People's Pilot, Volume 5, Number 29, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 January 1896 — Page 1

VOL. V.

The Last Struggles for Gold.

Plainly we are nearing a crisis in the experiment with the gold standard. No matter what, the sincerity of the conviction entertained by some men that a wrong system is right, the thing that is wrong necessarily works toward confusion, disaster and collapse. For twenty-two years this nation, having thrown aside, at British dictation, the bimetallism. that the world had sanctioned for four thousand years, has endeavored to retain prosperity by resting everything upon gold. While population has increased and commerce has had stupendous expansion during two decades of profound peace, the gqld product of the world is now only equal to the combined gold and silver product of 1860. The business of mankind is therefore thirty-five years ahead of the supply of standard money. Desperate are the efforts to sustain the system by feeble logic and resort to wild and foolish devices; the day of doom is close at hand. Struggle as we may, blind our eyes to the facts as we will, stupefy our minds with delusive argument as we do, the crash will come. It is now almost within reach of the dullest vision.

We have said, many times, that the only people who work for silver monometallism are the gold men. The so-called silver men are all bimetallists. The gold men, by refusing to employ the metal which Would relieve the stress upon gold, have brought this nation to the verge of dependence upon silver alone. The president will borrow again; but he will have harder work to get gold, because the demand is fierce and the supply no larger. When he shall get it, he will not hold it. Where is the he borrowed a few months ago at a premium of 20 per cent? Gon6l The very men who lent it took it back at par. Now we are apparently about to repeat that insane performnace. That is to say. we are to try to obtain pos"session of some gold by agreeing to pay back more gold than we obtain. Every time we indulge in this astonishing feat of financiering, we plunge deeper into the mire. One day we shall be engulfed. A man who would conduct his business in such a fashion should have the attention of his friends. Why should the symptoms of disorder in an individual be accepted as proof of sound wisdom when they are exhibited by a government? It is rumored that some people, not hitherto numbered with the silver . cranks, are actually whispering their desire that we shall have the suspension of specie payments and even

complete transfer to a silver basis, rather than that we should continue along the old road to ruin. This preference is not unlikely to be gratified. And why blame the citizen who holds opinions? Why censure even the senator who calls loudly • for silver? At least it is. proven that Mr. Cleveland’s way and the way of the British creditor is not the right way. What if we should actually try some other way? Would it be any worse for us to have gold at a clear premium? Suppose it should turn out, after all, that to restore silver would really give us, in spite of the philosophers and prophets, bimetallism? ' Do we fear the risk of lojs from such experiment? We are losing now;> not only by running into debt absolutely without advantage, but filling the land with fear, business with disorder, and the Treasury with rottenness.

If a republican House of Representatives chooses to commit its party to Mr. Cleveland’s policy by multiplying debts in a vain effort to hold up a system which cannot be sustained, the party will have to bear the odium at the polls next autumn. Perhaps, considering the condition of influential public opinion, it finds the impulse in that direction irresistible. But the Senate stands squarely across the path, and so there will be no new ex tension of the right to borrow. The Senate may be but, on the other hand, perhaps, we shall be better off the sooner the catastrophe befalls. lit seems easy to understand that when there is not enohgh

THE PEOPLE’S PILOT.

FOR THE FREE AND UNUM'TED COINAGE OF SILVER AND GOLD AT THE PARITY RATIO OP SIXTEEN TO ONE WITHOUT REFERENCE TO ANY OTHER NATION ON EARTH.

of a thing that all men require, somebody in ust do with less than enough; but multitudes of intelligent men appear to be unable to comprehend such a fact when the thing referred to is gold. It is not really hard to perceive that if a scant supply of gold were reinforced by‘silver, the available quantity of standard money would be doubled and the stress would be relieved; but clear-headed men will not perceive it. There would seem to be no difficulty in the theory that silver, having lost value because of adverse legal action, will regain it with favorable legal action; but some wise men regard that theory as the product of an alienated intellect. We are starving-because there is not bread enough, and a few bold men risk their reputation for wisdom by asking “Why not eat beef? We used to eat beef and we were strong and well.” In response the assurance is given that beef eating, in spite of experience, is the sure prelude to sudden death. But, if we shall starve at any rale, why not have the test applied? Starvation is the word. Commerce is hungry and gold cannot satisfy its appetite; nor can the arguments of the devotees of gold; and so the very attempt to compel commerce to find satisfaction where it can never be found is forcing us, we hope, toward true bimetallism, but we much fear toward something worse.—The Manufacturer.

Sibley of Pennsylvania.

The following from Joseph C. Sibley appears in a recent issue of the Sledge Hammer, of Meadville, Pa.: “My attention is called to an open letter addressed to me, signed by Dr. Charles Decker of Montrose, Pa., in which, as is staged in plain language, ‘ this is no time to bandy questions or stand idle.’ lam asked. ‘Do you favor the Initiative and Referendum as carried on in Switzerland as the system our government shall adopt? ” If it was permis sible to divide the question, whether I believe in the initiative and referendum as a valued adjunct to free government and a protection to pure democracy, I should unqualifiedly say, yes. I have been for years, I trust, a consistent believer .in the principles of the initiative and referendum. But when I am asked to state whether or not I am in favor of it as carried on in Switzerland, I am compelled to reply, that in a nation of seventy mil lions of people, with the forms of government in other respects so entirely different, to apply it here as there would, in my judgment, lead to the defeat of the very objects sought to be secured. The cantons of Switzerland. a country whose geographical area is much less than that of any one of many of our states, hardly greater in fact than some counties, can well adopt a system which would work beneficially to the people. “With the adoption of the referendum, in this nation if I may be permitted to express my own personal opinion, there should be certain well defined objects which it should especially cover, and without pretending to enumerate all, will briefly outline some. For instance, any increase in taxation or changes in the method of raising revenue, our financial system, declaring war, or accepting terms of peace, legislation affecting industries employing the energies of large percentages of our citizenship, etc. etc., perhaps embracing long ranges of subjects and topics. To apply the initiative and referendum to all legislation of the municipality and township, county, state and nation, would, by constant reference .of these topics of inferior importance to the people in time serve to defeat the very objects sought to be secured. No extended argument upon this point I trust is necessary. I know no reason why my views on this subject should be of anymore general interest than that of any private citizen. But I have so long been convinced of the wisdom of such checks to bad government, when the intelligent freemen of the whole nation may give utterance to their sovereign will; I have-so long believed that, in a republic, where the willUof the majority

RENSSELAER. IND., THURSDAY, JAN. 23. 1896.

j must necessarily by the rule of i action for al), that the more clear and distinct it is possible to voice that will, the more certainly we will insure both stability of gov ernment and fair degree of opportunity for the welfare of the citizen. “I think this is the first time that I have been in print for years and probably will be the last. My views have been so studiously distorted and perverted, and my sentiments misrepresented, that I have found it more agreeable to pass them by with a careless smile. Dr. Decker has asked his question in apparent good faith and couched in respectful terms. I trust, therefore, that my reply may be considered equally respectful in its character. Permit me in this connection, however, to add. that whatsoever in my judgment may serve to dignify and elevate our common humanity, whatsoever will equalize opportunities for each citizen of the republic to reap the fruits of his own industry. whatsoever may tend to promote the fraternal bond's of our common humanity, whatsoever may perpetuate the state whose citizenship claim the blessings of freedom, can never fail to interest me as a citizen. And whatever opinions I may have, and how much I may differ from others, I hold my opinions as a matter of conscience, and not as capital stock for political deals. I have tasted the sweets, so-called, of public life, and I have also enjoyed the blessings of private citizenship. The latter more truly meets my conception of happiness. I have no political ambition on this earth ungratified.' nor am* I a candidate, nor nave I any desire to be. of any political party. I merely desire that my vote shall be cast in common with that of others, for all those blessings possible to spring from good government, and in opposition to those results arising from badly organized

society. “I notice in your columns that some one is running me by popular vote for the .presidency. It cannot but be somewhat flattering to my vanity to notice that so respectable a proportion of those voting deem me qualified to represent in public life their high conceptions of fitness. Perhaps, like most people. I am not unmoved by kindly sentiments. especially of those who know me, nor am I easily deject ed because of the unfriendly criticisms of those who do not. And while I appreciate their kind wishes, following my own desires and pleasures. [ would accept no official position that may ever come to me, except under the same sense of duty that would impel me to accept service in the ranks of those who, under a call to arms, were struggling for a nation’s liberties. I am confident that my services at present are not demanded or necessary in either capacity; therefore, I prefer to stand as one of the individual seventy million sovereigns of the republic. I find from this position it is much pleasanter to, ciflticise the mistakes of those whom we have employed as our public servants, than to be that public servant, faithfully attempting toperform his duty, “You are at liberty to mail this letter to Dr. Decker rather than publish it, as I desire, so far as possible, to provoke no more harsh criticisms or favorable comments, nor do I desire to rivet the attention of the public eye. But I merely wish to'assure Dr. Decker, or any other friend, that I have attempted faithfully and conscientiously to study and comprehend some of these great problems of society, which, while not pressing for solution now. must within the next few years, as never before, be met by a citizenship who love justice absolute and exact in its character, and who will have tne courage to grapple with the great industrial problems with which the womb of the future is already pregnant. Believe me sincerely yours. “Joseph C. Shibley.”

People Are Moving.

We congratulate our readers that the people are at last moving. The outrages committed by Mr. Cleve’and and only condemned in a Pickwickian way by

Republican leaders are doing their work. The people are beginning to see that the rule of gold monoply means stagnation, want, misery, and the loss of lib erty, and that they must unite or the money power will destroy them. They begtrr to see that the government, 6f the United States is in the hands of gold gamblers, stock jobbers, and swindlers, and that the money powers and the banks have control of the commercial press and the telegraph, and of the lead ing politicians of the two old parties. They have ueen a long I time learning that their trusted leaders have betrayed them. There is every evidence that all who are opposed to the English gold standard as administered by the stock jobbers of Wall and Lombard streets will unite in the campaign of 1896 on some plat form which shall be in favor of financial, political, and commercial independence; on a platform will be a new declaration of independence The people now see that they must be serfs and feudal slaves if they allow Wall and Lombard streets to continue to rob them of their property. Self-preservation, love of liberty, and patriotism are sentiments common to the Populist party; common to the great mass of the two old parties; common to all who are not either the active agents or the dupes of gold monoply; common to that part of the press which has not been subsidized by the banks;common to every citizen of the United States who loves his country, and desires to perpetuate the free institutions ordained by the fathers. The politicians of the two old parties have lost their power to divide and conquer. They have lost their power to make the friends of financial reform quarrel about nonessentials. They have lost their power to pack the conventions of the opposition. They have lost their power to disintegrate army of freedom by emissaries or socialists whom they employ. In 1896 gold monopoly will be tried in the balance and found wanting, and the people will rescue their government from the heartless intriguers, speculators, and jugglers who have controlled it for many years.—Silver Knight.

Republican Party a Gold Party.

The recent action of the House of Representatives in passing a bond bill furnishes conclusive evidence that the republican party adheres to the crime of 1873 and is for the single gold standard without qualification. Mr. Cleveland, who lias succeeded in being a conspicuous radical in the ranks of gold monopoly and as towering above his fellows on both sides of the Atlantic in his efforts io increase the value of gold in the possession of his associates and depreciate the value Of property in the possession of his suffering subjects, commanded congress to authorize the issuance of goid bonds to assist him in maintaining the English gold standard. He said in his annual message that there was no necessity to sell bonds for any purpose except to maintain the gold reserve in the treasury, and that the great importance of maintaining the gold standard induced him to demand legislation authorizing gold bonds; otherwise he would continue to sell bonds without the sanction of Congress. Immediately after the outburst of patriotism which indorsed the American sentiment uttered in his Venezuelan message, the President told Congress that they must have no holidays, but must continue in session and execute his command to give him bonds to maintain the gold reserve. He said: “I ask at the hands of the Congress such prompt aid as it alone has the power to give to prevent, in a time of fear and apprehension, any sacrifice of the people’s interests and the public funds or the impairment of our public credit in an effort by executive action to relieve the dangers of the present emergency.” The effort by the executive “to relieve the dangers of the present emergency” of course meant more bonds for the gold bugs, and this appeal to congress for authority to issue bonds was made without a doubt for the

purpose of creating an excuse lor the coming bond deal. How did the republican Congress respond to Cleveland’s demand for bonds to maintain the gold reserve? Did they tell Mr. Cleveland the truth that there was no necessity for a gold reserve, and that the Treasury notes and greenbacks were redeemable in coin, and that all that was necessary was to have the coin in the Treasury for that purpose? Did they tell him that there were over £50.000.000 of idle silver in the Treasury belonging to the government, consisting of the seigniorage or the excess of the coinage value of the bullion purchased under the c herraan act over jtnd above the actual cost of that bullion in bherman notes? Did they propose to pass a law requiring him to comply with these existing statutes and use the silver belonging to the government as a coin reserve for the redemption of greenbacks and Treasury notes? In short, did the republican Congress insist that Mr. Cleveland should use silver as money as declared in its platform and in the platform of the democratic party? No; they did none of theSe things. On the contrary, they passed a bond bill for the purpose of aiding Mr. Cleveland to maintain the gold reserve and thereby to maintain the English gold standard and English commercial supremacy over the United States. The republican Congress did not pass the kind of a bond bill that Mr. Cleveland recommended. This was not necessary. It was simply necessary to indorse his position that a gold reserve must be maintained, and such indorsement wogld be a full warrant to him to sell bonds under existing law and enable the gold syndicates to reap the rewards of another bond deal. If there is anything that Cleveland democracy and Reed republicanism agree upon it is that the only legitimate business of Congress and the administration is to plunge the United States into debt to aid gold gamblers and impoverish the people. No suggestion has come from Caligula Cleveland or Czar Reed of any legislation in the interest of the people, but every move of each of these magnates is in favor of English gold gamblers. “More Debts, More Taxes, and Less Money” is the mot,to at both ends of the Capitol. The people should observe these object lessons as they pass. —Silver Knight.

A call for a silver party convention for the purpose of nominating a presidential candidate, has been issued. It is set forth in the call that free coinage is to be the only issue. Such a course will only tend toward the defeat of that much desired object. Millions of voters, who are in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, will never attempt to reach the port of success on a ship that has only one sail. If the gentlemen who are at the head of this movement, really wish to accomplish the purpose for which they profess to labor, why do they not issue a call to all the free coinage elements, in all the parties to meet them in conference, for the purpose of agreeing upon a platform which all sensible men in all the parties can conscienciously support. In this<way, the constitutional dollar of our daddies may be restored to its rightful place in our monetary system. If each party and each faction persists in trying to accomplish free coinage in its own way, and alone, we will succeed in doing nothing. No party has ever been able to unite a respectable following on a single Issue, nor has any party won permanent success on a “universal” platform. Let us have union, for therein lies success.

A Call to Populists.

In obedience to the order of the State central committee of the Peoples party of Indiana, the voters of said party of Newton county are requested to meet at Brook, Indiana, on Saturday, Jan 25th, 1896, at 1 o’clock p. m., to elect delegates to the congressional meeting to be held at Goodland, Jan. 28th, 1896, and transact such other business as may come before the meeting. J. U. Wildasin, Chairman. .

Good Advice.

“Uncle” Ben Colvin wants Mr. Coxey to call for an army to march on Washington again, not with a petition, but to clean out the pirates who are bonding us to death. That won’t do yet. Let the hungry multitude get a little sense into their patriotic gizzards through the starvation process. Men who have not intelligence to vote right would prove quite as doubts u 1 aquanti ty in the Held. This is a splendid time for American “patriots” to learn the effect of a vote when crystallized into law. Let ’em sweat, change the law or give their lawmakers instructions* next time.—Sound Money. The way to keep silver and gold at p, parity is to put them on a parity before the law. Any other way means robbery. The politicians are determined, if possible, to thresh the old tariff straw over again. But with the total labor cost of manufactured goods at a little less than twentyfive per cent of their total value, and the average tariff duties under a revenue tariff a little more than that figure, there is not much room left for a fight over protection.

WINTER PROTECTION OF STOCK.

PunluK UniverHitu Aartcwltuml Ejcite.ritnent Station.-Newnpatte.r liulletinNo. IS. Jan. 4, •90. A common winter sight, is a herd of cattle exposed to severest kind of weather, browsing in corn fields or standing humped up in chilling winds. Food is f uel to the animal body. It requires more fuel to keep up steam in aboiler, when the weather is intensely cold, than it does when it is mild. In the same manner, other things being equal, it requires more food to sustain an animal freely exposed to the chilling blasts of winter, than it does for one given protection. In experiments conducted at thh Indiana Agricultural Experiment Station, milch cows exposed to all sorts of weather in winter but provided with night shelter, made a very unfavorable showing as compared with those given the shelter of the stable, excepting for 'a brief airing when the weather was suitable. The exposed cows ate the most food, lost slightly in weight and also in milk yield. The sheltered ones gained in weigh I, and otherwise made a better showing than the exposed lot.

At the Kansas Experiment Station, hogs kept in conditions of winter exposure did not produce pork so economically as those given reasonable shelter, although the same kind of food was fed to each lot. In reporting the feeding experiments wi*h steers at the same station, Prof. Georgeson says that steers to give the best returns when being fed for beef should be provided with shelter. Warm, low, open sheds in the feed lot give comfortable shelter to steers. While live stock should be protected from the inclemency of the weather, it is important that the stable should be well ventilated and not too warm. Disease propagates easiest where the air is stagnant and impure, hence special efforts should be made to keep the stable air pure. Without doubt tuberculosis is more prevalent among cattle closely confined in stables where the ventilation is bad, than it is where the air is good. Live stock should certainly be allowed outdoor exercise when the 'weather is mild and comfortable, but if it snows or rains and the air is chilling, the animals should be given stable protection. It is also important that the stable should not be too warm in winter. A temperature of 40 degrees is a very satisfactory one. When it is as high as 60 degrees in the barn, stock turned from this into a freezing atmosphere to water, are very apt to be chilled and take cold. When th£ stable is at 40 degrees \mimals are not so easily chilled when turned from the stable. Every stable should have a.thermonpeter to guide one in keeping the temperature of the room as uni- < form as possible. i

C. S. PLUMB,

NUMBER 29.

Director.