American AgricuHnrmlist.J Cooking Meat "Scientifically." Toor meat rightly cooked, is often better, more Teeable to the taste, mere readily digested, and affords more nutriment than good meat not properly cooked. A piece of tough tedious beef con tains quite as much nourishment as the same .fsVtt of clear, tender steak, for the latter contain a large proportion of water. But in the usual process of boiling, most of the real substance of toufh mat. is lost before it is made ter.der enough fur eating. A plan for boiling tough meat, which we have before referred to, is so valuable a3 to be worthy of discussing again. The process is applirhl in beef and mutton, fresh "or salted. If corned beef, it snould first be soaked in cold water, until quite fresh enough to be eaten. As above hinted, a piece of tough, cheap beef, will by the process become quico as good as that which cost twice as much per pound. Put int a kettle the fiesh beef or mutton or the freshest com beef ; cover with hot water, and set it to boiling. Put upon the top of the kettle, (or better, fit into the top) a tin pan that will close it as tightly as possible. Nearly fill the covering pan with cold water, and replenish it, when it evaporates. The boiling of the meat is now to be kept ip for from three to six Jv.urs or nwre, or until the meat n cooked "all to pieces," that is made perfectly tender, so that it no longer adheres to the Phones, ami will not even hold together, or to be lifted wirh a fork. The main point is in boil it hmj enough. The kettle can stand upon the back of the ftore from morning until night if need be so ; slow boiling is about as effective a3 rapid boiling. If water boils at all, it is heated 212 degrees, and is no hotter than this when boiling ever su furiousJy. The science " of this process is in having the pan of water for a cover. The rising steam, which if allowed to escape would carry off much of the flavor and substance of the meat, is condensed upon the bottom of the pan, and falls back into the kettle, so long a the water in the covering pan is below the tailing heat. The covering pan may be improved by bending it down a little in the midle, so that the condensed steam will drop back from the center. If the boiling be so rapid as to hea1 the water in the covering pan abr,o to Loiliug, the water may be occasionlj changed for colL When thoroughly done, dip out the meat with a skimmer, remove the bones, and put the meat into pan or deep dish. Leaving the cover off; simmer the pot liquor down to a convenient quantity, and mix it with the meat. Now cover it with a plate and put on a quantity of weights sadirons or a stone, or any other convenient weight and et it aside to cool over night. The liquor will form a hard jelley with the meat, and the masä will Ix-crme a solid piece, having the form of the containing dish and cover, and will be in nice order to place upon the taole, for a substantial meal, or as a cold relish. It is a rood preparation for a Sunday linner, and as it keeps well, is good to have on hand for an emergency. It can be cut into nice slices, and will be tcader, juiey, Tcry palatable easily digestible, and nourishing. If fat and lean Lits be mixed together, the slices will present a fjeautiful marbled appearance. If tlie meat be quite fat, the -pat liq uor may be first cooled and the fat removed, and afterwards be boiled down a little, and then poured on the meat a above described. Arvn-Waa Rr-soumo:. Resolutions of peace have been introduced into the Connecticut legislature by Senator Converse ; they are preceded by a preamble stating the alaxuing condition of the country, the inevitable consequences of civil war, nd the duty of all citizens to stay the fratricidal arm. We copy the resolutions. Pay Book. Resolved, That the Senate of the State of Connecticut recommend to the government of the United States, this their mORt earnest appeal, that while every preparation for the defeuse and main' tenance of the Gov niment shall be made, a cessation, if possible, of any other hostilities may take place, until Congress shall have time to act in the premise. O. II. Browning, who has beep appointed IT. S. Senator to fill the place made vacant by the death pf Mr. Douglas, is a Black Republican of the Mackrst ort, and of very mall talent. He will look in Judge Douglas' place very much like a small urchin in his grandfather's great coat. WiscoMsis Statt Loa. The Milwaukee Sen tnl says that $(K)00 has been negotiated on terim equivalent to par.

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT, DF.UVF.RED AT THE EXTRAORDINARY SESSION, JULY 4, 18G1. Fellow Citizen of the Senate and House of Representatives: Having been convened in extraordinary session, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the functions of the Federal government were found to be generally sjs-

pended within the several States of South Caroli na, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida, excepting those only of the Postoffice Department. Within these States, all the forts, arsenal, dockyards, custom-houses, Ac., including all the moveable and stationary property in and about them, had been seized and held in open hostility to this government, excepting only Fotts Pickens, Taylor and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor. The forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new ones bad been built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all avowedly for the same hostile purposes. The forts remaining in the Federal possession in and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations, especially Fort Sumter, which was nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rides had somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to use against the government ; accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been used for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within the im mediate reach of the government. Officers of the Federal army had resigned in great Lumbers, and of those resigned a great portion had taken up arms against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this an orJ; nance had been reported in each of. these States, declaring the States respectively to be separated from the Federal Union. The formula for institutin"- a combined government for these States has been promulgated, and this illegal organization in the character of the "Confederate States," was alrtady asking recognition, aid and intervention from foreign powers. Finding fiat condition of thing, nnd believing it to be an imperative duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation ot such attempts to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of two thing? to that end became indispensible. This choice was made, and was declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceable measures before a resort to an stronger one. It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion and the ballot box. I promised the continuance of the mails at government's expense to the very people who were resisting the government, and gave repeated pledges agai.ist any disturbance of any of the people, or of any of their rights. Of all that which a President might constitutionally ami justifiably do in such a case, everything was forelorne without which it was possible to kei p the goverement on foot. On the fifth of March, the present incumbent's first full day in office, a letter from Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 2?th of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was by that Depigment placed in his hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown in that fort in time for his relief, rendered necessary bv the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than 20,000 well-disciplined men. Tins opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and their memoranda on the subject were made enclosures of Major Anderson's letter. 'I he whole was immediately laid before Lieut. Gen. Scott, who at onco concurred with Maj. Anderson in his decision. On reflection, however, he took full time in consulting with other officers of botli the army and navy, and, at the end of four days, cawe reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as before. He also stated, at the same time, that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time when the Provision in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this restricted the administration to the mere matter of getting the garrisoa safely out of the fort. It was belie v ed, however, that to so abandon that situation under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinou-; that the necessity under which it was to be done would not be fully understood ; that by many it would be eonstrued as a part of a voluntarj policy ; that at home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure to the hlter a recognition abroad ; and that, in fact, it would be our national destruction. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached, Fort Pick ens ra; ght yet be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of J ort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must Lake the surer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one week before the fall of Sumter. The news itself was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops hail been transferred from tha Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi-armistice of the late administration and of tho existence of which the present administration, up to the time the order was dispatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix atttention and refused to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before the crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter, wr s Impossible ; rendered so by the mere exhaustion of provisions in the latter named fort. In precaution against such a contingency, the government had a" few days before commenced preparing an expedition, as well adapted as might be, to relievo Fort Sumter, uhicli expedition was intended to be ul tim.it e-

I Jy ued or i;.t according to cireurmfuncva. Tim

strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it forward, as had been intended in this contingency. It was also resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort, and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there wotld be no attempt to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given, whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, before awaiting the arrival of the provision ing expedition. It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduc

tion of Fort Sumter was in no sense a matter of self defence on the part of the assailants. They know that they were expressly notified that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all that would on thatoccasioL be attempted, unless they themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government desird to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, bnt merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution, trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, nnd the ballot-box for final adjustment ; and they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object to dri vc the out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution. That this was their object the Executive wcl understood, and having said to them, in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so far from ingenious sophistry that the world should not misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstance, that point was reached. Then and there, by the assailants of the government, began the conflict, without a gun in sight or expectancy to return their firing, save only the few in the fort, sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was loyal. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue of immediate dissolution or blood, and this issue reflects more than the fate of these Uni ted States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional republic or democracy a government of the people, the same people can or cannot maintain its tcnitori al integrity against its own domestic foes. It present the question whether discontented persons, too few in numbers to control the administration according to the organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this cae, or any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break up their government, and thu practically put an end to free govetiimanr upon the earth. It forces us to ask. is there in all republics this inherent and fata! weakness? Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liber ties of the people, or to weak to maintain its own existence T So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power oT the government, and so to resist the force employed for its destruction by force for its preservation. The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying surpassing in unanimimity and spirit the most san fuine expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called slave Statos.cxcept Delaware, gave a regiment through the regular State organizations. A few regiments have been organized within some other of those States by individual enterprise, and received into the government service. Of course the seceded States-, so called, and to which Texas was joined about the time of the inauguration, gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of them being almost for the Union, while in others, as Virginia, North Carolina, Tcrncssec and Arkansas, the Unioa sentiment was nearly repressed and silenced. Tho course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the people of the State, to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had elected a large majority of professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumpter, members of that majority went over to the original minority, and, with them, adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great resentment at the government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinace for ratification to vote of the people, to be taken somewhat more than a month distant, the convention, and tho Legislature, which was also in session at the same time and pi ice, with leading men of the State not belong ing to eitter, immediately commenced acting as if the State was already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States armory at Harper's Ferry and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited, into their State large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They formerly entered into a treaty of alliance with the so-called "Confederate States," and sent members to their Congress at Montgomery. And finally they permitted the Insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capite! at Richmond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its neat within her borders, and this government lias no choice left but to deal with it where it finds it. and it has the less to regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. These loyal citizens tlie government is bound to recognize and protect as being in Virginia. In the bonier States, so called in fact, the middle Stales there are those who lav or a ftoliey which tiny call armed neutrality ; that is an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completely. Figuratively speaking it would be building of an impassable wall along the line of separation, and yet not quite an impassable one, for, under the guise of neutrality, it would tic the hand of Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble off the bunds of secession, except only what proceed? from the external blockade. It would do for tho disuuionists that which of all things they most desire feed thorn well, and give them disunion without a lp7;;le ot thfir own It

recognizes no fidelity to the constitution no obligation to maintain the Union. While very many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is nevertheless very injurious in effect. Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at first a call was made for 75,000 militia, and, rapidly following this a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary districts by the instituting in them of a blockade. So far, all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists announced their

purpose of entering upon the practice of privateering. Other calls were made for volunteers to serve three years unless sooner discharged, and also large additions in the regular army and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon what appeared to be the popular demand for a public necessity, trusting then, as now, that Congress would heartily ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency of Congress. Soon after the first call lor militia, it was considered a duty to authoriz; the Commanding General in proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend the privilege of the habeas corpus, or, in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public eafety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done under it are questions, and the attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one who is sworn to the care that the laws be faithfully executed shonld not himself violate them. Of course, some consideration was given to the questions of the power aad propriety before this matter was acted upon. 'Hie whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully executed were being resisted, and, failing of execution in nearly one-third of the States, muet they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even if it had been perfectly clear that, by the use of the means necessary to their execution, some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizens' liberty that practically it relieves more of the guilty than the innocent, should to a very limited extent be viotation ? To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one to go uncxecutedand the government itself go to pieces, lest that one be violated ? Even in such a case, wculd not the official oath be broken if the government should be overthrown, when it was believed that d'sregarding the single law would tend to preserve it ? But it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The pro vision; of the constitution is, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not lc suspended, except, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and the public safety does re quire the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ, which was authorized to be made .Now. it is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with the jower. But the constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power, and, ns the provision was plainly made for a dangerous eaicigcncy. it cannot be believed that the framers of the instrument intended that in every case, the danger should run its course until Congress should be called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion. No more extended argument is now aff)rdeJ, as an opinion at son length will probably be presented by the Attorney General. Whether there shall beany legislation on the subject, and, if so, what, is submitted entirely to tho better judgment of Pon grcss. Tlie forbearance of this governm cut has been so extraordinary ami so long continued a to lead some foreign nations to shape their actions as if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was probable. While this, on discovery, ga.te the Executive some concern, he is now happy to say that she sovereignty and rights of the United States arc now practically respected by foreign powers, and a general sympathy with the government is manifested throughout the world. The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War and Navy will give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for yovr action, while the Executive nnd Departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered important for you to know. It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short and decisive one ; that yon place at the control of the government, for the work, at Teast 400.000 men and $400,000,000. That number of men is about enc-tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, appcarantly, all are willing to engage, and the sum is Jess than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the men who seem ready to devote their whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of the struggle, and the uvwev value in the contrary bears even a greater proportion. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to establish them. A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times tho men and ten times the money. Tho evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that tlie material for the work is abundant, that it needs onl the hand of legislation to give it sanction and the hand of the Executive"togive tl practical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save the government if the government will do its part only indifferently well. It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the present movement at the South be called secession or rebellion. The movers, however, well understand the difference, They knew at the beginning that they could never raise their treason to any reasonable magnitude by any name wuich implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed as much devotion to law and order as much pride in aod reverence for the history and government of their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. They accordingly commenced by an insidious debauching of Mie public mind. They in vented an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded is followed by perfectly logical steps through all tho incidents of the complete destruction of the Union. Tho sophism itself is, tint any State of the Union may, consistentlj with the nation's constitution, and therefore lawfully nnd peacefully, withdraw from theUnion without conseut of the (

Union or of any other State. A little disguise, that the supposed right is to be exercised only for

just cause, themselves to be sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugged the minds of their section for more than thirty years, until, at length, they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the government, the day after some assemblage ot men have enacted the farcical act of taking the:r State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day before. This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to each State of our Fderal Union. Our States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. The original ons passed into the Union even before they cast off their British dependence, and tlie new ones came into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas, and even Texas, in its temporary indepencencc, was never designated as a State. The new ones only were designated States on coming into the Union, while that name was only first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence. Therein the United Colonies were declared free and Independent States, but even then the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one another of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action, before, at the t!rne, and afterward, abun" dantly show. The express plighting of faith by each and aI of the original thirteen States in the articles of confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most cenclusive. Having never been States, either in substance or name, outside the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of States rights, asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union ? Much is said about the sovereignty of the States, but the word even is not in the national constitution, nor it is believed, w anv of the State constitutions. What is a sovereignty in the particular sense of the term ? Would it be far wrong to declare it a political comrruniiy without a political superior ? Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, was a sovereignty, and even Texas gave up the character on corning into tlie Union, by which act she acknowledged the constitution of the United States, and laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the constitution, to be for her supreme law. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal etntus. If they break from this, they only do so against law bv revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence ami their liberty by conquest or purchase. The Union gave each of them whatever of independence and liberty it has. Tlie Union is older than any of the States, and in fact, it created them as States. Originally, some dependent colonies made tlie Union, and, in return, the Union threw off their old dependence, for them, nnd made the States such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of the Union. Of course it is not forgotten that all the cw States formed their constitutions before t'.iey entered the Union, neverteless dependent on and preparatory to cotriii into the Union. Unquestionably the States have powers and rights reserved to them by tlie national constitution, but among thcic surely arc not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but at most such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers, and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been known as a governmental or as a merely administrative power. This relative matter of national power and State rights is a principle is no other than a principle of generality and lotality. V'hatcvcr concerns the whole should be confined to the whole general government ; while whatever concerns the State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of the original principle about it. Whatever the national constitution says in defining the boundaries between the two, as applied to the principle, with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We arc all bound by that definition without question. What is now combatted is the position that ( secession is consistent with the constitution is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that theie is any express law for it. and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust and absurd consequences. Tlie nition purchased with money the country out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just that they should go ofT without leave, or without refunding ? The nation paid very large sums in the aggregate, 1 believe, nearly $100,000,000 to relieve Florida from the aboriginrl tribes. Is it just that she should now go off without consent, oi without nny return ? The nation is now in dc!t for money applied for the benefit of these so called seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole ? A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one State ma secede, so may another ond, w hen all have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors ? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money ? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if wl.er choose to go, or to extort tcrms upon w Inch they w ill promise to remain. The secedcrs insist that our constitution admits of secession. They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession. As they insist it exists in ours, if they have discarded it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to exist m ouiv. If they have retained it, by their own construction of ours, that shows that tobe consistent they must secede from one another when they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debt, or affecting another stilish or unjust object. The principle itself ig one of disintegration, and on which no government can possibly endure. If all the States, save olc, should affect the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed that the whole class of the seceded politicians would at once deny the powr und denounce the net as the greatest outrage ujnm State rights ; but suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called driving one out, should be called tho seceding of the others from that one, it would be exactly w hat the secedcrs claim to do, unless, iulced, to make the joint Ibit j

(the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do j that which the others, because they arc the major-

ity, may not rightfully do. These politicians are profound in the rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself " we, the people." It may be well questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men aro in a majority in many, if not in all, of the seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the result of elections held in military camps, where the bayonets were all on one side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating the popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at once for the Union and against coercion, would be coerced to vote against the Union. 1 1 may be affi rmed without extravagance that the free institutions which we enjoy have developed the powers, and improved the condition, of our whole people, beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it who has not tiken his place there of his own free choice. But, more than this, there are many single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of tbe arts and sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known to the whole world; and there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a Presider t, a Cabinet a Congress, and, perhaps, a Court, abundantly competent to administer the government Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but it is so much the better reason why the government, which has conferred such benefits on both them and us, shonld not be broken up. Who ever, in any section, proposes to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he docs it ; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much good to the people. Our adversarieshave ndopted some declarations of independence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "are created equal.' Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, they omit " we, the people," and substitute " we, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States." Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people ? This is essentially a people's contest ou thfc side of the Union. It is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading abject is to elevate the condition of men, to lift artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of l.iudable pursuit, and to ufTord all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life, yielding to partial and temporary departures from necessity. This is the leading object of the government fur whose existence we contend. I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while, in this the government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been faored with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand that pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flarj. (Jreat honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the example of their treacherous associates. But the greatest honor, and most emphatic fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers and common sail ors. To the last man, so far as is kuown, they successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those officers whose command within an hour before they obeyed as absolute law. This is a patriotic instinct of plain men. They understand without an argument th it tne destroying of the go vernment w hich was made by Washington, means no good for them. Our popular government has otcn been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have settled the succeasful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now for tnem to demonstrate to the world that those who can fiiily carry an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ball t arc the rightful anl peaceful successors of bullets ; and. when ballots are fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be co sue lessfnl appeal except back to the ballots themselves at a succeeding election. Such will be a great lesson of peace, teaching men that what thev cannot take bv nn election neither can thev take it by a war ; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as what is to be the course of the government towards the southern States after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Execu tive deem j it proper to say that it shall be hispurpose, then as ever, to be guided by the constitution and the laws, and that he will probably have no different ut derstanding of the powers an l duties of tho Federal government relatively to the rights of the States and the people, under the constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. He desires to preserve the government. i that it may be administered for all time as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal titizens every where have the right to claim this of their government. 1 he government has no right to withhold or neglect it, and it is not perceived, in giving it, that there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of these terms. The constitution provided, and all the States accepted the provision, that the United States shall "uaranteo to every State in this Union, a republican form of government ; but if a State may lawfully go out of the Udion, having done so it may also discard the republican form of government, so that to prevent its going out is nn indispensable means to obtaining the guarantees mentioned. When an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also law ful and obligatory. It was with the deepest regret that the Executive assumed I he duty ot employing the war powiu defense of the government. Forced upon him, he could but perform the duty, or surrender the existence of the government. No compromise by public servants could in this be a cure not that compromises arc no; often proper, but tint no popular government can lorg survive a marked free-

edent that those who carry an election can only save the government from immediate des'.ruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decision. As a private citizen, the Executive could not have consented that these institutions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink or even count the chance of his own life in what may follow. In full view of his great responsibility, he has so far done w hat he has, deeming it his duty. Will you not, according to your judgment, perforrr yours ? He sincerely hopes that your views and actions may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been deprived of their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them under the constito'ion and laws. And having, in this, chosen our course withott guilt, and with a pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Washington, July 4, 16G1.

The Cora Crop. Its value, by the census cf at a very low estimate, was $2üfi,000,000. This year, should the corn months, July and August.be favorable, it w ill be worth nearer a thouscud millions than two hundred and ninety-six millions. We would say to farmers, stretch away upon the corn crop. Give it the best cultivation you can in the present troublous times. If tempted to leave the corn field for the field of battle, remember that feeding the country is a first necessity. Full garners are more important than full garrisons. You would make the very best of soldiers, at once the most valiant and the .nost humane ; but your home employment is of more consequence than soldiering. If the war with weeds is less brilliant than the slaughter of brothers, it is moie benign. In Heaven's name, and in the name of human charity, let the farmers stick to their calling. ' Agriculture is the most healthy, the most useful, and the most n- ble employment of mau." So said the Father of the Country, and his words are doubly true this year. The farmer, who wars on weeds and grows food most successfully this sum mer, will w in mo.-t honor in the sight of God and in the retrospections of his own conscience. The enormous wastes and dttr:ctions of civil war, together with the certainty of an unusual' large fo.eign demand, render it imperious ou the farmers of this country to produce as much bread and meat as possible. A popuUr writer has said " Vigorous growth in the earlier stages of a plant, is most likely to be followed by a generous fruiting." This is pre-cmir.cnth the case with Indian corn. See that it h s no obstruction. If it fails of a joyful expansion by tho i'hli of June, drop a little of some quickly acting fertilizer oa the bill. Let it see the his day of July growing rampantly, and you are all but certain of a crop. Clean fields and a fair jLrowth by that lime are nine tenths o' the battle. And then, if the fields arc clean of weeds at the last of Ju!v, it is vcrv little trouble to scatter a few turnip seeds between the row s, to cultivate it in, in 1 without further trouble get a thousand biuhe's of turnip from a Celd of half a dozen acres. The greatest danger i that of sowing t: thick. If any try it, let them be cautious of this. To avoid the labor of thinKing, jou can harJIy sow too little seed. A second crop on the same fiold is tat cr hard u-age for the laud. It savors too much of the skinning process, and could hardly be reeommcnJeJ as a general practice ; but may be wise this year.whcu there is a moral certainty that the farmer may command a good price for his corn, aud for all the meat and dairy products whic'r the corn and turnips will make. Somewhere between 503 and 1,000 millions is the aggregate we hope and expect the farmer of the country will this year rea'i.'.' from their corn fields; and for this they can afford to tend them with extra labor and care. It w ill assuredly not be an unpaid service that the country asks at their handsNo Party During tbe War. Tlie telegraph reports thai the Republican members of Congress were to hold a caucus yesterday. The name of everybody except Democrats are mentioned fr everything. Even Forney, the cross between mild democracy and diluted republicanism, f corns doomed to be thrust aside. Thus we every day have proof of the sincerity of tho " no party during the war. ' Tliis, however, is exactly right. The late republican party chced Mr. Lincoln, and thote of them who have not followed off the the New York Trihu ne and other oppsition papers will of course go through the forms of party organization. The responsibilities, not only of the conduct of the war, but of all questions of public policy, rest with them, aud it would le something sujeihuman if they forego their clains for offices. Wliilc democrats sustain the war for the Uidor, they must not be so veak as to expect to participate in the spoils, nor commit so great a political mistake as to share any of the respousibiliti which belong to the administration. A gwat many ques tions will arise in which they wilt be cbSged to opHsc Mr. Lincoln and his advisors as ia mat ters of taxation, to say nothing W thtfdetiilsof warlike operations. Thus, report lus k thnt the Secretary of the Treasury will clunso tea ,. coffee, and sugar as special s. bjects of Federal tixatitn, making them the great reliance of the-revenue. Now, mo one can doubt thnt such tax will be tinJust, for the very reason that the articles named j are of gdne al consumption, and tlir.t tlu?porer classes will, therefore, no obliged to contribute to the expenses of the war in a degree astly disproportionate to their stake ia the conatry. In other words, under s ich a system, those who have least property to protect will bear the largest burdens. This, of course, is conjecture, ami is based only on telegraphic rumors, bit it illustrates the kind of questions which may arise when the policy of he administration is tmtoldcd in the official re-j)ort-, and proves how dolusive is the c-y of " no party. " Until men are stereotyped in one shade of opinion, and witiiiudcutical passion, there will continue to be parties. Ldxr-ycAuId receive n greater harm than that one dead level of political views should prevail nt the prescht crisi. Subserviency to the administration is quite as wh ked as factious opposition to it. Democrats, then, should neither expect nor tolerate, any difference in their part relations dining the war. The day lias not come, and we sincerely trust never will come, when they will bo obliged to abandon their party before they can sustain their country against a rebellion. We agree with Douglas, that every deuiocrat must be a patriot. Men may, and must, unite in the protection of the common heritage ; but Mr. Lincoln is President, and the republican paitv is in power, and to them belong certain lepposibilities w hich we cannot, if we w ould rtlleva th?m of. Chimp 7r.