People's Pilot, Volume 5, Number 46, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 21 May 1896 — Page 1

VOL. V.

PEOPLE'S PARTY PLATFORM.

FOUNDATION PRINCIPLES. First—That union of the labor forces of the United States this day consummated shall be permanent and perpetual; may its spirit enter all hearts for the salvation of ithe republic and the upliftings of mankind. ' Second —Wealth belongs to him who creates it, and every dollar taken from industry without an equivalent is robbery. “If any will not work, neither shall he eat.” The interests of rural and civic labor are the same; their intesests are identical. Third—We believe that the time has come when the railroad corporations will either own the people or the people must own the railroads, and should the government enter upon the work of owning or managing any or all of the railroads, we should favor an amendment to the constitution by which all persons engaged in the government service shall be placed under a civil service regulation of the most rigid character, as to prevent the increase of the power of the national administration by the use of such additional government employes. FINANCE. First—We demand a national currency, safe sound and flexible, issued by the geneial government only, a full legal tender for all debts public and private, and that without the use of banking corporations, a just equitable and efficient means of distribution direct to the people at a tax not to exceed 2 per cent, per annum to be provided as set forth in the subtreasury plan of the Farmers’ Alliance or a better system; also by payments in discharge of its obligations for public improvements. We demand free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1. We demand that the amount of circulating medium be speedily increased to not less than SSO per capita. We demand a graduatad income tax. We believe that the money of the eouptry should be kept as much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence, wff demand that all state and national revenues shall be , limited t to the necessary expenses of the government economically' and houestly administered _ We demand that the postal savings b£ak be established by the government for the safe deposit pf llhe earnings of the people and to facilitate exchange. I I TRANSPORTATION; I Second —Transportation being a means of exchange and a public necessity, the government should own and operate the railroads in the interest of the people, ft land. I, Third—The land, including all the material rescources of wealth, is the heritage of the people, and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes, aim alien ownership of land should be prohibited. And lands now held by railroads and other corporations in excess of their actual needs and all lands now owned by aliens should be 1 reclaimed by the government for actual settlers only.

MONON TIME TABLE.

southbound. Chicago Rensselaer La Fayette Indiadapolis No. f—Mail, Daily 8:30 a m 10:55 a m 12:25 p m No. 33 10:48 pm l:o9pm 4:35 pm No. 39—Milk Daily 3:20 pm 8:15 pm 7:55 pm No. 3.—Express, Daily.. 8:30 p m 11:13 p m 12:40 api 3:25 anv N 0.31 fast mail 2:45 ara Does not stop in Rens’r 8:00am No. 45—Local freight 3:24 pm NORTH BOUND No. 4—Mail 7:20 am 4:25 am 3.00 am 12:35 am No. 32 12:30 am 10.18 am 2.05 No. 40—Milk, Daily.... 10:45 a m 7:3lam H:o3am No. 3o 9:20 pm 7.11 pm 3:45 p in No: 6—Mail, Exp., Daily6:oo p m 3:24 p m 2:05 p m No. 45—Local Freight 9:30 a m No. 74—Freight 9:05 p m No. 74 carries passengers between Lafayette and Rensselaer. No. 32 stops at Rensselaer only when there are Rensselaer passengers to let off. Noil—fast mail does nto stop.

Convert The Germans. The National Reformer § pane Edition, per year $3.00 4 page Edition, per year SI.OO It is the only Qerman People’s Party paper of national circulation, and (with one exception) the oldest paper advocating the principles of the party in the country. It has been issued since 1880 and Robert Schilling is its editor. CAMPAIGN RATES. Two months for ten cents. Twenty cents for three months and a copy of Robert Schilling’s book entitled “GELD” (Money) which is considered standard authority on the money question, and one of the best vote makers ever printed. Address NATIONAL REFORMER, Milwaukee, Wis.

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: William H. Harvey, author of Coin’s . Financial School, has brought out another of his financial series, admitted by all to be his most powerful production. This book is absolutely nonpartisan and deals with the Silver Question along altogether new lines. It is the cham- : pion of that new organization of the - same name, “Patriots of America,” now : being rapidly organized in every state : to further the cause of true Bimetalism! . By a special arrangement with the Coin Publishing Company we are enabled to give a copy of this splendid book free to each subscriber who pays " a year’s subscription in advance to the ’■ Pilot, or to new trial subscribers who - pay 25c. for three months.

THE PEOPLE’S PILOT.

FOR THE FREE AND UNLIMITED COINAGE* OF SILVER AND GOLD AT THE PARITY RATIO OF SIXTEEN TO ONE WITHOUT REFERENCE TO ANY OTHER NATION ON EARTH.

HARVEY ON SHYER.

A Masterly Discussion of the Sob* Ject of Bimetallism. OPENING OFTHE CAMPAIGN. The Author of Coin’s Financial School Before an immense Ohio Audience. ROTH METALS NECESSARY AS MONEY. A Review jf the Monetary Legislation Throughout the Civilised World - Cause of a Flfty-Cent Dollar—A Remedy for Hard Times. Atr. W. H. Hapey, author of Coin’s Financial School, spoke at Greenville, 0., on Saturday, the 16th instant, to an immense out-door audience, excursions having been run over all railroads centering at that point- No attempt is made to give the effect of the speech on ‘the audience. Its plam words are submitted to the calm judgment and intelligent consideration of the reader. Mr. Harvey spoke as follows:

Mp. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, and Members of the Order of the Patriots of America: I have come to your county to speak here to-day, io encourage your unselfish citizens who have raised the standard of an order intended to regulate the civic conduct of the. nation and to free our government from the control of til selfish organizations. When great questions have pressed themselves upon the United. States, the people of Ohio have been true to the traditions of Jefferson and Lincoln. When questions affecting the liberties of the people and the existence of the republic have demanded a verdict, the people of Ohio have spoken intelligently on the side of humanity. Individual selfishness crystalized into laws has been the cause of the downfall of all republics. When the people of a republic, by example and training, become worshipers of mammon, ail laws are made and construed for the accumulation and protection of property interests, and the principles of humanity are neglected. It. is the crucial period in the history of a republic. In the history of the world, no people of a republic have ever successfully met and overthrown the spirit of selfishness. In the history of popular governments, selfishness has manipulated the law-making power and absorbed the property of the people into the hands of the few. Then came distress and riots and the claim that the republic*was a failure, and then came monarchy. The reason why this is possible is because the people, as a rule, do not understand how laws affect civilization. Let me illustrate what I mean In a simple way: Under the feudal land laws of Europe, the right was given the land owner to settle his land on the oldest son, to descend Indefinitely from oldest son to oldest son. It was called the law of “entail.” Under that law, less than one per cent, of the people became owners of the land and 99 per cent, of the people became tenants, among whom our forefathers were numbered. They, our forefathers, fled from these nations, where they had protested in vain againßt these laws, and provided In our constitution against estates entail. In this Instance, it can be readily seen how law molded the civilization ol those people. For, there is no such thing as an advanced or an advancing civilization, the masses of the people are tenants and not the owners of homes. And, while we can understand how a law, in that instance, molded civilization, the 'people as a whole living under It did not understand its effect on their civilization, and protected.and defended it. The landlord’s influence extended to his butler, his household servants, his favored tenants, his’ attorney, merchant and others who catered to his wealth and gave undue importance to his opinions.

Spirit of Mammonism. It Is a spirit of mammonism that causes us to worship wealth aqU the opinion of those who possess wealth. The men of wealth are the best business men we have, but the least capable of understanding the principles upon which a republic is founded. The men to whom I refer wish laws that encourage unbridled selfishness. Such men in time become the enemies of a republic. Their opinions are not the opinions that the masses of the people should follow. We are living underflaws that are making their Impress upon our civilisation; that, if further permitted, will result as fatally to our republic and to human happiness, as have the feudal laws of Europe and any that have overthrown the republics of the past. We have learned, however, In thls£-epub-lic, what the people of other republics discovered too late to save their free institutions—that selfish interests may capture not only individuals, but organisations. More than one political organisation In the United States is to-day struggling in the toils of a selfish class. The unselfish people are looking on with mingled feelings of anxiety and humiliation. The unreeling of the weeks and days is now bringing us to the time when manhood will sit In judgment on the action of the pretended leaders of the people: when men will decide for themselves whether their political party is to carry them with selfish Interests. Chief among the laws affecting our civilization, defended by selfish Interests, Is our financial laws, and that brings me to the subject uppermost In the minds of the American people. I am going to present to-day, in the brief space of a speech, the side of the people in this issue, now on trial In the republic. I do not hope to reach those who are seeking to promote their selfish vanity, or those who are consciously seeking to promote their selfish Interests. My appeal will be to the unselfish American people, who recognise the principle—that man serves himself best by promoting the common good. What TbasuM Jefferson Mid. Thomas Jefferson once said that men were but children op the subject of finance.

RENSSELAER. IND., THURSDAY. MAY 21 1896.

T was remfnued of '.fits recently wBFTi a manufacturer asked me what sixteen to one meant? 1 concluded I would try Jefferson’s judgment on him. and asked him what he thought it meant? He replied: “My understanding of it is that you fellows want 16 silver dollars coined to eaph gold dollar coined.” And this was a man regarded as above the average citizen. The money dealers understand money, and the success of thetr selfish legislation is made possible by reason of the people tot understanding the science of money. • >ne reason for the people not understanding it. is because they have not understood be importance of It. or its full relation to : * * xa * : The ImporUWaoe of Money. Money Is the blood of commerce, the lifegiving fluid of civilixation, the vital organism in our Social existence. You can do without wheat, corn, beef, or any other single commodity classed among the necessities of life and yet be healthy and happy; but you cannot imagine yourself a part of civilisation and do without money You can do without wheat by using corn or rice for bread; you can do without beef by using pork or mutton for meat; but you cannot be a part of civilisation an<ldo without money. Without money, society would tro back to barotrlsm. It is the most important factor we have in civilization, and may well be termed the blood of clvilizatipn. It is an lndtapensible necessity to civilisation. Ons of the rules that should t>eapplied?® any necessity, la that be a normal quantity of it. ThereWa necessity fpr so much bread. Th»r? is sso . vi. A- *■ ’ * '

slfy Tor a normal supply oflndffey: ITTBefe were laws, other than the laws of barter encouraging the hoarding of wheat, that operated to store it away in elevators while people suffered for the want of it, you would be in favor of repealing those laws. If there was not enough of it raised to feed tile people, you would be in favor of raising more of tt. If we have laws that encourage the hoarding of money, the greatest of necessities, and diverting it from the channels of trade, by which the people and the nation are made to suffer for it, and to pay black mail in order to get It, you Bhould demand the repeal of those laws. And, If there is not enough money to answer the normal requirement, you should see that more money is made. You should no 4 , leave It to a selfish class of money dealers to say what those laws should be. Money Is Made by Law. A cattle man In Kansas who owns 10,000 head of cattle knows that If one-half the other cattle In the nation were wiped out of existence his cattle would be worth far more to him after that Calamity happened than thcV are worth now. The money dealer knows this principle and he applies it to his business. Cattle are raised by nature and the supply is regulated by the demand. All are free to raise cattle who wish to, but money is an artificial substance and is made by law. The money aeater knows this and he goes where the money is made and gets those laws made to suit his business. It would be a great temptation to the cattle man if he had the power to destroy half the cattle of the world. The t emptation has been too great for the money dealer to resist. Bimetallism Defined. We believe that bimetallism, that relies on two metals for money is a better policy than one that relies on only one metal. We do not pretend to say teat the Intelligence of mankind may not find a better system than both of them, but we do say that to demonetize either of these metals Is a step backward and not a step forward. Bimetallism is the right to use either gold or stiver as primary money. Thus, under such a law, if our trade relations or the Jaws of other nations take our gold away, then we have silver, and no serious injury occurs. And .lie same saving principle applies If our silver snould leave us and gold remained. • The vital principle In. bimetallism is the right tc* use either mciai. If production grow less on one, we have the other, and the twd together furnish a more stable supply of money than either alone can furnish. With only one of them for money, the contraction and expansion of the world's supply, alternating as they will, makes an uncertain and unstable supply. Of the two metals, dollar for dollar, 16 parts silver to one ps rt o' gold, stiver is the most useful of the two. is applied to the most uses, and is the most serviceable to mankind of the two metals. The principle that it Is safer to rely for money on two metals than on one is a jirinciple that we carry Into everyday life. We rely on wheat, corn and rice for bread, on beef, pork and mutton for meat. If one is scarce, we use the other. Under free coinage of both metals, til-

ver and gold are fir competition with ea'-Ii other to supply the demand for money 8o long as pork and mutton are in com petition with beef, for meat, beef cannot rise unduly In value and threaten the health of the nation. And gold could not, as it is doing now, threaten the credit of this great nation if silver were In competition with It as money. You hear us called "silver men.” As If we were opposed to gold? We are called silver men, because silver is the metal demonetised, and we ate trying to resore it to equal rights with gold. We arte in favor of putting the white metal on an equalitv with the colored metal. To do this, does not mean that we put the country upon a silver basis. It means the right to make primary money from either metal, and in this way one relieves the strain upon the As we have two eyes, one to relieve the strain upon the other; two ears, one to relieve the strain upon the other, and for the same reason two openings In the nose; two lobes to the lungs, and two ventricles to the heart; so is this great necessity for money supplied by having two metals, one to relieve the strain upon the other. And, having the right to use the two, does not mean monometallism. What Monometallism Is. The right to use only one metal as primary money, as is the law now, is monometallism. It is like a man with one arm, one leg, or one lung. Monometallism is a one-lung monetary System. Bimetallism is the right to use either or both of two metals. Only one may be In use at a time, or partially one and mostly

WILLIAM H. HARVEY.

th© other. If 'one Arrows scarce, or is cotnered by speculators, we may use the other. If under bimetallism, one is in use more than the other, it is because it is the most accessible, and this fact may save our monetary system. If gold leaves us and goes to Europe, under bimetallism, it does not hurt us. it, fold. would in such a case (with silver taking its place with us), go to swell the supply of primary money in Europe and increase the price of products in the world’s markets, and thereby increase the price of our exports to those same markets. Under bimetallism, the exportation of gold does not hurt us. Under gold monometallism. Its exportation deprives us of the only primary money metal we have.* Bimetallism Is the right to use either metal as primary money. • And that was the law up to 1873. Option of the Debtor. Under this bimetallic law. the debtor had the option as to which of the two metals he would pay In. Thus the demand was regulated by the delator. The government exercised the same option as to Its creditors. The demand was thus applied to the metal that was most plentiful. If silver became the cheaper by a slight fluctuation, the demand was thrown upon It. thus restoring the parity between the two metals. If gold was the cheaper, it was used, and the demand brought It back. There is no better recognised principle than the law of supply and demand regulating values. It was the law to which bimetallism was adjusted, and to make It self-operative, the option was given to the debtor, who would always put the demand on the more accessible or cheaper metal, and this prevented any material fluctuation In ihe commercial value of the two metals. We have bad the effect es this law In the official reports of governments for 2Coyears prior to 1873, and the fluctuation, one dollar as compared with the other, was never to exceed three per cent. What Sixteen to One Means. finder this law, with us, 371V* grains of pure silver were put In a dollar, and, 23 1-5 grains of pure gold were put in a dollar, 16 gold dollars to weigh as much as one silver dollar. That is what, sixteen to one means. In other words, anyone bringing 37114 grains of silver »to the mint bad it coined into a dollar, and anyone bringing 23.22 grains of gold to the mint had It coined into a dollar And as long as Inis was the law, no man was willing or did sell that much stiver or gold for less Shan a dollar. Foreign Inducements at times caused much of our gold to leave us, as it Is doing now, but we had silver to fall back on, and then again when much of our silver left us, we had gold. Thus we walked down the century on two legs, from 13 poor colonies to 36 grand states. During all of that century, the metal In the two dollars never varied more than three per cent., and could not, under the Inexorable law,of supply and demand, with the mints open and the hands of our debtors on the governor that controlled Tile demand. And the fact that we had two metals to rely on gave us more money and a safer system than If, we had relied .pn Continued on Page Six.

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CHAPTER VIII. more; poison. “I ought to-4eave town and go with her at once,” said Cyril, as he sat, with his young wife's pitiful little letter in his hand, and an expression of deep anxiety upon his handsome face. “Tell me, Fred, how can I manage it?” Fred sat thouhtful and quiet for a good five minutes before he answered, half hesitatingly: “If you ask my advise ” “Ido;” said Cyril, emphatically. “Then I don’t see what good would be done by your going to her immediately at all. A letter, to reassure and console her, will answer quite as well, until your arrangements for her reception are completed; then you can go, or send me for her, and bring her to town. And, you must remember, you have been at home two weeks, and have never called upon Miss Ellis yet. What excuse or reason could you possibly give for leaving without seeing her?” “Confound Miss lEllis! My dear fellow, do you expect me to leave my wife in such a predicament, out of regard for what another woman may say?” * “Certainly not; but you asked my advise you know. Ido expect you to do it out of regard for the Huntsford fortune,” Fred answered, with a groan of perplexity and impatience. “And what influence can my actions, one way or the other, possibly have upon that?” He said. “Every influence,” answered Hastings, patiently, “as you yourself will acknowledge presently. You have long been tacitly considered May’s lover, and certainly your uncle’s will lends to confirm such a supposition; since who but a madman would refuse a splendid fortune and estate, simply because he must receive along with it a rich and lovely girl? You met the lady at the funeral, when the conditions of the will were made tfnown: she made no objections then; she has made none Httrce. opposition will not, voluntarily, come from her, then, and the inference necessarily is that she loves you. A woman who loves aqd believes herself slighted will be jealous, of course, and likely to suspect a rival. You were at Greendale nearly all summer. May knows that, and has often speculated—half piqued, half laughingly—as to what the attraction there could be. Once rouse her suspicions and—possessed of such a clew—she will find out your secret and ruin you.” “And will she not find it out when I bring my wife to town?” said Cyril, gloomily. “It will come to the same in the end, it appears to me.” “What can she find out in town? That she has a rival for whom you have made a charming little home? And what does that amount to? It isn’t a refusal to fulfill the conditions of the will, you know; and such a discovery might enrage her so that she herself would be the one to refuse.” Cyril's face flushed red. .“1 understand you,” he said. “You don’t mind her finding out Doily, if she doesn’t find out that Dolly is my wife.” Hastings nodded. “She would suppose, of course—oh! no, no, no, I could not do. my innocent little darling such a wrong. If ever she discovered it, it would break her heart.” “How is she going to discover it? You will guard her too well for that. Let the place you take be up at Harlem, where you yourself are unknown. And as to doing her a wrong, why, that’s ridiculous! She is your wife, what you may say, or others think, can make no difference in the fact, you know.” “That is so,” said Cyril, gloomily still, but beginning to yield to the other’s sophistry. “If you talk of doing her a wrong,” pursued his cousin, “I think the loss of this fortune, the taking.her away from a peaceful home, and exposing her to the vicissitudes of life that must be yours in, the precarious calling of an artist, constitute a much greater wrong than that of placing her in a slightly dubious position for a few months, which you can rectify at any time, and which she herself will never feel.” “I believe you are right.” said Cyril, more cheerfully. “Of course I am right. 1 have nothing but your welfare at heart, and I have thought of the

NUMHER 46.