Plymouth Tribune, Volume 4, Number 1, Plymouth, Marshall County, 6 October 1904 — Page 6

P IÜJ

Grotesque Attempt by Democrats to Twist Facts for Campaign Consumption. i i GROSSLY I nnCCUtlATE STATE r.lEHTS

Country Is Not in Throes of a Disastrous Business Depression, and Workingmen Continue to Prosper 7-What the Figures Show.

Nothing: could better illustrate the infinite capacity of the democratic party for doing the wrong thing at the right moment than its attempt to outface acknowledged industrial conditions with the bald statement of its campaign text book "that business depression of this year is greater than was that of 1S03 and As there are as many million American voters as there are millions engaged in industrial pursuits whose experience spans the decade, and who know this to be most fortunately false, there is no need to waste time in refuting it. The Democratic depression that prevailed from 1S93 to 1S97 paralyzed industry in every section, of the United States, and its pinch was felt in every home. The "business depression of uns year" is so largely a figment of Democratic imagination that it requires a magnifying glass to be seen, and what there is of it is rapidly fading from sight as the prospects of a great Republican victory become more certain. But the Democratic campaign book is not satisfied with this grotesque generalization, so it attempts to controvert the Republican claim of prosperous times in farm, office nd workshop with the assertion that no one is better off by reason of increased incomes because the cost of living has increased disproportionately. ' How utterly and irratioiJilly absurd is this contention is proved trj the fact that if prices wera advancing more rapidly than the earnings of the rreat mass of the people, the great mass of the people would soon be irretrievably insolvent or their purchases woum be so curtailed that the volume of business would be enormously reduced. There is no possibility of making a scientific comparison of the relative increase in wages and the cost of living, because they are controlled by different factors. The rate of wages is controlled by industrial conditions; the cost of living is controlled by the individual. No man can fix-bis income at will; any man can limit his expenditures. Let conditions provide sufficient wages to the workingman, and it rests with him to say by what margin he will live within bis income. The larger that income the larger his possible surplus. If better wages breeds extravagance, the result, in the language of Micawber, is misery; if they are expended . with economy, the result is an accumulation of wealth and happiness. Convincing Testimony Good times under Republican administration has provided the better wages, and the economy of the American peopls has piled up the means of contentment and happiness, as is evidenced by the following statement of the number of depositors and deposits in the savings banks of the United States for the eleven years from 1S03 to 19JÖ, inclusive; Tear. n Jfo. Depositors. Deposits. 1S3 4.830.500 $1.78r,l,V).nr7 4,777,637 1,747,961.280 18 i 4.875.519 l,810,5f7.O23 1896 5.065,494 1,907,150,277 1S97 5.201.132 l,939,370.OX 1808 5.a.C,.746 2.063,63f.298 5.687.818 2,230.3615.054 1900 6,107,083 2.449,54785 1901 , 6.35S.723 2.597,094.580 1302 .-.6,666,672 2.750.177.290 1903 7,300,228 2,935,204.845 The Democratic depression of 1893 and 1S04, to which the campaign book inadvertently d-'rects attention, was marked by a felling off in deposits of over $37,000,000 in .one year. Between 1S93 add 1903 the average due each depositor increased from $3C9 to $417. More significant than the .Increase in deposits is the fact that in 1903 there were 2,474,029 absolutely new savings bank depositors in the United States, .marking an increase of nearly 50 per cent, during a period when the total population only increased 24 per cent Col. Wright's Summary. Turning now to the direct comparison of the advance in wages and cost of living during the period under review, the Democrats' affect the greatest contempt for the government statistics, which, ander the ble, conscientious and unbiased direction ci Carroll D. Wright, rresent the following instructive summary:

C?rsei)f DPyment, wages, hours of labor, weekly earnings and' retail prices 1903 purchasing power of weekly earnings relatively to prices of food 1S93(Relative numbers computed on basis - of average for 1890-1899-1900.)

Employes Relative Number 99.2 94.1 96.3 n Hours week, Tear. .1893 1S94 1SS5 1S90 ......... 18!7 1S08 1S09 11)00 1901

number

v - . . ' . 9S.3 100.9 , 106.3 ..110.9 113.5 . 119.1 123.6 -...12&4 1902 , 11)03 . These figures present the results of an extensive investigation into the wages and horrs of labor in the leading manufacturing and mechanical industries of its United States daring the period nam- - 1 t T A 1 J 3 A. 1 , cj. ix mis ue&igueu 10 cover xnorougnjy tls principal destinctive occupations, and Z It... Wright, in submitting it (see Bulletin cf the Bureau of Labor, No. 53, July, 1221,) says: "It is believed that the dat. presented are more comprehensive representative so far as the manuring and mechanical industries are rn.d than any that have been here- '... .imblished." figures as to income and expenare summarized from, data gath- " ' "Ua 2,5G7 families, in "33 States, . average mcome from all sources JJ7 a year, whose average experi- . )xz3 $7C3, and whose average tare for food was 5323 per' fam-

OST IF Uli

ily, or 42.54 per cent, of the average expenditure for all purposes. This data was corroborated by other information in less detail form, from 23,440 families, and so is entitled to be accepted as representative. . , The most cursory examination of the above table reveals the fact that the purchasing power of wages, measured by retail prices of food, was 5, per cent, greater in 1903 than in 1S93, and this in spite of the fact that the hours per week had been reduced 3.7 per cent. But more conducive to the wide dissemination of the prosperity than these proofs of the increased purchasing power'of wages, is the fact revealed in the column giving the relative number of persons employed in the establishments investigated. Between 1S94 and 1903 th increase in the number of employes receiving these wages with increased purchasing power was 34.3 per cent., while in the meantime the population of the United States only increased 21 per cent. Democracy's Last Besort. Disheartened and disgusted with the wide distribution of prosperity in the homes, workshops and bank accounts of American wage earners, demonstrated by these figures, the Democrats appeal to "railroad labor as affording the most accurate barometer of wages." Here, they say, 'a large proportion of the employes are union men, whose wages are comparatively steady." Then the compilers of the Democratic campaign book begin to juggle with the very averages and percentages they affect to despise. They institute comparisons between 1892, when railway wages were at high tide, and 1901, when they had scarcely recovered from Democratic recession of 1S93-1S9C. They suppress the fact that the statistical average of railway wages was less affected by the Democratic hard times than the average of other industries, for the obvious reason that as forces were reduced in numbers the proportion of high priced employes retained because of their experience was greater. . They also conclude thejr comparisons with the year ending . June 20th, 1902, well knowing that the statistics of the Interstate Commerce Commission for that year only reflect a month or two of the advance in railway wages of that calendar year, which did not reach flood tide until July, 1903. Not. until the statistics of the Interstate Commerce Commission for the year 1903-1904 are published next summer will itbe possible to make an authoritative comparison of the wages of railway employes and the cost of living in the year 1903. But the report of the Commission for the fiscal year 1903 is available, and it furnishes the following data, which throws light on the rich slice of prosperity which haskfallen to the share of railway employes: " F,1?2P.1Ül.,AND COMPENSATION OF ?tAJYAJ.MPL0TES 12 THE TEARS 1S97 AND 1903: Year.- Number. Compensation. 1903 1,312,537 $775.321,415 1807 823,476 405,(301,518 Increase 489.0Ö1 $300,719.834 Increase per cent.. 59.4 6C5 Increase of compensation relatlrely over number 7.1 That this relative irorease of compensation, compared with that in the number of railway employes, does not tell the whole truth is proved by the following table: AVERAGE DAILY COMPENSATION OP CERTAIN DISTINCTIVE CLASSES OF RAILWAY EMPLOYES FOR THE YEARS ENDING JUNE 30TU, 1897. AND 1903 (vide sixteenth annual report of. the statistics of railways in the middle States for 1003, p. 43.) Daily Compen- Increase average satlon per Class. 1897. 1903. cent.Enginemen .... $3.C5 $4.01 9.9 Firemen 2.O. . 2.28 11.2 Conductors 3.07 - 3.38 10.1 Other trainmen -1.90 2.17 14.2 Section foremen .... ?.70 1.78 4.7 Other trackmen 1.16 1.32 13.8 What the Figures Prove. It will be observed that these six distinctive classes of railway employes, embracing almost half of all the railway employes in the "ÜDited States 591,475 in 1903 against 3G3,5G3 in 1897) were receiving an average daily compensation during the year 1902-3 more than 10 per n. . . . KPT A 11 Fnf nnnor it r pciit prices of food , relative. 104.4 weekly wages rel. to price of food. . 96.9 98.0 100.0 relative earnings relative. 100.3 09.8 100.1 - 99.8 99.6 99.7 99.2 98.7 08.1 97.3 98.6 101.2 97.7 98.4 89.5 7 99.7 97.8 9T.5 104.2 103.0 101.3 - 101.7 . 103.0 ;., 100.7 98.6 101.8 99.2 100.0 101.2 104.1 105.9 100.3 1123 96.3 98.7 99.5 100.1 105.2 ?.10.9 110.3 cent. greater than duxi ng the year 189G1807. Moreover, it is a notorious fact that these averages do not begin to represent the increase, in the earrirgs of railway employes during the summer of 1003,.. when .the rate of pay of certain classes was raised from .10 to 15 per cect. In ;that year, too, there were -227,012 more persons employed in the six classes named than in 1897Mand according to the Interstate . Commerce Commission they were receiving the increased daily average pay where they received nothing in the year last named. Finally, returns gathered from the annualreports for the year ending June 30th, 1004, of eight representative railways in different parts of the country, having a total mileage of ' 1G.5S7 miles, indicate that the compensation of their employes has iircreassd pore than 10 per cent, over the year previous, whils the

number of their employes has remained practically stationary, as is shown in the , following table: !

"Number and compensation of employes of 1 eight representative railways: Year ending CompensaJuue30 No. employes. tion. 1004 : 104.:?44 $GG,490,G(rr 1903 103,891 (JO.2S5.097 Increase 453 6,213,570 Increase per cent... 0.4 10.3 Here at last we see truly reflected the effect of the horizontal raise in the wages of railway employes made as the result of the widespread labor agitation in the summer of 1903. The advance was variously estimated at the time as from 12 to 13 per cent., and any. statistics that fail to show it must be distorted by the 'introduction of some factor, such as a disproportion of -low price labor tending to reduce the average. In connection with the 'above proof of the 10 per. cent, advance in railway wages in one year, it should be remembered that the decline in prices begun in 1903 continues. If the Democrats are willing to accept the pay of railway labor as the most accurate barometer of wages, the Republican party can calf to the witness stand 1,312.337 railway emp'oyes to testify to the fact that, measured by what it will buy, their income of 1904 is higher than it -was in 1S97, and nearly half a million of them can truthfully affirm that they received uo compensation whatever in 1S97 where, according to the above system of average compensation, they now divide some $275,000,000 among them, or about $ÖÜS apiece. METHUSELAH ANDTHESPHINX Come all ye Bryan Democrats, Your peerless leader slinks; Come all ye oloated plutocrats, . Forget your former kinks; The banners float for and you must vote for . x Methuselah and the sphinx. I Come all ye scattered Democrats That sulk like frightened minks, So lean that we can see your slats, As hungry as the lynx; The banners float for and you must vote for Methuselah and the sphinx. Come all ye hopeless Democrats, While Parker thinks he thinks. Climb off the ship like frightened rats, Before the old thing sinks; The banners float for and you .must vote for Methuselah and, the sphinx. Chicago Chronicle. Words of Cheer for the Democracy. It has been given out to the forlorn and drooping Democracy that "Willie Hearst is loosening up"; that he -has been induced to put in a few thousands to open headquarters for the National Democratic Clubs. The hungry know well that this means that Hearst aspires to be a candidate again, but they are not worrying about 1008 now. Four years ago Hearst was president and footer of bills for the National Democratic Clubs. The members met, if memory serves aright, at Indianapolis, expecting to greet their president. But be sent one of his hired .men to receive the greetings of his admirers. This dampened the ardor of the crowd. deSpite the fact that their fare backv home was paid. The November election settled the whole concern, but it seems that the N. D. C. is to be resurrected, what little there is left of its ashes. Democratic Financial Management. On the 1st of July, 1S92, the last year of the Harrison administration, the total bonded debt of the United States was, in round numbers, $585,000,000. On the 1st of July, 1S07, the last year of the second Cleveland administration, the total bonded debt was $843.000,000, sn increase of $25S,000,000 during four yeaTS of p"erfect peace. July 1, 1802, the annual ' interest charge on the public debt was $:,803,000. July 1, 1S07, it was $34,3S7,000, an increase of $11,494,000 during, four years of Democratic administratiou. A party that cannot administer the government during a short period of fonr years without largely increasing the public debt and the annual interest account is not fit to be entrusted with the control of affairs. Two Indices with Political Pasta. ' Democracy can always be depended on to blunder. The nomination of Judge Farker was a blunder, because he received his early political training from D. B. Hill, one of the most notorious wire-pullers and workers in devTous ways New York has produced. The nomination of D. Cady Herrick for Governor of New York, also was a blunder, because he was "boss of the Democratic "machine" at Albany before his election to the bench. The Albany , "machine" has a reputation as unenviable as Tammany's. The last few ye-ars of Republican administration have added untold millions to the agricultural wealth of the country by opening new markets for farm products at constantly improving prices. The beauty of the Republican policy of protection is that it develops manufacturing and agricultural interests on parallel lines. . "We do not have to scneas at onr con vlctiona and then correct the srnaa if It leemi nn-popnlar. The principles which we profess are those in which we believe with heart and aonl and strength. Men may differ from u bnt they caqnot accuse ns of shiftiness or iksincerity." Eooevelf letter of acceptance. Perhaps the policy of protection has made business prosperity more dependent upon politics than it would have been otherwise, but it certainly has contributed more largely than anything else to our extraordinary and unparalleled progress. According to astronomers it is about 25 trillions of miles, as the cro! flies, from the earth to Alpha Centauri, the Nearest fixed star. It is, about the same distance from Esopus to the White House bv the Democratic- rntitp. The last four years of Democratic rule left the country oppressed by misfortune and doubtful of the future. Why should any patriotic American wish to repeat that -experience? But for the Republican party the government would not have survived the storm of civil war nor taken any Jf the progressive steps that have marked our history sines the war.

AI I II Ci ftj DPA I C H I M HLL II Ulf rilrtlOI- -

PANAMAIANS COMMEND WISDOM OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. Democratic Charge that the Chief Executive Was Ratty, Refuted by Recent Developments in the Isthmian Republic Hi Election Desired. THERE IS NO BETTER ARGUMENT IN REFUTATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC ALLEGATION THAT PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT IS HASTY AND . INCONSIDERATE IN HIS ACTIONS THAN THE ACTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF EVENTS IN THE REPUBLIC OF PANAMA. A fewweeks, ago, and even recently, many of the leading Democratic newspapers in the United States have asserted that Panama was remonstrating against, the administration of the canal zone as ordered by the President, and that an imperialistic policy was being pursued by him in his treatment of the Panamaians. The Democratic 'critics took advantage of a state of local unrest in Panama and a protest on its part against the interpretation of the treaty at the hands of the canal commission as an evidence that the President was treating the Panamaians with autocratic sway. What are the facts? It seems that when the President gave his .orders in June last to Gen. Davis, as Governor of the zone, to organize the strip controlled by the United States, the President endeavored in every way to act in 6trict accordance with the wording of the treaty, and for the best interests of Panama as well as the zone. It happened, however, that a CERTAIN GROUP OF POLITICIANS IN PANAMA WHO HELD NO OFFICES, AND WHO ARE THE "OUTS," LIKE THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY - IN THE UNITED STATES, WERE LOOKING FOR ANY OPPORTUNITY TO MAKE TROUBLE. - Without consulting carefully the treaty, they immediately made a severe attack on the United States government and the President, proclaiming in manifestos and in their newspapers that the President's orders to Governor Davis were against the spirit and letter of the treaty, and that he was disregarding flagrantly the rights and interests of Panama, thus crupiiiug out its independence! They agitated their position so vigorously that they not only aroused a considerable element of the Panama population, BUT PROVIDED THE BACKGROUND FOR SENSATIONAL NEWSPAPER STORIES TO BE SENT TO THE UNITED STATES. N Canse for the Flurry. At the moment when the situation was somewhat cxitical in Panama, the new American mir ist er, John Barrett, arrived on the 8ce"ie with special instructions from the President to demonstrate to the Panama government and people that the President was determined that NO STEPS SHOULD BE TAKEN, INVOLVING THE RELA' JNS OF PANAMA PROPER aUD THE CANAL ZONE, WHICH WERE NOT CONSISTENT WITH THE TREATY AND WITH THE TRUE INTERESTS OF BOTH PANAMA AND THE UNITED STATES. After, the minister had calmed the excitement to a great extent by his assurances of fair dealing and after he had given the Panamaians abundant opportunity to file with him all the complaints they had in mind, he showed them, in a respectful but diplomatic way, that THE VERY TOINTS ON WHICH THEY SO SEVERELY CRITICISED PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT HAD ALREADY. BACK IN JANUARY OF THIS YEAR. BEEN EXPLICITLY EXPLAINED BY THEIR OWN ENVOY PLENIPOTENTIARY. MR. BUNAUVARILLA, IN HIS STATEMENT TO SECRETARY HAY OF HIS INTERPRETATION OF THE TREATY. In other words, the minister proved to the Panama government and people that their own representative, Mr. BunauVarilla, many months before, had, on their behalf,' given the United States absolute control of the two ports at the respective entrances of the canal, THUS COMPLETELY DISARMING THE CONTENTIONS OF THE CRITICS OF THE PRESIDENT that, in establishing these ports by his orders to Governor Davis, he had disregarded the sovereignty and rights of the Panama government. In addition to tkis, the minister also explained to them that in view of the great responsibility which the United States owed to the rest of the world in constructing such a gigantic waterway, there could be no possible division; of authority, and that the United States had already, by a liberal gift of ten million dollars, paid for ihose very sovereign rights which they now ques tioned. If they had not agreed to this arrangement, they might never have got the canal, and they would probably have lost their independence. President Was Right. What now is the result? In comparison with the situation a few weeks ago when the editorials in the local newspapers,, the discussions in the public plazas, and the telegrams-to the Democratic papers in the United States, all criticised the President and said that he was acting arbitrarily, WE NOW SEE THE LEADING MEN, NOT ONLY , OF THE GOVERNMENT PARTY BUT OF THE OPPOSITION. ACKNOWLEDGING THAT THE PRESIDENT IS RIGHT; we hear people in the plazas and public : meetings commenUing the United Stntes;-we note the editorials in the Panama press praying for the election . of President Roosevelt, and at a banquet given on Sept. 5 in the American legation by Minister Barrett in honor of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, this latter official. Don Tomas. Orias, one of the ablest and most influential men in Panama,. toasted in eloquent terms the health of President Roosevelt and expressed the , earnest wish, on behalf of his government and his people, that TIIB PRESIDENT WOULD BE TRIUMPHANTLY ELECTED IN NOVEMBER, SAYING THAT THE BEST INTERESTS OF PANAMA AS WELL AS THOSE OF THE UNITED STATES, AS INVOLVED IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE GREAT CANAL, REQUIRED THE CONTINUANCE OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT TO CARRY FORWARD THE WORIC And so it is with irast of the criticisms of President Roosevelt, whether they refer to his honn or foreign policy. At first it is alleged that he acta rashly

simply because there may be some commotion caused by the steps he has taken, and yet almost invariably the development of events proves, conclusively, that he is right, and acting with wisdom and prudence. -

Is Protection "Bobbery?" The Democratic assertion that "Pro teetion is robbery;" that the tariff is a tax on the American consumer, is best refuted by examining the effect of protection on the tin plate industry. When the McKinley bill was passed nine-tenths of all the tin used in this country was manufactured abroad. To-day the manufacture of tin is one of the most, impor tant of our home industries, eou jibuting millions of dollars annually to our national wealth. But this is the Uast part of the story, in so far as the tariff is concerned the price of tin began to go down in proportion as the United States began to produce it, and the American consumer has never paid uiider the McKinley tin tariff anywiiere near as much per pound for tin t:ate as he paid when tin was on the free list. Parker's Admission. Judge Parker's letter of acceptance stands pat on Republican achievements, but coyly admits that its writer would be a safer man at the National throttle than President Roosevelt so long as a Republican Senate sits on the safety valve. If the protective tariff is "robbery" he is willing to turn sneak thief; if we burglarized Panama he iy willing to keep the stolen goods; if orde No. 78 lets down the bars for a pension scandal he will revoke the order, but let the bars remain down just the same. It is a very pretty confession that the Republicans have administered the government so wisely, diligently and effectively that they deserve a vacation, while he tries his prentice hand at running it without reverfiug a single lever. Praise from a Democratic Newspaper. . The New York Times, one of the Democratic newspapers which boon denouncing President Roosevelt's Philippine policy, recently printed an editorial leader on the settlement of the Friars land question. The article concludes: "It is creditable both to the intelligence and the humanity of the government." If the Times was less partisan it could truthfully say that every act of the Roosevelt administration in dealing with the Philippine question was ot-Iitable to the United States. The'Unsafe" Roosevelt. Democratic editors and speakers are united in declaring that President Roosevelt is "an unsafe man." If that is so, he has ft least been remarkably successful in his "unsafe" undertakings -in settling the coal strike, f in enforcim: the anti-trust law, in acquiring the Panama calfal strip, and in all his delicat6 dealings with foreign nations. Judge Parker is in training in earnest for November 8. On the occasion of his trip to New York to consult Hill, Sheehan, Murphy, McCarren and .Gorman about superseding Tom Taggart as ampaign manager, the New York Times correspondent described him as "going on a swift drive down the rocky hill road to the dock.' In November there will be no elegantly equipped 6t,Cair' yacht to receive him at the bottom ot the hill, only a gaping hole labeled 'oblivion." There seems to be one tie that binds New v York's judicial candidate for the Presidency and the Democratic candidate for governor of New York tt.ey both voted for free silver in 1S9G and 1900. Neither of them apparently would have conscientious scruples about voting for a yellow dog, provided he had the regular emblem of Iiis party branded ou loth ears and wagged his tail without il. a. - m .1 I me consent oi any ouier nuuon. Judge Parker's frantic demand that nothing further be said about Roosevelt' personality is fresh evidence that Democrats have become alarmed over the effect of their assertion that Rooseveltism -is the chief issue of the campaign. The more Roosevelt's personality h exploited the more popular he becomes. Democrats have been making Republican votes by the score in quoting the Presi dent's utterances. Judge PaTker, judging from his conduct and the company he has kept, stands for Hillism in politics, which means that any unscrupulous act is justifiable if the end be gained. J He is the very opposite of President Roosevelt, for his evasiveness showa that he lacks courage and decisiveness two requisites that should not be found wanting in aspirants for the Presidency. At one stroke of his pen Abraham Lincoln freed 4,000,000 black men. With one stroke of his pen Roosevelt has made it possible to reclaim more than 100,000,000 acres of land to agriculture, adding, millions of American farm homes with their vast volume of agricultural products which will flow from this rich area of land redeemed from the desert. What does it mean to the nation to have millions of people gradually pass from servitude of the town to the sovereignty of the country? It means the enlistment of a new army for the defense of the republic in every hour of need. This will come, under the workings of the national irrigation act. ( Talk about political economy. The Democrats of Massachusetts are considering the advisability of nominating Douglas, the Brockton shoe man, in order to save money on campaign lithographs, because the pictures of Parker and Douglas are as like as two -wooden shoepegs. - ' Edward M. Shepard in 1S97 denounced Tammany as "a foul blot on civilization,"and in 1904 Tammany tore a hole in the Shepard boom so ragged that the special favor of Judge Pr.rker and Chairman Sheehan could not inflate it sufficiently to justify . a nominating speech. ' It ehould be remembered that under irrigation agriculture becomes almost an exact science. Twelve inches "of water, intelligently distributed at the proper time, is eufflcient to insure on the arid lands an abundant yield of the ordinary farm crops of that latitude. Prosperous times are more truly reflected in the increased number earning wages than in any staxistics of average wäges, for the obvious reason that the ranks of labor are recruited from the bottoa.

KILKENNY HARMONY.

That Is the Kind that Prevails Among s New York Democrats. Not smce the traditional cats of Kilkenny were hung across a line by their tails has there been such an amusing harmony of subdued discord as is heard in New York, now that Judge D. Cady Ilerrick has been nominated by the Democrats for governor. Judge Parker wanted Edward M. Shepird, or District Attorney Jerome nominated for governor in order to galvanize hitf campaign into the semblance of life. David B. Hill wanted John B. Stanchfield, because Stanchfield best represented the organization outside of New York City, to which Mr. Hill owes his ascendancy in the State Democracy. JlrJ Hill had no use for Herrick, who, as Democratic boss of Albany County, has been a thorn in his side for years. But, it is said, he accepted Herrick and put him in ' nomination on the principle of the salesman who sold a coat marked $13 for $10, on doubtful credit, because he would lose less if the bill was never paid. Hill will lose less in- Herrick's defeat than if he had succeeded in nominating his friend Stanchfield. Senator Patrick IX. McCarren, the Brooklyn boss, to whom Judge Parker owes his nomination, wanted Comptroller Grout nominated, and for a time he had Mr. Hill's ostensible support for Grout. Judge Parkerxand Hill went back on McCarren; the former to placate Charles F. Murphy and Tammany, and the latter because he couldn't help himself. Tammany accepted Herrick because it was willing to accept anybody who stood for the discomfiture of Boss McCarren. As a tomahawk in the hands of Charles F. Murphy with which to dispatch McCarren, D. Cady Herrick would serve Tammany much better than either Shepard or Jerome. Besides, did not Judge Herrick's career on the bench present sterling claims on the admiration and necessities of Tammany? His abuse of his judicial position to the political exigencies in Albany is along the line of what Tammany considers the higher walks of politics. Moreover, has he not practically pardoned an official blackmailer and protector of disorderlj' houses by imposing a paltry fine of $1,000 on the notorious police Captain Diamond? a stroke of judicial leniency toward corruption in New York City peculiarly attractive to Tammany. If -e would so act as judge, what prodigies of clemency to "good men" might he not perform as governor? So Tammany dropped Mayor McClellan and swallowed Herrick and his- record with genuine relish and noisy gusto. Not so. however, the Democratic press of New York City. The WORLD takes its medicine with evident nausea; the TIMES turns Herrick's picture to the wall and fixes its -gaze on Judge Parker, with the reflection that one honorable nomination in four years is as far as the NewiTork Democracy can be expected to pander to the somewhat blunted moral sentiment of its constituency The EVENING POST openly repudiates Herrick, saying that a proper regard for its own reputation forbids giving him the negative support of silence. From this brief resume it may be gathered that the elements for a harmonious Democratic campaign in New York are all that could be desired from a Republican point of view. A Boomerang. "Make Rooseveltism the issue," demanded the New York World, and Democrats, big and little, began barking and snarling at the heels of the President, but the more they barked the more friends they made for Roosevelt. Now, Judge Parker, having seen the effect of the ill-advised issue, ha's asked his managers to drop Rooseveltism, but his admonition comes too late. Republicans will see that the issue is not lost sight of. Democracy's effort to show that times have not been good under Roosevelt's administration is a ludicrous performance. The compilation of all .the strikes which have taken place in the last three it; imJioates count has been unusually prosperous. Strikes are a rarity in bad times. Workingmen demand higher wages only when business is good. They are astute enough to know that they stand a better chance of getting what they want when factories are flooded with orderg than when they are running on short time. Protection has done more for the American farmer than any other 'policy carried out by Republicans. If "Protection is robbery," as the Democratic platform asserts, the only persons "robbed" are the manufacturers and toilers of Europe. American workingmen certainly do not suffer from protect?n. They are the chief beneficiaries of tl.e greatest of Republican policies. Without a protective tariff wages would soon drop to the European level, which is from CO to 100 per cent, below the rate nor paid in the United States. : .' People who say combinations of capital are due to the tariff should explain wky . free trade Britain is ridden with trusts. British manufacturers generally have been for years organizing combinations, ' and they have no tariff to protect them.Polls of the first voters in various portions of the country indicate that 90 pet cent, of the young men will vote for Roosevelt. There is something attractivt about the President and his career that appeals strongly to 'the youth of th land. "The expenditure!) of the Nation have been managed in a spirit of economy as far removed from waste as from nieardlinessj and in the future every effort will be continued to secure an Lficonomy as strict as is consistent with efficiency." Boosevelt'i letter of acceptanoa Three words in the Democratic platform are sufficient to defeat that party. ''Protection is robbery" is a phrase that is holping the Republicans more than a hundred speeches by campaign, orators. ' With both Republican factions guar an teeing the electoral vote to Wisconsin to Roosevelt, another iridescent rainbow dream of the Democracy goes glimmering into the realms oi perpetual night

The first, last and only claim made foi Judge PaTker is that he is safe. So is a grav9 safe. It also resembles Judge Parker in lacking enough animation to rua a campaign for constable.