People's Pilot, Volume 6, Number 12, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 10 September 1896 — Page 1

VOL.'VI.

' (i?)LOUISVIILE.NEW&IBMtYBCHIttG!IRt(g) ' • The Direct Dine to -Chicago. Indianapolis, Cincinnati, <«aFayette, Louisville, West Baden, F’redch Lick Springs and All Points South. Frank J. Reed. G. P, A., Chicago. Monon Time Table No. 27, in Effect June 21. NORTH BOUND. | SOUTH BOUND. No 4. 4.48 atnNo 5 10,58 a i.. No 40 7.31 a tn No 33 1.09 p ni No 32. 10.07 a tn No 39 6.05 p an No 6 3.30 p ni No 3 11.13 p m No 30, 7.03 p ni No 45, 2.40 p m N074..'. 8.08 pm No 46 9. 30 a m No 32 stops at Rensselaer only when they 'have pasengers to let off. no 74 carries passengers between Monon and Lowell. W. H. Beam, Agent.

CHURCHES The pastors of all the churches In Rensselaer are requested to prepare notices simitar to above, which will be inserted free in this directory. ' u *** FIRST BAPTIST. Preaching every two weeks, at 10:45 a. m. and 7 p. tn.; Sunday school at 9:30; B. Y. P. U. 6 p. m. Sunday; prayer meeting 7 p. m.; C. E Vollva pastor. *** CHRISTI AX. Corner Van Rensselaer and Susan. Preaching, 10:45 and 8:00; Sunday school, 9:30; J. Y. P. S. C. E., 2:30; S.Y. P. S. C. E.. 6:80; Prayer meeting. Thursday, 7:30 Bev. Findley, pastor. Ladies* Aid Society niee*B every Wednesday afternoon, by appointment. *** PRESBYTERIAX. Corner Cullen and Angelica. Preaching. 10:45 and 7:30; Sunday School. 9:30; Junior Endeavorers, 2:30 p. m.; Y. P. S. C. E.. 6:30. Prayer meeting, Thursday. 7:30 Ladies Industrial Societv meets every Wednesday afternoon. The Missionary Society, monthly. *** JHETHOBIST E. Preaching at 10:45 and 7; Sunday school 9:30; . Epworth League, Sunday 6: Tuesday 7: Junior League 2:30 alternate Sundays. Prayer meeting Thursday at 7. Dr. R. D. Utter, pastor. *** ‘LADIES’ AID SOCIETY every Wednesday afternoon by appointment. *** CHURCH OF GOD. Corner Harrison and Elza. Preaching. lo:45 and 7.30; Sunday school. 9:3o; Prayer meeting. Thursday, 7:30. Rev. F. L. Austin, pastor. Ladies Society meets every Wednesday afternoon, by appointment. **** CHRISTIAX— BARKLEY CHURCH OF CHRIST. Preaching every alternate Lord’s Day. Morning. Sunday school ing 11:00. Evening. Y. P. S. C. E.. 7:3o; Preaching,B:oo. Rev.R.S.Morgan, Pastor. .LODGES JEM SONTC.—PRAIRIE LODGE, No. 126. A. I. and A. M., meets ilrst and third Mondays of each month. C. G. Spitler W. M.; W. J. lines, Secy. *** EVENING STAR CHAPTER, No. 141, O. E. S., meets first and Third Wednesday’s of each month. Nellie Hopkins, W. M. Maud E. Spitler, Sec’y. *** CATHOLIC ORDER FO BESTERS— Willard Court. No. 418, meets every first and third Sunday of the month at 2 p. m. E P. Honan, Secy.. Frank Maloy, Chief Ranger. *** ODD FELLOWS IROQUOIS LODGE, No. 149. I. O. O. F„ meets every Thursday. W. E. Overton, N. G., S. C. Irw in, Sec’y. *** SENSSELAER ENCAMPMENT, No. 201. I. O. 0. F.. meets second and fourth Fridays ofeachmont.il. T. J. Sayler, C. P.; John V annatti. Scribe. *** BENSSELAERREBEOCA DEGREE LODGE. No. 346. meets first and third Fridays of each month. Mrs Mattie Bowman, N. G.; Miss Alice Irwin, Sec’v. *** J O. OF FORRESTERS. COURT JASPER, No. 1703. Independent Order of Forresters. meets second and fourth Mondays. Geo. Goff, C. D. H. C. R.; J. W. Horton, C, R.

Electric Bitters.

Electric Bitters is a medicine suited for any season, but perhaps more generally needed, when the languid exhausted feeling prevails, when the liver is torpid and sluggish and the need of a tonic and alterative is felt. A prompt use of this has often averted long and perhaps fatal bilious fevers. No medicine will act more surely in counteracting and freeing the system from the malaria poison. Headache, indigestion, constipation, dizziness yield to Electric Bitters. 50 cents and 81.00 per bottle at 1.8. Meyer's drug store.

The Garden South.

The South is destined to be, and is rapidly becoming, the garden of the United States. Here life is easiest to live; the rigorous winters do not eat up the fruits of the toil of summer, nor are the summers so trying as many northern people have supposed. “I used to live only half the year” said a northern farmer recently settled in the south, “and I used to work all the time then. Now I work half the time and live all the year through.” Home seeker’s excursion tickets will be sold over tne Monon Route to nearly all points in the south at the rate of one first class fare (one way); tickets good returning on any Tuesday or Friday within 31 days from date of sale.* Liberal stop-overs are allowed. These excursions start (and tickets are sold) Auggust 17; 18 and 31! September 1,14,15; October 5, 6,19 and 20. Call on W. H. Beam, agent of ,the Monon Route, for further information.

THE PEOPLE’S PILOT.

FOR THE FREE AND UNLIMITED COINAGE OF SILVER AND BOLD AT THE PARITY RATIO OF SIXTEEN TO ONE WITHOUT REFERENCE TO ANY OTHER NATION ON EARTH.

BRYAN’S

Great Speech Befoie the Democratic National Convention. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention:—l would be presumptious, indeed, to present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened if this was a mere measuring of abilities; but this is not a contest between persons. The humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. I come to you in defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty—the cause of humanity.

When this debate is concluded a motion will be made to lay upon the table the resolution offered in com medation of the administration and also the resolution offered in condemnation t of the administration. We object to bringing this question down to the level of persons. The individual is but an atom; he is born, he acts, he dies, but principles are eternal; and this has been a contest over a principle.

Never before in the history of this country has there, been witnessed such a contest as that through which we have just passed. Never before in the history of American politics has a great issue been fought out; as this issue has been, by the voters' of a great party. On the 4th of March, 1895. a few Democrats, most of them members of Congress, issued an address to the Democrats of the nation, asserting that the money question was the paramount issue of the hour; declaring that a majority of the Democratic party had the right to control the action of the party on this paramount issue; and concluding with the request that the believers in the free coinage of silver in the Demo cratic party should organize, take charge of, and control the policy of the Democratic party. Three months later, at Memphis, an organization was perfected, and the silver Democrats went forth openly and courageously proclaiming their belief, and declaring that, if successful, they would crystallize into a platform the declaration which they had made. Then began the conflict. With a zeal approaching the zeal which inspired the crusaders who followed Peter the Hermit. our silver Democrats went forth from victory, until they are now assembled, not to discuss, but to enter up the judgment already rendered by the plain people of this country. In this contest brotner has been arrayed against brother, father against son. The warmest ties of love, acquaintance, and association have been disregarded; old leaders have been cast aside when they have refused to give expression to the sentiments of those whom they would lead, and new leadersbbasev f e sprung up th give direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contest been waged, and we have assembled here under as binding and solemn instructions as were ever imposed upon representa tives of the people. We do not come as individuals. As individuals we might have been glad to compliment the

RENSSELAER IND., THURSDAY SEPTEMBDR 10, 1896.

gentleman from flew York (Senator Hill), but we know that the people for whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where he could thwart the will of the Democratic party. I say it was not a question of persons; it was a question of principle, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find ourselves brought into conflict with those who are now arrayed on the other side. The gentleman who preceded me (ex-Governor Russell) spoke of the State of Massachusetts; let me assure him that not one present in all this convention entertains the least hostility to the people of the State of Massachusetts; but we stand here representing the people who are the equals before the law of the greatest citizens in the State or Massachusetts. When you (turnX ing to the gold delegates) come before us and tell us that we are about to. disturb your business interests, we reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course.

THE REAL BUSINESS MEN.

We say to you that you have made the definition of a business man too limited in its applica tion. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer; the attorney in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel m a great metropolis; the merchant at the cross roads store is as muclr a business man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day—who begins in the spring and toils all summer—and who by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of the country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and bets upon the price of grain; the miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as much business men as the few finan cial magnates who, in a back ibom, corner the money of the world. We come to speak for this broader class of business men.

Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who Jive upon the Atlantic coast, but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the dangers of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the rose—the pioneers away out there (pointing to the West), who rear their children near to Nature’s heart, where they can mingle their voices with the voices of the birds—out there where they have erected school houses for the education of their young, churches where they praise their Creator, and cemeteries where rest the ashes of their dead —these people, we say, are as deserving of the consideration of our party as any people in this country. It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in the defense of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitons have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreates have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we enti eat no more; we petition no more. We defy them. The gentleman from Wisconsin has said that he fears a Robespierre. My friends, in this land of the free you need not fear that a tyrant will spring up

from among the people. What we need-is an Andrew Jackson to stand, as Jackson stood, against the encroachmentsof organized wealth. MUST MEET NEW CONDITIONS. They tell us that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply that changing conditions make new issues; that the principles upon which Democracy rests are as everlasting as the hills, but that they must be applied to new conditions as they arise. Conditions have arisen, and we are here to meet those conditions. They tell us that the income tax ought not to be brought in here; that it is a new idea. They criticise us for our criticism of the Supreme Court of the United States. My friends, we have not criticised; we have simply called attention to what you already know. If you want criticisms, read the dissenting opinions of the court. There you will And criticisms. They say that we passed an unconstitutional law; we deny it. The income tax law was not unconstitutional when it was passed; it was not unconstitutional when it went before the Supreme. Court for the first time; it did not become unconstitution al until one of the judges changed his mind, and we cannot be expected to know when a judge will change his mind. The income tax is just. It simply intends to put the burdens of government justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favor of an income tax. When I find a man who is not willing to bear his share of the burdens of the government which protects him, I find him a man who is unworthy to enjoy the blessings of a government like ours. AGAINST a NATIONAL BANK CURRENCY. They say that we are opposing national bank currency; it is true. If you will read what Thomas Benton said, you will find he said that, in searching history, he could find but one parallel to Andrew Jackson; that was Cicero who destroyed the conspiracy of Cataline and saved Rome. Benton said that Cicero only did for Rome what Jackson did for us when he destroyed the bank conspiracy and saved America. We say in our platform that we believe that the right to coin and issue money is a function of government. We believe it. We believe that it is

a part of sovereignity, and can no more with safety be delegated to private individuals the power to make penal statutes or levy taxes. Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as'good Democrat ic authority, seems to have differed in opinion from gentleman who addressed us on the part of the minority. Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank, and that the Government ought to go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson rather than with them, and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of Government, and that the banks ought to go outof the governing business. / They complain about the plank which declares against life tenure in office. They have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. What we oppose by that plank is the life tenure which is being bui t up in Washington, and which excludes from particip iiion in official benefits the humbler members of society. THE MINORITY AMENIMENTS. I Let me call your aiiei.tion to two or three important things. The gentle uan from New York says that he will propose an

amendment to the platform providing that the proposed change in our monetary system shall not affect contracts already made. Let me remind you that there is no intention of affecting those contracts which according to present laws are made payable in gold, but if he means to say that we cannot change our monetary system without protecting those who have loaned money before thQ change was made, I desire to ask him where, in law, or in morals, he can find justification for not protecting the debtors when the act of 1873 was passed, if he now insists that we must protect the creditors. He says he will also propose an amendment which will provide for the suspension of free coinage if we fail to maintain the parity within a year. We reply that when we advocate a policy which we believe will be successful, we are not compelled to raise a doubt as to our own sincerity by suggesting what we shall do if we fail. I ask him, if he would apply his logic to us, why he does not apply it to himself. He says he wants this country to try to secure an international agreement. Why does he not tell us what he is going to do if he fails to secure an international agreement? There is more reason for him to do that than there is for us to provide against the failure to maintain a parity. Our opponents have tried for twenty years to secure an international agreement, and those are waiting for it most patiently who do not want it at all. THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE.

And now, my friends, let me come, to the paramount issue. If they ask us why it is that we say mare on the money question than we say upon the tariff question, I reply that, if protection has slain its thousands, the gold standard has slain its tens of thousands. If they ask us why we do not embody in our platform all the things that we be- 1 lieve in, we reply that when we have restored the money of the Constitution all other necessary reforms will be possible; but that until this is done there is no other reform that can be accomplished. Why is it that within tfcree months such a change has come over the country? Three months ago, when it was confidently asserted that those who believe in the gold standard would frame our platform and nominate our candidates, even the advocates of the gold standard did not think that we could elect a president. And they had good reason for their doubt, because there is scarcely a State here today asking for the gold standard which is not in the absolute control of the Republican party. But note the change. Mr. McKinley )vas nominated at St. Louis upon a platform which declared for the maintenance of the gold standard until it can be changed into bimetallism by international agreement. Mr. McKinley was the most popular man among the Republicans, and three months ago everybody in the Republican party prophesied his election. How is it today? Why, the man who was once pleased to think that he looked like Napoleon—that man shudders to-day when he remembers that he was nominated on the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo. Not only that, but, as he listens, he can hear, with ever-increasing distinctness, the sound of the waves as they beat upon the lonely shores of St. Helena. Why this change? Ah, my

NUMBER 12.

friends, is not the reason for the change evident to any one who will look at the matter? No private character, however pure, no personal popularity, however great, can protect from the avenging wrath of an indignant people a man who wiil declare that he is in favor of fastening the gold standard upon this country or who is willing to surrender the right of self government and place the legislative control of our affairs in the hands of foreign potentates and powers. CONFIDENT OF SUCCESS. We go forth confident that we shall win. Why? Because upon the paramount issue of this campaign there is not a spot of ground upon which the enemy will dare to challenge battle. If they tell us that the gold standard is a good thing, we shall point to their platform and tell them that their platform pledges the party to get rid of the gold standard and substitute bimetallism. If the gold standard is a good thing, why try to get rid of it? I call your attention to the fact that some of the very people who are in this convention to day and who tell us that we ought to declare in favor of international bimetallism—thereby declaring that the gold standard is wrong and that the principle of bimetallism is better—those very people four monts ago were open and avowed advocates of the gold standard, and were then telling us that we could not legislate two metals together, even with the aid of all the world. If the gold standard is a good thing, we ought to declare in favor of its retention and not in favor of abandoning it; and if the gold standard is a bad thing, why should we wait until other nations are willing to help us to let go? Here is the line of battle, and we care not upon which issue they force the fight; we are prepared to meet them on either issue or on both. If they tell us that the gold standard is the standard of civilization, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened of all the nations of the earth, has never declared for a gold standard and that both the great parties this year are declaring against it. If the gold standard is the standard of civilization why, my friends, should we not have it. If they come to meet us on that issue we can present the history of our nation. Moie than that; we can tell them that they will search the pages of history in vain to find a single instance where the common people of any land have ever de dared themseives in favor of the gold standard. They can find where the holders of fixed investments have declared for a gold standard, but not where the masses have.

CARLISLE DEFINES THE ISSUE. Mr. Carlisle said, in 1878, that this was a struggle between ••tue idle holders of idle capital” and '’the struggling masses, who produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the country,” and, my friends, the question we are to decide is: Upon which side will the Democratic party fight: upon the side of the “idle holders of idle capital” or upon the the side of “struggling masses?” That is the question which the party must answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies of the Democratic party, as shown by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses who have been the foundation of tue Democratic party. There are two ideas of government. There are those who belieye that, it you will only