People's Pilot, Volume 5, Number 42, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 April 1896 — THE THIEVES. [ARTICLE]

THE THIEVES.

WHEN THEY FALL OUT HONEST MEN GET THEIR DUES. A Little Episode That Closes the Chapter of the Deal In Which the Alliance Was Treacherously Betrayed —A Dark Game. King Grover Cleveland, the first despot of America, who destroyed our c oastitution by sending troops into lii:nois without the sanction of the gov - ernor, and mortgaged our country to the Rothschilds contrary to law, and who now defies both houses of congress by assisting the tyrants of Spain in the slaughter Of the Cuban patriots, he the great and foremost advocate of sound money, the kind that gravitates to the purses of the rich, is not the consistent and immovable man of blood and iron he would have the world believe. Instead, he is proven to be only a demagogue politician backed by the money power to whom he has delivered our nation, body, soul and breeches. W. S. McAllister of Mississippi gave out today a copy of the letters he wrote to President Cleveland in 1892, and the original letter of the president in reply, indorsing the state bank issue. Mr. McAllister,gives as his reason for making public this correspondence the recent attacks on him, which, he believes, were inspired by the administration circle.

The correspondence, he says, shows that Cleveland in 1892 not only pandered to the southern free silver element, but also to the populist element, by indorsing a proposition to increase the currency by state bank issues, as a compromise with the Farmers’ alliance on the sub-treasury plan. When he recently said that Whitney, if elected, would give the people the greatest financial system the country had ever had on a basis of “advanced bimetallism” he was reminded that he had made the same promises in 1892, for Cleveland had flooded the southern states with a document, issued from democratic headquarters, in which the party was committed to state bank issues on a state and county bond basis, which would increase the circulation in the southern states alone $260,000,000. In a letter to the president, written from Canton, Miss., on Aug. 8,1892, McAllister told Cleveland that a roster could be had of the officials of the suballiances, and suggested that these men be used in distributing wholesome democratic literature among members, showing the economy practiced by Cleveland’s former administration, with absolute freedom from even suspicions of jobbery,and corruption; Cleveland’s great messages generally, and especially his great tariff reform message of 1887, and documents proposing state bank issues based upon the plank in the Chicago platform demanding the “repeal of the 10 per cent tax on state bank issues.” Mr. Cleveland’s reply is typewritten, and is signed and interlined in the president’s own handwriting. It is declared that the plan proposed was an excellent one and that the writer was fully in sympathy with this and all other means which might be employed to stem the tide of discontent among the southern people. After the president had referred the matter to the campaign committee, McAllister was called to democratic headquarters whence he sent out the pamphlet, already referred to. This man Cleveland, knowing that It is impossible to get a third term himself, is announced as having harnessed the machinery of government in the effort to elect Secretary Carlisle, the traitor to silver and his obsequious slave, to the presidency. What next? —St. Louis Evening Journal. Anyone who has a new United States bank note may see printed on it the signature of J. Fount Tillman. Tillman was secretary of the Alliance Bureau of Literature; was stationed at Washington, and drew a salary from the Alliance. As an official of the Alliance he had access to the secretary’s book? and it is also Btated that he had in his possession a list of 140,000 names which had been secured by the Na-

tionai economist on a ••ten cents tor three months’ offer.** Armed with these names and a full roster of the sub-alliances he made a deal with the democratic party to use his official position to send out democratic campaign documents throughout the south. Macune’s conection with this deal was in printing one of Tillman’s democratic circulars in the National Economist, the official organ of the Alliance, the week before the election in 1892. What Macune got out of it is not known, and this is the first intimation that McAllister was in the deal. President Cleveland’s letter, and his subsequent appointment of Tillman as register of the treasury is proof of his part in the deal. Tillman was practically unknown; never was able to make himself conspicuous except by getting drunk at inauspicious times, and was a man of very ordinary ability. The office which he held in the Alliance was considered a sinecure, and really required nothing but ordinary clerical ability. Tillman did not even possess this. He had no influence and no influential friends. Hence the conclusion is irresistible that he was given the office as a reward for his treachery to the people who had trusted him. McAllister, Macune and Livingston, were the conservative Alliance-men at Ocala. At the instance of Macune and Livingston the government ownership of the railroads demand was dropped out of the National Demands to please Pat Calhoun, whom they tried to railroad to the United States senate by the way of the Georgia legislature. McAllister afterward figured with U. S. Hall of Missouri, in a movement to dismember the Alliance because it had indorsed the sub-treasury plan ot loaning currency. In view of this past history, and the charges made against Tillman and Macune, McAllister’s recent revelations, and the publication of those letters, make very interesting reading matter.