People's Pilot, Volume 4, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 16 February 1895 — Page 3

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Postal e ephone.

MY TRAVELING COMPANION.

NCE I was compelled to make the trip to Turin by the way of s Corsica. So I took the steamer at Nice for Bastia. As. soon as we were under way X■' 1 began to look around and ■ ob\y J serve my fellowpassengers I noticed a inodestlookmg woman sitting on deck alone and

apparently a stringer. .1 immediately said to myself, -There is my traveling companion.’ - so I placed myself where I could watch th ■ graceful contour of her 1: ad an.l sli >u d -rs. the exquisite coloring of her richly tinted cheeks, and t!ie dr -mny look of her dark eyes pazing fat; out to sea. 1 noted the fine lines of her hands, a little too large and strong, but white and beautiliilly shaped, the delicate shell like ears which always indicate go’Od blco 1 belt,er than a certificate of b.rth. sometimes cptit tstible. Without seeming to notice niy scrutiny she settled herself comfortably in her chair, opened her satchel and took out a newspaper. I rubbed my hands exaltingly and said: “Now, let me see what --he reads and I will tell yon her charict r and thoughts.” I gave the p iper a quick glance and to niy surprise stw it was a Parisian journal. She becan at the first page with a dainty, satisfied manner; read on and o:i. sometimes a smile on her lips, but always a look of interested attention.

I drew my scat nearer to her, took out n volume of poems 1 had bought just, before, starting, and pretended to be equally interested. A good many passengers walked up and down, but sho appeared to think of nothing but her paper. Finally she seemed to have finished and laid it down on a seat between us. I immediately bowed an 1 said: “Will madame permit me to glance over her paper?” “Certainly, monsieur, with the greatest pleasure.” “In the meantime allow me to offer this volume of poetry; it may interest you.” “Thank you; is it amusing?” This rather disconcerted me, when one offers a volume of love songs to a woman he does not expect to be asked, “Is it amusing;” nevertheless, I answered, “It is more than amusing —it is charming—delicious.” •She opened the book and began to run through it, with a little bewildered air,as if she. was not in the habit of reading poetry. Suddenly I asked: “Don’t you like it?” “Yes, but I am not at all sentimental. I like something gav—very gay.” With that she closed the book and we began to talk. 1 learned she was the wife of an officer at Ajaccio. She was going to rejoin her husband. She added she hail been dragged from one little town to another, an I now she was going to be buried in that lugubrious isle of Corsica. In some way I fancied she did not love her husband—loved him, perhaps

I SOFTLY LAID MY HAND ON HERS.

with that cool reserve a woman gives to a man wht> is not congenial to her. She said she preferred living in Lyons. She knew everyone in Lyons—it was her native place. As we spoke of residences and places she preferred, I asked: “How do you like Paris?’’ “Oh, monsieur; do I like’Paris? Is it possible for anyone to ask such a question?”. And she began to talk of Paris with such ardo'r—such enthusiasm—l said to myself: “This is the string to pull.’’ Then sh’e began to question me with almost breathless eagerness; she wanted to know everything at once. She ran on for about an hour, then her questions began to be exhausted and it was my time to tajk. I related all the stories of the fashionable world I could think of. I gave her a beautiful idea of the grand dames of Paris, salisde I her curiosity in the most fantastic manner, told wonderful adventures of the gay city. She listened with all her ears an I all her heart Then I mocked with cruel irony all those poor women who were bound to husbands who did not appreciate them, and could not understand their delicacy of sentim nt The night had come— soft and warm—the great steamer, throbbing from her machinery, glided over the sea—beneath an immense canopy of riolet sky, starred with dropi of fire. Suddenly my neighbor was up and saying: “It is late. I must retire. Bon foir, monsieur.” I answered: “Bon soir, madame," end she whs gone. 1 kacw she must take the night dll- -

THE PEOPLE’S PILOT, RENSSELAER, IND., FEBRUARY 16, 1895. WEEKLY. ONE DOLLAR PER YEAR

irence from Baslia to Ajaccio— th are was no other way to cross the mountains—so I laid my plans to meet my fair companion again. Next morning as soon as we landed in Baslia I hired the entire diligence for myself, engaged every seat The shades of night were falling when I entered the old vehicle for Ajaccio. The criver came to me and humbly asked: “Would I yield any of the scats to a lady?” “What lady? - ’! brusquely demanded. “The wife of an oftic-r going to Ajaccio to join her husband.” “Certainly. Tell the lady 1 gladly offer her a seat” iviy traveling companion soon appeared, laughingly said she had been asleep all the afternoon preparing for her night trip across the mountains, thanked me for my kindness, and entered the carriage. This old vehicle was like a hermetically closed box—no openings, except a door on each -sid", with little glass windows above. We were sitting.f.icc to face, opposite each other, and away we started’, the hors-; going On a quick trot until we reached the mountains. Again I began to talk of Paris—bright, beautiful, bewildering Paris. She listened with keen attention. , By now , the night hud grown so dark I could scarcely distinguish the face of my companion. It appeared like a Whitish spot ■in the surrounding gloom. The horses were slowly walking up th * steep ascent —the carriage lanterns the only light to show the road. My companion had been very quiet for some time, breathing softly, with now and then a gentle sigh. The •darkness an 1 silence emboldened me. I cautiously advanced my feet and touched heys. She did not move or change her position. Then me talk became -rorc insinuating—veiled words wit* hidden meaning. She was still silent. Then I softly laid my on hers. It was not withdrawn. Growing still bolder I went on whispering a lot of sentimental rubbish; talked of “love at first sight,”. “Kindrad spirits,”. etc., with my lips very near her ear—in truth dangerously near her mouth. She Was still silent. I fancied I could hear the beatings of her heart, mingled with her gentle sighs. At last I softly placed my lips upon her cheeks. She started as if just aroused from sleep—but such a start! It hurled me to the far side of the carriage. Then, before I had time to comprehend, consider or even think, I received five or six frightful slaps full in the face, then a perfect hail of fisticuffs, hard and sharp, falling everywhere on my head, my face, my neck, quick and fast as summer rain. In the thick darkness that surrounded us I vainly tried to parry the blows, to seize her hands—impossible; so I turned around and presented my back to her furious attacks and hid my head in the corner of the vehicle. Lihe seemed to comprehend, by the sound of the blows, no doubt, this movement of despair, an I suddenly ceased to beat me, and throwing herself back in the corner of the carriage, she burst into a wild paroxysm of sobs and tears, which continued for an hour or so, I shrinking back in my corner distressed and very much ashamed. I wanted to Speak, but what cohid I say?—“Excuse me?” that would have been tarn: and absurd. What would you have said? Nothing—just as I did. Finally she grew calm. We both remained in our separate corners, mute and motionless, ths diligence moving steadily on, onlv stopping now and then for a relay of horses.

The day begins to break; as the first pale rays of dawn begin to glide into th' carriage I look at my neighbor. She seems fast asleep. The sun coming up from behind the mountains discloses an immense blue gulf, streaked with gold, and surrounded by enormous peaks of granite. On the far side of this gulf a white city, steeped in the shading light of the early morning, appears. My neighbor starts up as if just groused from sleep, and opens her eyes. They are very red. She yawns as if she had slept a long time, blushes, hesitates a moment, then stammers: “Will we be there soon?” “Yes, madam, in less than an hour.” “Oh, I wish we were there.” I could well understand that wish. Her voice was a little tremulous, her manner a little confused; otherwise she seemed to have forgotten everything. In about an hour we arrived’ at Ajaccio. A great dragoon—a kind of Hercules —was standing at the office door, waving his handkerchief as the diligence appeared. Th- driver had scarcely brought his horr-stoa standstill before my neighbor leaped into his arms with a bound, embracing him again and agaiti: “Oh, I am so glad to see you. How I longed to be with you again.” My trunk had been taken down from the imperial. -I was about to retire discreetly when she called out: “Oh, monsieur,you are not going without bidding me adieu.” I stammered: “I leave you to your happiness, madame.” Then she turned to her husband, saving: “My dear, you must thank monsieur for his kindness to me. He has been charming, even offering me a seat in the diligence, which he engaged entirely for himself. It is delightful to meet with such an agreeable traveling companion.” The husban I warmly clasped my hand, and thanked me with the greatest effusion. His wife standing by regarded us with a malicious, mocking smile, while I felt and looked very foolish, I assure you. Old Lady—Would John be a good catch for Mary? Old Man—Splend idl lie’s in the foot ball business and his life is insured for *IO.OOO.

SUPPLY AND DEMAND.

APPLIES TO MONEY AS WELL AS PRICES. Scarcity of Money Ha< Clos.d Factories and Thrown Thouaand. of Men Oat of Employment - Supply and Demand Work Both Ways. Yes; we adroit what Is said about supply and demandregulating prices. But why is money always left out of the discussion? A good crop of money would increase the price of everything elee. A poor crop—resu ting from destructive winds, Shylock reign, John Bull cattle in Congress, epidemics of yellow blight, hogs and gold bugs—increase of interest doubles our debts, and reduces the price of wheat, cotton, labor and everything else —except the price of liberty. Scarcity of money makes every day the situation of the American wage and debt slave more-hopeless. If one man or a dezefr'could monopolize the production of wheat in this country they would- combine to make it scarce in order .to secure a high price. So it is with money. A few men have been allowed to control the volume of money, and they combine to make it scarce, so that they, may secure, ail the produce of the" country as interest. As long as the production of wheat, etc.’ is not monopolized- the money power wants it plenty. But the manufactured articles which the .money power monopolizes/ it. wants-, made, scarce in order to buy more of the things which-it can’t ‘monopolize. Interest is regulated by the. supply and ’demand of money. Hence the money power wants a short supply to create a constant demand.

A shortage of the wheat, corn or cotton crop increases the prices of those products only. But a shortage of money not only increases the rates of interest, but reduces the price of every commodity in the market. Money is the representative of everything produced, and the amount of it in circulation regulates the exchange price of all things—except common sense and justice. Money serves in no capacity except in distributing the products of one section of the country or class of labor to another section or class and enabling the producer of one thing to swap what he don’t need for what he does need. Money is only a counter used in our improved method of swapping "a sow and pigs for a suit of clothes.

CLUB ORGANIZATION.

Plan as Outlined and Adopted by the Recent St. Louis Convention. Last week a large share of our specially prepared reports of the St. Louis conference was crowded out at the moment of going to press, and some important features were omitted, much to our chagrin. The following important resolution on organization was adopted by the committee. We suggest to all reform papers to reproduce this resolution in their columns and keep standing some weeks or months: “Resolved, That while we do not attempt to dictate to any state as to the plan of organization it shall adopt, we renew the recommendation of the national committee in favor of the organization of the Industrial Legion in every precinct in the land; and further recommend that no dues shall be exacted, only from legions that operate the rebate plan, and that in all cases where members are able, they be urged to send 10 cents per annum to headquarters; that all clubs or other orders that wish to change into legions shall send 20 cents for supplies, and that original legions shall send 50 cents, but that no legion shall be denied a charter when it is unable to pay for it, and that these organizations shall be called People’s Party Clubs, People’s Party Legions or Industrial Legions, in order to suit the conditions in each state, and that rule 15 of the instructions of the Industrial Legion be dropped, and that all People’s party clubs or legions shall report to the same headquarters. In order to avoid confusion and to perfect a systematic organization.” The above was unanimously adopted by the national committee, and will be sent broadcast through the country as the authorized method of organization. The committee on literature made the following report: “Whereas, there is an important demand for chety) and reliable literature with which we can reach the people, so that the people can be properly educated upon the principles of our platform; therefore, your committee would recommend that the chairman and the secretary of our national committee establish and publish from headquarters, at Washington, D. C., a monthly serial, and furnish the same to our committee and people at the very lowest possible price, and furnish such other literature to our people as is reliable and in line with our platformall to emanate from the bureau at Washington.”—Nonconformist.

SHERMAN THE SAVIOUR.

Honest John Comes to the Rescue of the Government. Now that “Honest John Sherman has taken hold of the thorny problem and and kindly consented to save the counintroduced a financial bill of his own, try, it will probably be in order to breathe freely. Sherman has proved such a success heretofore as the financial guardian of the people, and so many blessings have flown from his marvelous performances in the world of finance, it is not too much to predict that his new bill will either cure or kill us outright. Of course no scheme could be expected from the “lean, spare Cassius” of Ohio that did not provide for a bond issue, as the objective point of his whole existence seems to be to get more bonds and bigger ones. His Idea of supreme bliss

stems to be a country plasterel ove two feet thick with interest-bearin mortgages with himself and friends a the manipulators of the coupons attached thereto. A fruitful erop ha been reaped by Sherman & Co. as th result of this policy and it would lx unreasonable to expect him this Into in life to relinquish his hold on so good r thing. Should your Uncle John eve. get to heaven the first proposition be would make to St. Peter would be t. lay a bonded mortgage on the p?are - : streets and adjacent angels ami g v him the sole right of foreclosure. Nonconformist.

"BLOODSTAINED GREENBACK."

The Only Salvation of the Common People from Bondage. ’ Had the government issued mo?';, through the banks and not direct to- the people, during the war, the bank would now be five billion dollars ri and of course -the people that muc" poorer. The banks see this and als see That in the next thirty years they must be deprived of five—billion dol lars profit if the government keeps it; greenback money in circulation. The calculation, is quite simple.. Money-a ten per cent compound interest ,w.iß double every seven and two-seyent years. There is now $2 ol greenbacks that have been cm’standing ever-since 1863—32 years ago. These greenbacks were printed- by the government and paid, out to the people the ■government-owed, and for army sup pllefe, They- were net issued to th? banks. They saved their amount in taxes or bonds. Had they.bet a Issue i to the banks The government-would rot ha.tl.oae cent by reason mt their issue The banks would have toaneff’them t ■the?people at an interest that would Have averaged at least ten per - dent. Three hundred and forty-six million? at ten per cent compound interest would be double that amount in seven and two-seventh years—s6J2,CoJ,Go . Six hundred and ninety-two millions at ten-per cent in seven and two-seventb years would be 1,384,0j0,000. Thirteen hundred and eighty-four dollars in seven and two-sevenths years w’ould be $2,768,000,000. Twenty-Seven hundred and sixty-eight million dollars at ten per cent in.seven and two-sevenths years would be $5,536,000,000 dollars Here are only four periods of seven ana two-seventh years each, or a total o; 29 1-7 years. The greenbacks,, however, have been in circulation ove; thirty-one years. Is it any wonder that the great bankers are making a desperate attempt tc have congress tax or bond the people tc destroy the greenbacks and then issue the money through the banks? Five billions lost by the money power by reason of the independent action of the government in issuing greenbacks in the last thirty years. is not at all surprising that banks are taking advantage of a friend in the presidential chair, to secure an act of congress retiring greenbacks. But is it not strange that the people are not aroused at the infamy of the proposition? What is the matter with them? Are they stoneblind from party prejudice? Are they unscious of the power of the ballot and indignation meetings? If the people would assemble at their various county seats and declare in no uncertain against the measure their mandate would be obeyed. We presume, however, that the reason of this silence is because the masses of the old parties are yet ignorant on the money question and the Populists are giving the money power'm ;re rope so it will break its neck/ —Mis 1 - souri World.

THE LABOR MOVEMENT.

Wendell Phillips Said That the Laborers Demand Immediate Action. Now here I take issue with the best critic the labor movement has met; I refer to the Rev. Samuel Johnson of Salem, one of the thinkers who has spread out before the people his objections to the labor movement of this country. His first objection is that we will hurry into politics. Well’ now our answer to him and to the score of other scholars who have been criticising us’ is this: Gentlemen’ we see the benefit of going into politics. If we had not rushed into politics’ had not taken. Massachusetts by the four corners and shaken her, you would never have written your ‘ criticisms. We rush into politics because politics is the safety valve. We would discuss as Well as you, if you would only give us bread and houses, fair play and leisure, and opportunities to travel. We could sit arid discus the question for fifty years. It’s a very easy thing to discuss, for a gentleman in his study, with no anxiety about to-morrow. Why the. ladies and gentlemen of the reign of Louis XV. and Louis XVI., in France, seated in gilded saloons and on Persian carpets, surrounded with luxury, with the products of India, and the curious manufactures of ingenious Lyons and Rheims, discussed the rights of man, and balanced them in dainty phrases, and expressed them in such quaint generalisations that Jefferson borrowed the Declaration of Independence from their hands. There they sat, balancing and discussing sweetly, making out new theories, and daily erecting a splendid architecture of debate, till the angry crowd broke open the doors, and ended the discussion in blood. They waited too long, discussed about a half a century too long. You see, discussion is very good when a man has bread to eat, and his children all portioned off, and his daughters married, and his home furnished and paid for, and his will made; but discussion is very bad when—“Ye hear the children weeping, O my brothers; Ere the sorrow comes with years;” discussion is bad when a class bends under actual oppression. We want immediate action. We would fain save this issue from an outbreak of actual violence. Therefore we go Into politics.—From a speech of Wendell Phillipa *t Boston, Oct 31. 1»L

IT BEATS COXEYISM

WRITE A LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY. They Should Ke Kept Informed As to the Feeling of the Common PeonletThey Are Listening T?.o JEueli to Bankers. This may be called a conspiracy and some Judge may get out an injunction to stop it, but there is no deception about it. It may not do. any good -but there is nothing like trying. Secretary Carlisle says. “That the amount of money in the country is greater than is required for the transaction of business is conclusively shown by the f.iyt that it has accumulated and is still accumulating ir> the financial centers to such an extent as to constitute a serious eni-xtr) assment to the banks in which it is deposited, many of whieu are holding large sums at a loss. Tbi exc-r-; sive accumulation of currency ;.t particular points is caused by. the fact that there is no. such demand for it elsewhere as will enable-the banks and other msUtutions‘‘to which it belongs to loan it. to the people at remunerative rates.” hjiow what I want Is to have the farmers apd laborers throughout the country write and tell President Cleveland that his secretary cf the treasury don't know what he is talking about—or if he does know- better, he is a liar. Tell him that you and ycur neighbor haven’t half fenough money to transact yofir business. Tell him that the groat accumulation in the banks and money centers i> the reason farmers-and laborers have none in their pockets. Tell him your condition, and if you have only onp cent to buy a postal card, tell him that you have spent your last cent that he might not remain in ignorance of the true condition of some of the American “sovereigns” who have him hired at a salary of $53,000 a-year to serve his country. Tell him of little Teddy who is sick, and

Tell him that the great accumulation in the banks and money centers i> the reason farmers-and laborers have none in their pockets. Tell him your condition, and if you have only onp. cent to buy a postal card, tell him that you have spent your last cent that he might not remain in ignorance of the true condition of some of the American “sovereigns” who have him hired at a salary of $53,000 a-year to serve his country. Tell him of little Teddy who is sick, and little Mary who can’t go to school because you are unable to buy clothes and books—tell him of your poor, tired over-worked wife —tell him what wages you receive, or if you are out of employment ask him if he knows where you can find a job. Tell him that it is a mistake that there is no demand for money, tit people are talking about I he scarcity cf money in every community of this great and rich nation. Tell him that the bankers are not the only people in the United States.

Tell him that better citizens starve to death every day than the bark cashiers who exile themselves in Canada. Tell him that all the money does not belong to the banks —and that the people want what belongs to them. Tell him that greenbacks are good enough for the people and that they would as leave have new ones as old ones. Tell him that the people don’t want what few greenbacks there are now destroyed—unless the bankers and money loaners are destroyed at the same time.

Tell him that in that case the people would consent to the destruction of the present currency, knowing that they, themselves, the government, could get along very well without the paternalism that makes congress father of the banks and enemy of the people. Tell him that you are tired cf living on national dignity, and would like a little corn bread and “sow belly” for a change. Tell him that the people are not worrying much whether the money sharks get 2 per cent, a month or 30 days in jail- , Tell him that the people want government banking. Tell him that the money spent for warships, torpedo boats, fortresses and military barbarism would keep the peace better if it were expended for food, clothes and shelter for the poor, helpless and unemployed in this country. Tell him about the “charity” soup house in your neighborhood—and tel! him about the men who commit crimes to get into jail. Tell him it is not “charity” but justice and a chance to earn a living that the common people want. I mean all this seriously.

This article will appear in about 900 papers this week, and will be read by nearly a million people. I hope that every reader will at once write a letter to the President. If you can afford it, write every week regularly. Write whatever appears best to you. It will only cost you two cents for « stamp and that is cheaper than walking to Washington to be clubbed off the grass or sent to jail. If you don’t feel like wasting two cents on him, buy a postal card and send that. We can have a car load of such mail there in two weeks. Tell the President that the people would rather have things remain as they are than to have a special session of a gold-bug congress. This should be copied by every reform paper in the country, and their readers urged to write at once. No more bonds forever. Yours for God, humanity and America. GEO. A. PUCKETT. • Hardy, Arkansas.

Hard Lines.

Judge (to witness on the stand)—Can you wr’te? Witness ‘(indignantly)—Write? Why, I am one of the charter members of the Author’s Club. Judge—Very well, make your mark **7 ÜBt “ ell *• ,f

Postal Telegraph.

CALHOUN ON MONEY.

Taper (u.-rn.M in Many Respect* Suit per nr U» -Meta.L. * In view cf thq/fapt that; the money power is co co-UTating aU its energies - to secure the destruction the greenbacks, it may be well to 4 vead the following extract from a speech of John C. Calhoun cf South Carolina, delivered in t’-.e United 3tuteM«enaie during the panic of’37-38: ‘i “We are told there is no instance of a government paper that Hid not depreciate. In reply I affirm'that there is none, assuming the form that I propose, that ever did depreciate. Whenever a paper receivable in the dues of a government had anything like a fair trial it has succeeded.” ,'r “It is, then, my impression that in the present condition of the "world, a paper currency in some form is almost indispensable in financial and commercial operations of civilized am) extensive communities. In man}' respects it has a v.ast superiority over metallic currency; especially in great and extensive transactions—by its greater cheapness, lightness and the facility cf determining the amount. It may-throw some light cn this subject to state that North Carolina, just after the revolution, issued a large amount of paper. It was also made a legal tender, but which of course was not made obligatory after the adoption cf the federal constitution. A large amount—• say between $403,000 and sso3,ooo—remained in circulation after that-perlod, and continued to circulate fob more than twenty years, at par with gold and silver, with no other advantage than being received in the revenue of the state which was much less than SIOO,OOO per annum. >. “No one can doubt that the government credit is better than that' of any bank, more reliable, more safe; Why, then, should it mix ,up with the less perfect credit of these institutions? Why not use its own’ credit to the amount of its own transactions? Why should it not be safe in its own hands, shall be considered safe in tho hands of 800 private institutions, scattered all over the country, and which have no other object but their own private benefit, to increase which they extend, their business to the most dangerous extremes? And why should the community be compelled to give 6 per cent discount for the government credit, blended with that of the bank, when the superior credit of the government could be furnished separately without discount, to the mutual advantage o’ the government and the common t;. “But whatever may be the amount that can be circulated I hold it clear that to that amount it would be as staple in value as gold and silver itself, provided the government be bound to receive it exclusively with these metals in all its dues, and that it be left perfectly optional with those who have claims on the government to receive it or not.”

“We are told,” he stated later on, “the form I suggested is but a repetition of the ‘old continental money,’ a ghost that is ever conjured up by all who wish to give the banks an exclusive monopoly of government credit. There is not the least analogy between them. The one is a promise to pay when there is no revenue; and the other a promise to receive, in the dues of the government, when there is abundant revenue.”

IMPORTANT MEETING.

Reform Press and Industrial Legion at hansas City. The most important part of the educational work of the Peop.e’s party is done through the Reform Press. I.i fact, without the Reform Press the whole movement would be a flat failure. The Populist papers cf the country circulate over two million ccpies every week. They are depended upon by reformers for truthful information, for inspiration, for doctrine, for reproof, for enthusiasm, investigation and nearly all campaign work. Voters are educated, speakers get pointers from them, and honest congressmen read the home paper to find out what the people want. Great responsibility rests upon the publishers of these papers, and it is hoped that every reform editor in the United States will be present at Kansas City, Feb. 22, 1895, prepared to offer suggestions and ready to learn of others. The plan of campaign for 1896 will be discussed, and much other important work performed. Newspaper men will readiiy see the necessity of getting together and we hope that they will not be content merely to look on through the enchantment of distance. Come and let us reason together. The Industrial Legion which meets at Kansas City on the same date as the Reform Press is an organization that should be found in every township of the United States. It is expected that the constitution will be revised at this meeting and the organization.be placed on such a substantial footing that the work of organization will go on more rapidly than ever. Over 1,500 recruiting officers have already been commissioned and new commissions being sent out every day.

Laugh and Grow Fat.

Uncle Sam can take a bankrupt railroad, run it, place it on a paying basis and turn it over to the stockholder and yet these same stockholders laugh a man to scorn when he advocates the government ownership of a thing that Uncle Sam has taken charge of and placed on a paying basis for the very fellows that sunk it in debt. If these same fellows were the only ones that did the laughing the people would soon put an end to their mirth by placing Uncl&Sapi in charge of the whole shoofijij 4 tafttdhT but the '* strongest’ thing ©J an is that there are so many darapheoles Who fe-echo the laugh of the Stockholder and say that it would never de for Uncle Sam to own the