Plymouth Tribune, Volume 3, Number 50, Plymouth, Marshall County, 15 September 1904 — Page 6

PRESIDENTS LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE

Comp ares Present Stabil ity with What Democrats Offer. Explains Reasons for All that the Administration Has Undertaken. Republican Control Will Be Solely Devoted Toward National Progress. "Choose between a party of action and a party of negation, a party of honor and a party of dishonor, a party of honesty and a party of Insincerity, a party of proved efficiency and a party of historic, inefficiency." Such is the message to the American voter sent broadcast throughout the land by President Roosevelt in hU letter accepting the unanimous nomination to succeed himself accorded to him by the Republican National Convention In Chicago last June. In hi3 letter President Roosevelt ar ralgns the Democratic party as a house divided against Itself, as an organization without fixed policies on any of the great issues to be ßettied at the polls next .November, as a political Artful Dodger, whose more than dubious past augurs ill for the future in the event of its victory two months hence. Especial stress Is laid by the President on the subjects of the Philippines, tariff, and finance. lie arraigns the Democrats for shifting thee times In their last convention attitude on the Philippines, and declares that their policy of Independence for the natives, if carried out, would be an international crime. In like manner he asserts that abandonment of the protective tariff system would bring national misery. On the financial issue he holds up to ridicule the policy or rather lack of policy of the opposition. Following are the leading features of the letter, which in fuU contains twelve thousand words: I accept the nomination for the presidency tendered me by the Republican national convention, and cordially approve the platform adopted by it. In writing this letter there are certain points upon which I desire to lay especial stress. It is difficult to find out from the utterances of our opponents what are the real issues upon which they propose to wage this campaign. It is not unfair to say that, having abandoned most of the principles npon which they have insisted during the last eight years, tney now eem at a loss, both as to what it is that they really believe and as to how firmly they shall assert their belief in anything. In fact, it is doubtful if they venture resolutely to press a single issue; as soon as they raise one they shrink from it, and seek to explain it away. Euch an attitude is the probably inevitable result of the effort to improvise convictions; for when thus improvised, it Is natural that they should be held in . a tentative manner. Actions Louder than Words. The party now in control of the government is troubled by no such difficulties. We do not have to guess at our own convictions, 0 and T-en correct the guess if it seems unpop"üar. The principles which we profess are those in which we believe with heart and soui and strength. Men may differ from us, but they cannot accuse us of shiftiness or Insincerity. The policies we have pursued are those which we earnestly hold as essential to the national welfare and repute. Our actions speak even louder than out words for the faith that is In ns. We base our appeal upon what we have done and are doing, upon our record of administration and legislation during the last seven years, in which we have bad complete control of the government. We intend in the future to carry on the government in the same way that we have carried it on in the past. A party whose members are radically srt variance on most vital ias'.ea, and, if suited at all, are only united on issues where their attitude threatens widespread disaster to the whjle country, cannot be trusted to govern In any matter. A party which, with facile ease, changes all its convictions before election cannot be trusted to adhere with tenacity to any principle after election. A party fit to govern must have convictions. In 1S06 the Republican party came Into power, and in 1900 It retained power on certain definite pledges, each of which was scrupulously fulfilled. But In addition to meeting and solving' the problems which were issues in these campaigns' it also became necessary to meet other problems which arose after election; and it Is no small part of our claim to pchU confidence that these were solved with the same success that had attended the solution of those concerning which the battles at the polls were fought. In other words, our governmental efldency proved equal not only to the tasks that were anticipated but to doing each unanticipated task as it arose. ' When the contest of 1806 was decided the question of the war with Spain was not an issue. When the contest of 1900 was decided the shape which the isthmian canal question ultimately took could not have been foieseen. But the same qualities which enabled those responsible for making and administering the laws at Washington to deal successfully with the tariff and the. currency enabled them also to deal with the Spanish war, and the same qualities which enabled them t act wisely in the Pippins and in Cuba also enabled them to cto ibeir duty as regards the problems l.xmnecvd with the trusts and to secure r.be building of the isthmian canal. We are content to rest oar case before the American people upon the fact that to adherence to a lofty ideal we have added proved governmental efficiency. Therefore, our pronises may rarely be trusted as regards ary issue that if now befre the people, exd we may equally be irusted to deal i with any problem which may hereafter arise. So well has the work been done that our opponents do not venture to recite the facts about our policies cr acts and then oppose them. They attack then enly when they have first misrepresented C-?in, for a truthful recital wosld leave room for adverse comnent, Panama Ca ntL rra cCers an imc? Li r -

Our opponents can criticise what we did in Panama only on condition of misstat ing what was done. The administration behaved throughout not only with good faith, but with extraordinary patience and large generosity toward those with whom it dealt. It was alao mindful of American interests. It acted in strict compliance with the law passed by Con gress. Our Foreign Policy, Similar misrepresentation is the one weapon of our opponents in regard to our foreign policy and the way the navy has been made useful in carrying out this policy. Here again all that we ask is that they truthfully state what has been done and then say whether or not they object to it, for if continued in power we shall continue our foreign policy and our handling of the navy on exactly the same lines in the future as in the past. In carrying out this policy it has settled dispute after dispute by arbitration or by friendly agreement. It has behaved toward all nations, strong or weak, with courtesy, dignity and justice, and it is now on excellent terms with all. Do our opponents object to the settlement of the Alaska boundary line?. Do they object to the fact that after freeing Cuba we gave her reciprocal trade advantages with the United States, while at the same time keeping naval stations in the island and providing against its sinking into chaos or being conquered by any foreign power? Do they object to the fact that our PLRTINENT PARAGRAPHS It Is difficult to find out from the utterances of our opponents what are the real Issues upon which they propose to wage this campaign. It is not unfair tft say that, having abandoned most of the 'principles upon which they have Insisted during the last eight years, they now seem at a loss, both as to what it is that they really believe and as to how firmly they shall assert their belief in anything. In fact, it is doubtful if they venture resolutely to press a single Issue; ab soon as they raise one they shrink from it and seek to explain it away. Such an attitude is the probably inevitable result of the effort to improvise convictions; for when thus Improvised It Is natural that they should be held In a tentative manner. There is not a policy, foreign or domestic, which we are now carrying out which it would not be disastrous to reverse or abandon. We ba?e ocr appeal upon what we ha?e done and are doing, npon our record of administration and legislation during the last seven years. In which we have had complete control of the government. If continued In power we shall continue our foreign policy and our handling of the navy on exactly the same lines In the future as In the past. The fundamental fact Is that In a popular government such as ours no policy Is irrevocably settled by law unless the people keep in control of the government men who believe in that policy as matter of deep-rooted conviction. On some of the vital questions that have flag now flies over Porto Rico? Do they object to the acquisition of Hawaii? Once they "hauled down" our flag there; we have hoisted it again; do they intend once more to haul it down? Do they object to the part we played in China? Do they not know that the voice of the United States would now count for nothing in the far East if we had abandoned the Philippines and re fused to do what was done in China? Do they object to the fact that this government secured a peaceful settlement of the troubles in Venezuela two years ago? Do they object to the ship of war off Colon when the revolution broke out in Panama, and when only the presence of this ship saved the lives of American citizens and prevented insult to the flag? Do they object to the fact that American warships appeared promptly at the port of Beirut when an effort had been made to assassinate an American official, and In the port of Tangier when an American citizen had been abducted, and that in each case the wrong complained of was righted and expiated, and that within the last few days the visit of an American squadron to Smyrna was followed by the long-delayed concession of their just rights to thoae Americans concerned in educational work in Turkey? Do they object to the trade treaty with China, so full of advantage for the American people in the future? Do they object to the fact that the ships carrying the national flag now have a higher standard than ever before in marksmanship and in seamanship, as individual units and as component parts of squadrons and fleets? . If they object to any or all of these things we join issue with them. . Democrats Silent on Money. On some of the vital questions that have confronted the American people la the last decade our opponents take the position that silence Is the best possible way to convey their, views. They contend that their lukewarm attitude of -partial acquiescence In what others have accomplished entitles them to be made the custodians of the financial honor and commercial literests which they have but recently sot. gut to ruin. Being unable to agree among themselves as to whether the gold standard is a curse or a blessing and as to whether we ought or ought not to have free and unlimited coinage of sliver, they have aparently thought It expedient to avoid any commltal on these subjects and Individually each to follow his particular bent. Their nearest approach to a majority Judgment seems to he that It is now inexpedient to assert their convictions one way or the other and that the establishment of the gold standard by the Republican party should not be dlstarbed unless there is an alteration in the relative quantity of production of sliver and gold. Men who hold sincere convictions on vital questions can respect equally sincere men with whose views they radically differ, and men may confess a change of faith without compromising their honor or their self-respect. But It Is difficult to respect an attitude of mind such as has been fairly described above, and where there Is no respect there can be no trust. A policy with so slender a basis of principle would not stand the strain of a single year of business adversity. We, on the contrary, believe In the gold standard as fixed by the usage and verdict of the business world,- and in a sound monetary system as matters of principle, as matters not cf momentary political expediency, but of permanent organic policy. Ia and asraln In 1CC0 far-si 'htci rata, without rejird to their party leilty la the past. Joined to work auslast wtxt tfcy re-ardei as a debased monetary ryst:i2. rdri wSJch they tvt:..::,:l

have been steadfastly adhered to by the 1 administration, and by the act of March 14, lyoo. Congress established the singe gold standard as the measure of our monetary value. This act recelted the support of every Republican In the House and of every Republican except one In the Senate. Of our opponents eleven supported It In the House and two In the Senate, and 150 opposed it In the House and twenty-eight In the Senate. The record of the last seven years proves that the party now In power can be trusted to take the additional action necessary to Improve and strengthen our monetary system and that our oppoLents cannot be so trusted. The fundamental fact is that in a popular government 6uch as ours no policy is Irrevocably settled by law rnless the people keep in control of the government men who believe in that policy as a matter of deep-rooted conviction. Laws can always be revoked; It Is the spirit and the purpose of those responsible for their enactment and administration which must be fixed and unchangeable. It U idle to say that the monetary standard of the nation is irrevocably fixed so long as the party which at the last election cast approximately 46 per cent of the total vote refuses to put In Its platform any statement that the qnestion is settled. A determination to remain Eilent cannot be accepted as equivalent to a recantation. Until our opponents as a party explicitly adopt the views which we hold and upon which we have acted and are acting. In the matter of a sound currency, the only real way to keep the question from becoming, unsettled is to keep the Republican party In power. As for what our opponents say In reference to capital and labor. Individual or corporate, here again all we need by way of answer is to point to what we have actually done, and to say that If continued In power we shall continue to carry out the policy we have been pursuing and to execute the laws as resolutely and fearlessly In the future as we have executed them In the past. So far as the rights of the Individual wage worker and the individual capitalist are concerned, both as regards one another, as regards the public and as retards

organiied caplal and labor, the position of the administration has been so clear that there Is no excuse for misrepresenting it and no ground for opposing it unless misrepresented. Tariff Attitudes Contrasted. When we take up the great question of the tariff we are at once confronted by the doubt as to whether our opponents do or do net mean what they say. They say that "protection is robbery," and promise to carry themselves accordingly If they are given power. Yet prominent persons among them assert that they do not really mean this and that If they come into power thev will adopt our policy as regards the tariff, while others seem anxious to prove that It Is safe to give them partial power, because the power would be only partial, and therefore they would not be able to do mischief. The last is certainly a curious plea to advance on behalf of a party seeking to obtain control of the government. Of course. If our opponents are not sincere In their proposal to abolish the svstem of a protective tariff, there Is no nse In arguing the matter at all. save br pointing out acaln that If on one great Issue they do not mean what they say, it Is hardly safe to trust them on any other Issue. Rut If they are sincere In this matter, then their advent to power would mean domestic misfortune and misery as widespread and far-reaching as that which we saw ten years ago. When they speak of protection as "robFROM ROOSEVELT'S LETTER. confronted the American people In the last decade our opponents take the position that silence Is the best possible way to convey their views. To say that action against trusts and monopolies should be limited to the application of the common law is equivalent to saying that the national government should take no action whatever to regulate them. Undoubtedly it would be possible at the present time to prevent any of the trusts from remaining prosperous by the simple expedient of making such a sweeping change in the tariff as to paralyze the Industries of the country. The trusts would cease to prosper, but their smaller competitors would be ruined and the wageworkers would starve, white It would not pay the farmer to haul his produce to market. The expenditures of the nation have been managed in a spirit of economy as far removed from waste as from niggardliness, and in the future every effort will be continued to secure an economy as strict as Is consistent with efficiency. So far from having "sapped the foundations" of free popular government at home by the course taken in the Philippines, we have been spreading Its knowledge and teaching its practice among the peoples to whom it had never before been more than an empty name. At no time In the history of this or any other country has there been an era so productive of material benefit alike to worklngmen and employer, as during the seven years that have Just passed. bery," they of course must mean that It Is immoral to enact a tariff designed (as is the present protective tariff) to secure to the American wage worker the benefit of the high standard of living which we desire to see kept up In this country. Now, to speak of the tariff in this sense as "robbery " thereby giving It a moral relation. Is not merely rhetorical, it is on its face false The question of what tariff is best for onr geople Is primarily one of expedlencev, to e determined not on abstract academic grounds but In the light of experience. :t is a matter of business: for fundamentally ours is a business people manufacturers, merchants, farmers, wage workers, professional men, all alike. Our experience as a people in the past has certainly not shown us that we could afford in this matter to follow those professional councilors who have confined themselves to study In the closet; for the actual working of the tariff has emphatically contradicted their theories. From time to time schedules must undoubtedly be rearranged and readjusted to meet the shifting needs of the country, but this can with safety be done only by those who are committed to the cause of the protective system. To uproot and destroy that system would be to Insure the prostration of business, the closing of factories, the Impoverishment of the farmer, the ruin of the capitalist and the starvation of the wage worker. Yet. if protection is indeed "robbery," and If our opponents really believe what they say, then It is precisely to the destruction and uprooting of the tariff, and therefore of our business and Industry, that they are pledged. When our opponents last obtained power It was on a platform declaring a protective tariff "unconstitutional;" and the effect to put this declaration Into practice was oce of the causes of the general national prostration lasting from 1803 to 1897. If a protective tariff is either "unconstitutional" , or "robbery," then It Is just as unconstitutional, just as much robbery, to revise it down, still leaving It protective, as It would be to enact it. In other words, our opponents have com mitted themselves to the destruction of the protective principle In the tariff, using words which. If honestly used, forbid them from permitting this principle to ebtaln In even the smallest degree. Oar opponents assert that they believe In reciprocity. Their action on the most Important reciprocity treaty recently negotiated that with Cuba does not bear out this assertion. Moreover, there can be no reciprocity unless there is a substantial tariff; free trade and reciprocity are not compatible. We are on record as favoring arrangements for reciprocal trade relations with other countries, these arrangements to be on an equal basis of benefit to both the contracting parties. Pled area to Aid Commerce. The Republican party stands pledged te every wise and consistent metnoa or in creating the foreign commerce of the conn try. That It has kept its pledge Is proven bv the fact that while the domestic trade of this country exceeds in volume the entire export and import trade of all the nations of the world, the United States have in addition secured more than un eighth of the export trade of the world, standing first among the nations in this respect. It is a matter of regret that the protect lve tariff policy, which during the last forty-odd years has become part of the very fiber of the country. Is not now accepted as definitely established. Surely we have a right to say that it has passed beyond the domain of theory and a right to PTnfot that not onlv its original advocates but those who at one time distrusted it on theoretic jroocds should now acquiesce in the results that have been proved over and over again by actual experience. These forty-odd years have been the most pros perous years this nation has ever seen; more prosperous years than any other na tlon has ever seen. Beyond question this firosperity could not have come if the Amer can Deoplt had not possessed the neces sarr thrift, energy and business intelli gence, to turn their vast material resources to account. But it Is no less true that It Is our economic policy as regards the tariff and finance which has enabled as as a nation to nake such good use of the Individ ual cciicltlcs of our citizens ana the nat nrsl resources of our country. Urery class of our people is benelted ty tl3 Ty;t::tlve tarilf. Durin ttJ lut Uj

years the merchant has seen the export trade of this country grow faster than ever In our previous history. The manufacturer could not k?ep his factory running if it were not for the protective tariff. The wage worker would do well to remember that If protection is "robbery" aid la to be punished accordingly he will l. the first to pay the penalty, for either he will be turned adrift entirely or his wages will be cut down to the starvation point. As conclusively shown by the bulletins of the bureau of labor, the purchasing power of the average wage received by the wageworker has grown faste;- than the cot of living, and this In pp'.te of the continual shortening of working hours. The accu ) mulated savings of the worklngnien of the country, as shown by the deposltj in the savings banks, have increased by leaps and bounds. At no time in the history of this or any other country has there been an era so productive of material benefit alike to workingman and employer as during the

seven years that have Just passed. Prosperity of Farmers. The farmer has benelited quite as much as the manufacturer, the merchant and the wage worker. The most welcome and impressive fact established by the last census is the wide and even distribution of wealth among all classes of our countrymen. The chief agencies In producing this distribu tion are shown by the census to be the de velopment of manufactures and the appli cation of new inventions to universal use. The result has been an increasing interdependence of agriculture and manufactures. Agriculture Is now, as it always has been. the basis of civilisation. The 6,000,000 farms of the United States, operated by men who, as a class, are steadfast, singleminded and industrious, form the basis of all the other achievements of tht American people and are more fruitful than all their other resources. The men on those 6.000.000 farms receive from the protective tariff what they most need, and that is the best of all possible markets. All other classes depend upon the farmer, but the zarmer in turn depend upon the market they furnish him for his produce. Conditions change and the laws must be modified from time to time to fit new exigencies. But the genuine underlying prin ciple of protection, as It has been embodied in all but one of the American tariff laws for the last forty years, has worked out results so beneficent, so evenly and widely spread, so advantageous alike to farmers and capitalists and worklngmen, to commerce and trade of every kind, that the American peop'w. If they show their usual practical business sense, will Insist that when these laws are modified they shall be modified with the utmost care and conservatism, and by the friends and not the enemies of the protective system. They cannot afford to trust the modification to those who treat protection and robbery as synonymous terms. Nails Deficit Fallacy. Our opponents ccrtend that the rovernment is now administered extravagantly and that whereas there was "a uralu of $80,000.000 In lf00" there is "v Cehelt of more than S4O.O00.00O" in the vear that has Just closed. This deficit is imaginary and is obtained by including In the ordinary current ex penses tne sum or sjO,OO0,0oO which was paid for the right of way of the Panama Canal out of the accumulate! surplus in the treasury, comparing the current or ordinary expenditures for the two years, there was a surplus of nearly $80.000,000 for the year 1000 and of only a little more than FX,U(XUKo for the yeir that has Just closed. r.ct this aiminution or the annual surplus was brotiffht about designedly by the abolition of the war taxes in the interval be tween the two dates. The acts of March 2, iwi, ana April r- iiw:, cut down the In ternal revenue taxes to an amount esti mated at s1..km.000 a year. In other words, the reduction of taxation hns been considerably greater than the reduction in the annual surplus. Since the close of the war with fcnaln there has been no substan tial change In the rate of annual expenditures. As compared with the fiscal year ending in June. 1001. for example, the fiscal ?rear that has Just closed showed a relativey small Increase In expenditure (excluding me canai payment aireauy rererred to), while the year previous showed a relatively small decrease. The expenditures of the nation have been managed in a spirit of economy as far removed from waste as from nigcardliness. and in the future every effort will be continued to secure an economy as strict as is consistent with efficiency. Once more our opponents have promised what they cannot or should not perform. Qnestion of the Philippines. Our opponents promise Independence to the Philippine Islands. Here again we are confronted ry tne ract that their irreconcilable differences of opinion among themselves, their proved inability to create a constructive policy wjen In power and their readiness, for the sake of momentary . . f a political expediency, to aoanuon the principles upon which they have insisted as essential, conspire to puzzle us as to whether they do or do not Intend In good faith to carry out this promise If they are given control of the government. In their platform they declare for Independence, apparentlyfor their language Is a little obscure without qualification as to time: and, indeed, a qualification as to time Is an ahsurdlty, for we have neither right nor power to Diua our successor wnen it is impossible to foretell the conditions which may confront them, whilt- If there is anv principle Involved In th matter It is just as wrong to deny independence for a few years as to deny it for an Indefinite period. But In later and equally official utterances by our opponents the term self-government was substituted for Independence, the words used being so chosen that In their natural construction they described precisely the policy now being carried on. The lauguage ef the platform Indicated a radical change of policy; the latter utterances Indicated a continuance of the present policy. But this caused trouble in their own ranks; and In a still later, although less formal, utterance, the self-government promise was recanted, and Independence at some future time was promised in Its place. They have occupied three entirely different positions within fifty days. Which is the promise they really Intend to keep? They do not know their own minds, and no one can tell how Jong they would keep of the same mind should t'jey by any chance come to a workiDg agreement among themselves. If such ambiguity affected only the American people It would not so greatly matter, for the American people can take care of themselves. But the Filipinos are In no such condition. Policy One of Progress. The great issues which are at stake and upon which I have toucJhd are more than mere partisan issues, for they involve mach that comes home to the Individual pride and Individual well-being of our people. Under conditions as they actually are good Americans should refuse for the sake of the welfare of the nation, to change the national policy. We who are responsible for the administration and legislation under which this country, during the last seven years has grown so . greatly In wellbeing at home and in honorable retute among the nations of the earth abroad do not stand inertly upon this record, do not use this record as an excuse for failure of effort to meet new conditions. ' On the contrary, we treat the record of what we have done In the past as incitement to do even better In the future. We believe that the progress that we have made may be taken as a measure of the progress we shall continue to make If the people again Intrust the government of the nation co our hands. We do not stand still. We press steadily forward toward the goal of norai and material well-being for our own people, of just and fearless dealing toward All other peoples. In the Interest not merely of this country but of mankind. There Is not a policy, foreign or domestic, which we are now carrying out which It would not be dangerous to reverse or abandon. If our opponents should come In and should not reverse our policies . then they would be branded with the brand of broken faith, of false promise, of Insincerity In word and deed, and no man can work to the advantage of the nation with such a brand clinging to him. If, on the other hand, they should come In and reverse any or all of our policies by Just so much would the na-. tlon as a whole be damaged. Alike as lawmakers and as administrators of the law we have endeavored to do our duty In the Interest of the people as a whole. We make our appeal to no class and to iio section, but to all good citizens. In whatever part of the land they dwell and whatever may be their occupation or worldly condition. We have striven both for civic righteousness and for national greatness, tad we have faith to believe that our hands will be upheld by all who feel love of cojntry and trust In the uplifting of mankind. We stand for enforcement of the law and for obedience to the law; our governniet Is a government of orderly liberty equally alien to tyranny and to anarchy, and Its foundai?? vtone ls th observance of the law aUke by,ine People and by the public servants. Ws hold ever before us as the allImportant end of policy and administration the reign of peace at home and throughout the world, of peace which comes only by doing Juetlce. No Honey. "He had the presidential bee in lis bonnet, did he not?" "No, ho thought he had, but ho found It was a wasp." Philadelphia Press. He that Is ungrateful is no ctsilt but one; Yjl other forms may pits tZT virtues fca bin. Younj. .

OLITICAL A Republican House. The main reason why there Is any doubt as to the political complexion of the next House of Representatives Is that the Republicans of the country at large are so full of jaunty confidence that they may fail to put forth the organized effort necessary to guard at all points the Interests of the party In the pending campaign. The boom for Parker has flattened out. It is as certain as any political event which is still in the future can be that President Roosevelt will be elected. So strong is the feeling of assurance on this point that the work of rallying voters which has usually been in progress at this stage of previous campaigns is widely neglected. In the congressional campaign there are advantages with the Republicans. They have a majority in the present House, and where local conditions are not abnormal they will more than hold their own, by reason of the general tone of public sentiment being Republican. There are several flistricta that went Democratic two years ago and that 6eem certain to go Republican next November. Offsetting these encouraging circumstances are the existence of abnormal local conditions at many points and the lethargic attitude of the Republican working forces. Even if the Democrats were to seTHE DEMOCRATIC cure control of the House in November the victory would be cf doubtful advantage to them as a party. They would be able to hamper tne Republican Senate and the Republican President to act as a stumbling block to legislation; but they could accomplish nothing positive, and they would be more likely to fall under popular criticism than if they occupied a position of less responsibility. The business interests of the country will do well at this juncture to reflect on the advantage to business likely to result from having all the branches of the government working In harmony, and the disadvantage of unnecessary partisan discord. Levelheaded, practical men, regarding the situation from this point of view, are likely to arrive at the patriotic conclusion that under the circumstances it Is their duty as citizens to put their shoulders to the wheel and make a strong push for the election of a Republican House. Milwaukee Evening Wisconsin. Therefore Roosevelt. When the people wanted coal, he got them coal; therefore Roosevelt When the people wanted an isthmian canal, he got them the Panama canal; therefore Roosevelt When Great Britain and Germany endeavored to ignore the Monroe doctrine, he called them down; therefore Roosevelt 'When men were wanted for the Spanish war, he organized the rough riders; therefore Roosevelt When the time came to fulfill William McKinley's promises of aid to Cuba, he carried the Cuban reciprocity bill; therefore Roosevelt When matters in the postal department needed Investigation, he forced the investigation; therefore Roosevelt When the time came to enforce John Sherman's anti-trust law, he enforced It; therefore Roosevelt When it is necessary to epeak "right out in meeting" he does so; therefore Roosevelt. When relations with Spain were becoming strained, he put Dewey and his fleet where they might be wanted; therefore Roosevelt. When the time came to assume William McKinley's burden of responsibility, and to carry out his policy, he did both; therefore Roosevelt When the necessity arose to recognize the rights of our colored fellow citizens, he recognized them; therefore B0CS3Velt When the people of New York City csnt Mm to Albany, as Assemblyman, to protect their interests, he protected them; therefore Roosevelt When the people of the State of Hew York called nim to the Governor's Cizir, he made on: of the best Governors the State ever had; therefore Ccossvclt Wbca his party nominated bin. for tha presidency on the platform tiey ti3 cicytcl, ha did not dod-s, cr c::i

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G rf $ OMMEAIT m to dodge, any of its planks; therefore Roosevelt When he accepted the nomination he accepted it without reserve as to any of his party's issues; therefore Roosevelt. When there is work to be done on behalf of the whole American people, Be does it; therefore Roosevelt. When his party nominated him to stand on a platform of gold, he did not wobble on one of silver, with gold trimmings of his own, as does his opponent; therefore Roosevelt. Do the Best Thins. Every man wants to do the best he may for his country. Do you think It best for your country at this time to try an experiment that has failed in Great Britain, that has been discarded by nearly all the great European powers and that proved such a dismal failure when practiced, even to a small extent, by the United States? It is for you to decide and decide now. If you make a mistake you will have to bear the burden, you will have to shoulder the responsibility. You are certain that under the policy inaugurated by the Republican party the country has prospered, but you are doubtful what fare the inauguration of Democratic policies might bring you. LORELEI OF 1904. Is it not your duty, therefore, to let well enough alone, to refuse to try experiments and theories unless it is plainly shown to you that such experi-j ments and such theories are more likely to result in benefits now than they were when tried before? The Republican party points to suet cess. The Democratic party can only point to a succession of failures. Which party will you ally yourself with? Great Falls (Mont) Leader. Political Nondescripts. We have, therefore, Judge Parker as the Wall street syndicate's candidate repudiating the Democratic platform and writing a financial plank of his own, and Mr. Davis, the representative of the tariff and of trusts, reading a lecture to his Democratic free trade associates and practically avowing his allegiance to the principles of protection as embodied in the Republican platform and expounded by the Republican speakers. We fail to see upon what grounds this aggregation of political nondescripts can make any appeal for support to either Western or Southern Democrats. Louisville Post Real Prosperity. The "high price" stump orators will find It hard to make headway among intelligent people against the showing of simple facts Just published by the government bureau of statistics covering the last eight years: Percent. Wage increase 16.6 Cost of living 15.5 This spells real prosperity for the fanners who raise the food products, for the buyer who has more money to spend on them, and for the nation which rests on both their activity and success. Boston Record. In a Lovely Position. If protective tariffs are really responsible for the trusts the Democratic party, headed by Parker, Wall street's candidate, and by Davis, the biggest monopolist in West Virginia, will be in a lovely position to cut these tariffs down in case of success at the polls. Won't it though? Napa (Cal.) Register. The Better Way. Says Parker: "Elect me President I won't hurt you. I can't, because my hands will be tied by a Republican Senate. Don't be afraid. Elect me!" There is a better way than this to tie bis hands. Elect him to stay at home. Reasonable. "Doesnt it sound ridiculous to say: The hand that rocks the cracLie is the hand that rules the world' ? What does that mean, anyway?" 1 "Well, the hand, usually belongs to a.nurss or servant girl, and you know bow servant girls boss things." Catholic Standard and Times. . African savages . take kinüy Accricin patent medicines.

A USEFUL IMPLEMENT. By all means have an Ice hammer... instead of an ice pick. The hammer made of solid metal, nicely nickeled, does far more execution, and now Is the time to command its services. A WINDMILL BOOK RACK. A unique book rack is a windmill affair. There is the pointed roof case for the books, of stained oak, and a large windmill wheel which actually turns and will turn with the wind if the case is set on the piazza. On tha outside are the words: "Except wind stands as never it stood, it is an illwind turns none to good." USE OF MEDICINE DROPPER. A medicine dropper as an adjunct to the making of mayonnaise was tho inspiration of a housewife not long ago. Every one who ever tried to make mayonnaLse knows the bother of adding the oil slowly, drop by drop, until the dressing is thick enough. This woman experienced the same difficulty and met it with the medicine dropper, which adds the oil with machinelike regularity and precision. ABOUT RHUBARB. Here Is an English recipe for cooking rhubarb, the familiar old "pieplant" of our Puritan forebears, and the first of the kindly fruits of the earth to appear in the spring. Stew until tender in orange juice, with the grated peel of a lemon, a small teaspoonful of powdered ginger, half a teaspoonful of cinnamon and six cloves, the recipe runs. Then pour into a glass dish, allow to cool, :op with whipped cream and you have a sweet for the gods, according to "The Gentlewoman." Perhaps. But where does the rhubarb come in? Just stewed with plenty of sugar is good enough for most people PRINTED NETS. The exquisite printed nets are used with good effect in combination with plain Brussels nets. Inset with wavy lines of lace, and between lace medallions, the printed net looks almost like painted lace. A net gown of deep cream color had an accordion-plaited flounce nished with a act ruche outlined with narrowest black velvet. Above the flounce was an inset design of cream lace, with the intervals filled in with net printed with pink roses and green leaves. There was not much of the printed net used, and wherever it appeared there was a touch of black velvet ribbon in the form of little knots or bows, to make the contrast less striking. The waist had a deep yoke and the front puce of the lace and net, a mass of hand work. RECEIPTS. Anchovy Sandwiches. In making, anchovy sandwiches have some mayonnaise, add to it some chopped chipes and a few capers, spread thej bread with this and lay the anchoves on after cutting them Into small bits. Or there is always the anchovy paste, which may be mixed with butter on with mayonaise or otherwise expanded and improved in order to make It a suitable sandwich filling. Cavaire Sandwiches. Speaking of anchoves, it is natural to let the subject glide to cavaire, since those who like one will liko the other. And cavaire to be used in sandwiches needs ninety-nine times out of a hundred to have with it onion juice, lemon juice and black pepper to have it make the best impression. Then undertake such variations as you see fit ia its further flavoring. Egg boiled hard and chopped blend well with it and will modify its richness. Egg Sandwiches. Egg sandwiches, as a rule, are poor, pale, colorless things, and for the simple reason that they do not have enough savoring in the making. A plentiful sprinkling of chopped watercress, for Instance, tones an egg andwich up to a plane where it can almost be called piquant Sardine Sandwiches. Making saTdine sandwiches is a trick as old as the fish themselves, yet every year we seem to learn of something new to be added to them to bring them up to date. This year's contribution to the literature on the subject consists of the suggestion that thick cream be added to the sardines after they have been wiped and skinned, and then the whole pounded to a paste. This paste to be seasoned with either some French mustard or curry. Of course It is a rich compour.d, but whoever saw one In a sandwich good for anything that was not? So don't avoid it on that account. Just try it Cantaloupe Pickles. Take ripo cantaloupe, and after paring them cut them into slices about one inch thick, and for five pounds of melon make a syrup of two and a half pounds of sugar and one pint of vinegar, with spices. Cinnamon, cloves and mace are generally preferred. Tie the spices In a thin muslin bag, put In the melon and let it cook slowly three or four houTs, or until it becomes clear. Then take out the meloa and boil the syrup until It becomes quite thick; then pout it over' the melon and seal up in glass jars. Corn Chowder. Cut a two-inch cube of fat salt pork into small pieces and try out; add a small 'onion, sliced, and cook slowly for two minutes, stirring often to keep It from browning, then strain the fat into a saucepan. Cook a pint of sliced raw potatoes for five minutes, in boiling water to cover, drain and add to the fat. Add also a pint of raw sweet corn cut or scraped from the ear, half a teaspoonful of salt a saltspoonful of pepper, and boiling water to cover. Simmer until both potatoes and corn are ten der. Scrambled Eggs. Beat six egg3 slightly, add oae-quarter level teaspoon of salt three-quarters cup of milk, and stir together. Melt thre level tablespoons of butter in an omelet pan; pour In the eggs and stir constantly with a fork until ttey have t.ooked creamy. Serve at once with buttered toast This tuIj'Lj encu to serve fcur. "