People's Pilot, Volume 5, Number 29, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 January 1896 — Page 4
4
The Peoples Pilot. BY F. D. CRAIG. (Lessee.) PHOT PUBLISHING CO.. (Limited,) Proprietors. Savid H.' Yeoman, President. W«. Washborn. Vice President. Lee E. Glazebrook. Sec’y. J. A. McFarland Treas The People's Pilot s the official organ of she Jasper and Newton County Alliances.and ,r published every Thursday at ONE DOLLAR PER ANNUM. Bntered as second class matter at the post office in ’nd
Direct legislation will knock out the political machines and down the bosses. Senator Tillman thinks there will be a revolution in this country before 1900. The national committee of the People’s party will meet in St. Louis, January 17, 1896. Jerusalem, the Holy City, where Christ preached the religion of humanity, has 135 saloons now. About all a Democrat can do now is to make faces at the Republicans. He feels too bad to say anything. There has been enough corruption and sin in Washington to condemn a hundred Sodoms and Gommorrahs. “Knowledge is power.” If it wasn’t it could not pull the. ignorant out of the ruts of prejudice and superstition. Party lines are resting loose upon the people and it is a good time’ to get in some efficient work for the causfe of reform. A vote for either of the two old parties is a vote to change political bosses of the same kind, but of a different brand. <AII of the reform forces ought to be ab|e to unite on a platform with direct legislation as the leading question to settle other issues. The whole question resolves itself into the one: “Shall the citizen or the than human rights?” Bayard simply talked about what Cleveland actually did, and congress saw fit to reprimand him. Why don’t they get after old Tallowfat? If the machine displaces labor, and the machine is owned by capital, how is labor to be benefited by the machine? Don’t answer too quick The Republicans are in practical control of congress now, but they are like the man who had the white elephant—then don’t know what to do. All that a corporation requires to rob the people, under our present system, is a lead pencil with which to make figures. An ordinary highwayman uses a gun.
Direct legislation is the “cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night” that will ultimately lead the reform forces into the promised land of industrial freedom. Grover pretends to object to the British extending their sway over South American territory, but he lets the bars down clean to the ground to give them a foothold in the United States. It is impossible to retain gold in this country as long as the interest and dividends on British loans and investments amount to more than four times the amount of gold we produce. The next thing we look to hear is something about the divine rights of capital. There are plenty of suckers that, would swallow that “gag” if it was administered to them by the party bosses. What we want to know now is whether bank money, not indorsed by the government, will be “good in Yurrup.” And if indorsement by the government makes it good, why iln’t government paper money better? Some of the churches are moving with the object of having God put in our constitution. We venture the opinion that God would object unless we put more of Him in our system, our votes and our social lives. Before the repeal Of the Sherman law we were told that it was that that was driving gold out of this country; now we are told that it is greenbacks. It is neither. It is the interest and dividends on British investments in this country. When the bankers took their shoulder out from under the public credit as pet contract, they immediately began another raid on the treasury reserve. The banker is one of the "birds” that old honest Abe Lincoln said “ought to have their devilish heads shot off.” Count up the profits derived from government, and the losses sustained » hy taxes, trusts, railroad corporations and speculators. Now how does the account stand? What good does government do you a? compared by the evils it permits others to inflict upon you? What is government for, if not to protect your rights? Instead of that, it is so administered today as to prevent you from praticing your rights Put on your study cap and think thes« things over. There is a wdy out of the dilemma and jrou will be able tc find it.
Gold is the devil’s yard stick. Harmony means submission to the gold bugs. “Bank paper must be suppressed.” Jefferson. Banks of issue are a violation of the Jefferson doctrine. The gold basis is so narrow you can’t measure it with the “golden rule.” There are plenty of b.. for the fr’ ? coinage of silver, but wha> we want is Just one law. « - While talking about the Mcnrco doctrine don't take your eye off of the Jefferson doctrine. ■' 1 1 • If the people’s party keeps on “Jyl: ■; ” it will soon be able to knock the two old parties into smithereens. Grover’s deficit needs a prop—the “tariff for revenue” was all right, only it did not bring the “revenue.” Carlisle’s speeches seein to have gained more notoriety for the falsehoods they contain than for anything else. Slavery and debt are synonymous terms; there’ll be slavery as long as there is debt, most especially interestbearing debt. / And now we rise to a question of privilege: Did not Cleveland violate one of Monroe’s doctrines when he fooled Maria Halpin? When the gold goes into circulation it is not fit for a “reserve,” and when it is in the “reserve” it don’t circulate—a great scheme, this gold basis. That message of Grover’s would have more weight if the author had done his own fighting in the late unpleasantness instead of hiring a substitute. The coal trust has advanced the price of coal 50 cents per ton. It can always be relied upon to do this when the people are obliged to use lots of coal—in midwinter. Take the People’s party platform and compare it with the old time Democratic platforms and you’ll find it contains more genuine democracy than a wagon load of modern democratic platforms. The “gangs” are now getting together to outline the coming campaign and make up the slates. A Populist gang is as I) ad as any other kind of a gang. We don’t need any gangs in our business. The gold bugs insist on harmony in the democratic party, yet they don’t want it unless it is on a gold basis. The cowardly free silver leaders, like Bland, have announced their surrender in advance.
While the plutocratic press is laboriously pointing out how the People’s party is dying, the Populist vote goes right on increasing in about the same ratio that the vote in the two old parties is decreasing. Gold is both a coward and a traitor. It hid Itself when the nation’s life was threatened and never came out until the fighting was all over; and then it came to plunder under the plea that it had saved the union. The big railroads have swallowed nearly all the little railroads, and are now trying to swallow each other. The railroad problem will not be settled, however, until the people swallow the whole system—that is, own and operate it. Battlefields of the late war come pretty high, but then we must have them; don’t see how the nation could live without a “gold reserve” and a good stock of battlefields on hand. The latest battlefield placed in the market is Stone River, and the price asked is $125,000. The first thing solcj out of the republican spoil’s budget was the place for the holding of the national convention. It»was knocked off to St. Louis, the highest bidder. The next thing offered is the nomination for president. It will also go to the highest bidder. If we should be plunged into a war with Great Britain it would be making the Monroe doctrine come pretty high; therefore, while we are at it, there might just as well be a settlement of the Jefferson doctrine. By the • time we got through with Mr. Bull, on these two counts he would be worn to a frazzle. The greatest danger which the people’s party has to encounter lies within its own ranks. Whenever it stops to listen to men who hanker for office and are willing to trim and dicker it is on danger ground. The best way is to crush every man’s aspirations that places his own success above that of the party’s principles. The banks want the privilege of issuing all the paper money. Suppose we grant them the privilege. They would only issue their notes to be used as money. They would charge interest for the use of these notes. They would collect interest on what they owed. On every note would be printed a “promise to pay.” To pay what? Why, money, of course. And what is money? The bankers say, gold. But where would they get the gold to pay these notes'- “Ah. there’s the rub.”
THE PEOPLE’S PILOT, RENSSELAER, IND , THURSDAY /AN. 23, 1896.
Organize at once. Agitate direct legislation. Death to all private monopolies. Direct legislation is the day star of unity. “We are the people”—if we puH together. Don’t be fooled by this war talk. It is only a feint. A gold bug is no worse than the straddle bug who wants office. Give us a change—anything almost except what we have had. Go to work and. organize the Industrial Legion in your county. The president never hires a substitute to go fishing or hunting. We’ll agree to eat as much powder as Cleveland will shoot at England. The harmony humbug will be one of the corner stones of a gold standard. If you’ll read up on Grover’s war record you’ll consider that message a great joke. Under this war excitment th ■ plutocrats will push their schemes cf robbery. There is not half as much danger from England’s soldiers as there is from her capitalists. War ought to be declared against the democratic party for-violating the Jefferson doctrine. It is not necessary to go further than Grover’s message to find out how well he loves the bankers. If it is in order we should be pleased to know whgt city the National Democratic convention will be sold to. If the people would raid the banks for gold as the banks raid the government, what bank could stand %it? Direct legislation is the only route to genuine reform. With it the power is taken from the machine and monopoly.
Plenty of prosperity; the Santa Fe railroad, valued at $350,000,000, was sold recently “under the hammer” ’for $60,000,000. Organization just now is of more importance than the platform. Now is the time to organize; the convention will make the platform. Doing nothing is better than doing wrong, but the people want a congress that will do something and do that something right. If Grover had hired a substitute to hang those two men in Buffalo, and went to the war himself, his message would have more force. And gold is still leaving the country. It isn’t the tariff now, or the Sherman law, but the greenbacks that is the cause of it. So Grover says. It is reported that the recent slump in the stock market, occasioned by Cleveland’s message, caught John Sherman for about a million dollars. A free silver inside-the-party democrat is a man who '».ll vote for a gold bug democrat before he will for a free silver man not of his party. See? A democrat paper invites the Populists to come into that party—says there is plenty of room. And we might add that room is about the onlj r thing left of it. % If the democratic party would cease to exist the republican party would die. They are twins, and the death of one would stink the other out of existence. Why not establish a “reserve” of rich American heiresses? But then it* would be raided. A “reserve” of lead is about the only thing John Bull’s subjects would not raid. It costs more each year to bury a senator. Senator Peffer shows that out of 73 buried at public expense it cost more to bury the last thirteen than it did the other sixty. Come to think, Grover has something of a record. He killed two men while sheriff of Buffalo, N. Y. Hung them himself. Old John Bull would better be careful how he “monkeys” with the Monroe doctrine. General Miles has pointed out all the weak places in our coast defenses, and England might profit by it in case of war, but Cleveland has turned over the keys of industry to John Bull and England can manage us without any war. At the Louisiana State Democratic convention only thirteen delegates of the 378 voted for a straight free silver plank in the platform. Yet there are lots of well meaning men who seem to think they can yet get free silver “inside the democratic party.” The two old parties resemble a dead vine and a rotten tree. The tree supports the vine and the vine holds the tree together. The two old parties are sustained on the prejudices they have against each other. If ope was to die the other would “kick the bucket” at once, for it would have nothing to sustain it.
CONDITION, NOT A THEORY.
The Editor Of The Lamar, Mo., Leader Relate* an Experience. In the course of their work Populist editors have many funny experiences. Most of the brethren will recognize the following as a counterpart of some of their own experience: “Good morning, Mr. Blank.” “Howdy.” “Fine weather we are having, Mr. Blank.” “Ya-as, sort of tollible —too durn hot fur the corn.” “Mr. Blank, don’t you want to subscribe for a Populist paper?” “Na wk I I’m a Republican. Don't take any stock in that doctrine. I’m gittin’ all the papers I want. Can’t pay fur them.” “I supposed you were not a Populist. But you ought to read our side, too. What papers do you take, Mr. Blank?” “I git the New York Tribune, the Toledo Blade and the Kansas Star —they give me all sides.” . « “No. Mr. Blank, you are mistaken; all those are goldbug papers. While two of them are Republican and one Democratic, they all indorse Grover Cleveland and are opposed to free sil- \ er.” “Ya-as, ya-as, that’s what all you i'opulists say, all the time talking about free silver and hard times. Thar’s just <:s much mdhey in circulation as there ver .. s. What gcod would free silver co n <, I’d like to know'’ Mr. Blank, didn't you say awhile ago that you can’t pay for the papers you get now?” “Ya-as.” “Why can’t you?” “Can’t get nothin’ fur what I sell—wheat 50 cents, and that horse thar, what d’ye suppose he’d fetch?” ‘He looks like/ 4 good horse; about SIOO, I suppose.” - j “Ya-as, SIOO, but I can’t sell him for $35.” “Well, why can’t you get what he is worth?” “Too blamed many bosses.” “No, there is not enough money.” “.list as much money as thfere ever was, I tell ye.” “Where is it —you say you haven’t got it—l know I have not—where is the money?” “Plenty of money in the banks —get all the money you want if you’ve got good security.” “How much can you get on that SIOO horse?” “Can’t get a durned dollar—banks don’t lend money on horses.” “Then, according to that if you had $20,000 —all your property—in horses you could not borrow from, the banks. The time was when you could borrow from your neighbor farmer —why can’t you now?” “I dunno —(whoa thar, Jack, you old lummix) —ye’ll hev to excuse me, Mister (git up, Jack) —I’m a Republican—got all the papers I want (Jack, you ole heathen) —got no use for Populists, nohow.” —Lamar Leader.
A Good Showing.
The Populist party has more votes to its credit than has the democratic party, in: Minnesota. Nebraska. Oklahoma. Wyoming. North Dakota. Washington. Nevada. South Dakota. Kansas. Colorado. Montana. Idaho. Oregon. Arizona. It has more votes than tne republican party in: Arkansas. Louisiana. Alabama. Florida. Texas. Mississippi. Georgia. North Carolina. Thus it will be seen that in no less than twenty-three states and territories, or half the whole number in the United States, and embracing almost three-fourths of the territory, it is the first or second party. With such figures as these before us, it would seem that it is worse than folly for any member of the party to become discouraged, much less think of deserting its ranks. —Nonconformist.
Tom Watson on Churches and Guns.
We are now constructing the most expensive churches that the world has known since the pagan religion was superseded by the “meek and lowly Jesils.” They are building one in New York which is to cost $10,000,000. Suppose Christ should come again and should wear what he wore before, a linen gown, a pair of wooden sandals on his feet, no socks and no hat —do you suppose the minister in that ten-million-dollar church would be glad to see Jesus come in? He would be ijust as happy as the money changers were in the temple. The finer our churches are the bigger Mr. Krupp builds his cannon. This may seem queer, but it’s so. He now constructs them so large that it requires several tons of powder to load them. The ball is almost as heavy as a park of artillery used to be. Wherever it hits there is trouble. We are strange folks. We constantly build more churches and school houses and we constantly want more guns. The more we embrace the doctrine that we must love our neighbor as ourselves, the more we prepare to bore a hole through him with a Winchester. The more we theorize on returning good for evil, the more we practice trying to get the drop on the other fellow.
PATERNALISM.
THE GOVERNMENT PATERNALISTIC TO SOLDIERS. Giving to Tract*, Banka. Syndicate* and Corporations the Rankest Kind of Paternalism and Dangeis to the People’s Liberties. The Helena, Montana, News. Cleveland in his message says he is opposed to paternalism. He seems to i think that the principals of paternalism should not be introduced into govern- | ment. It ie true that he does not define I paternalism, and we are somewhat at a loss to know what he means, but it is evident that he thinks the governnfent should do nothing for the people that they can do for themselves. Our idea of government is quite different. Government is for the benefit of the people, and when government can do anything for the people better than the people can do for themselves, the people ought to have the government do It. For instance, the government carries the mail for the people; it does it far better than private individuals or corporations could possibly do. The same can be said of the public schools; the state is educating the youth better than their parents could, that is, more people are learning to read and cypher than would be possible under any other system. Now, if the government can carry our mails so successfully, why cannot it carry our freights? Is there any difference in principle between carrying a letter and carrying a heavier package? If the government can conduct our postoffices so satisfactory, why cannot it conduct our telegraph offices as satisfactory to the people? And why not our telephone lines? We pay millions every year for freight, for telegrams and for telephone service, more than it ought to cost us. At the same time we are building up colossal fortunes which are used to control political parties and corrupt the people, that the fellows may continue their plundering methods. Is it not time the people ■ were taking thought to stop these methods that have enabled the plutocrats to plunder them? Of course the plutocrats will oppose any such move. It is to their interest to oppose everything of that sort. Whoever heard of any one who enjoyed an income without working for it, who was willing to give it up? Hundreds of years ago the government of England gave pensions to persons for their votes or influence or some good they were supposed to have done the state, and made the pensions perpetual, descending to their heirs to the latest generation. Did these heirs, who lived snugly off pensions paid by their fellow-citizens, for which they rendered no service whatever, and for which no service has been rendered for hundreds of years, willingly give up their pensions? Not at all. In many instances the government bought their pensions for a lump sum, but never has one of them been patriotic enough, of manifested self-respect enough to say, “I have not earned this money; it is not mine; I bestow it on the state.” Privilege and favoritism never let go what they get possession of, no matter how unjustly they hold it, or how unfair to others may be their possession. The government, so far as the army is concerned, is a rankly paternal one. It clothes, feeds, pensions and buries its soldiers. It provides supplies for its officers, which they may purchase at an advance of 10 per cent over the cost price, not including freight. It provides butcher shops where they can purchase meats, etc., on the same terms. The president of the United States, by virtue of being commander-in-chief of the army, is entitled to the privilege of purchasing army stores, provisions, groceries, butcher meats, etc., and every president uses that privilege. Nearly everything that is furnishtu the White House comes from the quartermaster or commissary department of the army. Yet we find the same president, who uses the supplies the army furnishes in his own house, a privilege denied to ' any other civil officer or citizen, is opposed to paternalism. He has a privilege that him a heap of money every year, but he is not willing that it should be shared by his fellow-citL zen. It is not paternalism for him to have such a privilege, but it would be the grossest paternalism for any other citizen to have such privilege. If the government can furnish hay, grain, flour, provisions, groceries, butcher meats, kerosene, harness, horses, mules, cattle, whisky, brandy, wine and beer to men connected with the army to better advantage than the users could procure them of private parties, why could it not furnish the same things to citizens? Let Mr. Cleveland and his anti-paternalistic supporters answer this before condemning paternalism. The government does more for the soldier. It takes his money and keeps it as safely as savings bank could and pays him interest upon it. Why can it not do the same thing for the people? It receives deposits from the soldiers and there is no loss; why can it not receive deposits from the citizens? Will some anti-paternalist explain? It is all right for favored persons to receive privileges from government, but all wrong for others to do so. The fat hog is to be cared: for; the lean must “root or die.” But the government does other acts of paternalism. Each senator and mem ber of congress gets $125 a year in addition to his salary for stationery, etc. Many of them draw this allowancein money and then bunco the govermfieiit out of the stationery they use by stealing from the allowance made to committees, and in other “ways that are dark.” Both the senate and the house of representatives have stores where members can purchase stationery and almost everything else. After exhausting their $125 allowance they get as much more as they please, and It Is
taken out of their salaries when final settlement is made. Why should the congress provide stores where congressmen can purchase at cost what they need, and refuse the same privilege to other office-holders and ordinary citizens? Can the opponents of paternalism tell us? No; and no one will attempt the task; but they will yell loud and long against paternalism, just the same. If all had the same privilege, then the privilege which the army and congressmen enjoy would not be a privilege, and there would be “Naething to ken them by Fra ony unregenerate heathen Like you and I.” Paternalism! Paternalism!! Paternalism!!’, is y died and yelled until our ears are deafened, when the people we fit the government to help them; but ■ hen it is helping the office-holder, or he army officer, or the contractor, or worse still, the banker, bondholder and all-around thief, then the men who do the yelling are as mum as oysters. It is time the people were to do a little yelling for themselves.
GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP.
The Safety People the Supreme Law. American,Law Review: Freights and fares on the government road would be regulated so as to pay a reasonable profit upon its actual value, and a cori” spending reduction on other transconUnental roads would necessarily result. The rights of the government and the public generally would be secured, and an enormous incubus would be lift-, ed from the people of the west. Imagination can hardly realize the extent of the relief that would thus be afforded to the hard working and poverty oppressed farmers of the territorial division of the country, and to the people generally. In the history of the human race but one statesman, in a position of authority, great enough to rise above the immoderate prejudices by which the interests of wealth and capital are buttressed, has ever appeared. His policy, though in conflict with what are called sound financial principles, in fact rescued Athens from the throes of impending dissolution, and inaugurated the most happy and glorious part of her history. It has been approved by all historians; and by the Athenians themselves it was justly regarded as the cause of their subsequent prosperity, and its adoption under the name of the great Seisactheira (or “shaking of fetters”) was ever afterwards commemorated as a great anniversary. The lesson that it teaches is that the safety of the people is the supreme law (Salus Populi, Suprema Lex); and that, whatever views we may entertain as to the general expediency of the government’s operating railroads, or other industrial enterprises, they must give way to the higher principle when necessity demands. That, in the necessity of freeing the people of the trane-Mississippi states from practical serfdom, the occasion is now presented for the application of the maxim, cannot be ’doubted. Nor can it be doubted, if the government proves equal to its manifest and imperative duty, that the acquisition of the ownership of the Union or Central Pacific railroads by =it will be to us, as Solon’s policy was to the Athenians, an occasion to be forever commemorated in our history.
ALLEN’S RESOLUTION.
Detailed Vote of Its Passage by the Senate. Washington, Special: The adoption of Senator Allen’s motion for the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1 in view of the expected war over Venezuela passed by a vote of 36 to 24. The following is the vote: For Silver. Allen, Mantle, Bacon, Mitchell (Ore.), Baker, Morgan, Bate, ’ Nelson, Berry, Pasco, Blackburn, Peffer, Butler, Perkins, Call, Pettigrew, Carter, Pritchard, Chilton, Roach, Clark, ' Stewart, Cockrell, Teller, Dubois, Tillman, Gibson, Vest, Harris, Voorhees, Jones (Ark.), Walthall, Jlnes (Nev.), Warren, Kyle, Wilson —36. Against Silver. Allison, Martin, Brice, Mills, Burfows, Mitchell (Wis.), Caffery, Morrill, Cameron, Platt, Chandler, Proctor, Gallinger, Quay, Gorman, Sewell, Hale, Sherman, Hawley, Smith, Lodge, Thurston, McMillan, Wetmore —24.
War Proclaimed.
War was proclaimed in August, 1894, against protection and governmental favoritism in the tariff; a fight to the bitter end. Mr. Cleveland proclaimed it. He also announced his own enlistment as a private in the army of attack. We quote his energetic words of August 28, 1894: “I take my place with the rank and file of the democratic party who believe in tariff reform and know what it is and refuse to accept the result embodied in this bill as the close of the war.” This volunteer took his place in the ranks, but where is he now? He has rup away! Has he sent a substitute? If so, who is that substitute? Has he fled also?—New York Sun. If the voters of this generation had the spirit of the men of 1776 there would be a shaking up of old dry bones among the pcjticians of today.
