People's Pilot, Volume 4, Number 33, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 February 1895 — Page 1

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VOL. IV.

■ I A E/?C <- " \ / F 1 / I \ It / : V , / : \Q4, WHAT THE GOLD STAND ARD REALLY MEANS. Only That 95 Per Cent of the People of This Country Shall Do 95 Per Cent A- of Its Business on a Monetary System that Will Accommodate the 5 Per Cent of Our Population Who are Engaged in Foreign Commerce —The rJt Division of Above Circle Gives th* approximate Value in Dollars and Cents of Our Foreign and Domestic Commerce. if (. I I ill Hl ; I ( U ( U ( k C i k k I V t i I U k i i U 1 Hl ill ill ill I 1 l

MIDDLE CLASS PARTY.

Reasons Why the Very Poor and the Very Rich are not Populists. George E. Washburn Gives Some Sound Advice on Useless Planks. FINANCE MUST I LEAD.

1. The St. Louis conference attracted so much attention, was so thouroughly discussed ahd created so much apprehension, that it may be in order to review its results and take account of stock. Two bodies were in session at the same time, with different officers; one consisting of some 200 persons attracted by the call, the other, the National committee, acting in its official capacity, and far more conservative in character and expression than the conference. Nearly everybody who attended expected to find a strong silver representation, which after all the apprehension, failed to show up. Out of the 300 people assembled, there were not a half dozen rabid silverites, and it was apparent to close observers that the danger to our movement does not lie in an attempt to make silver the dominant issue, but rather in a marked tendency to extend the platform almost indefinitely. Were all the schemes proposed at the conference crystalized into planks, they would make a platform longer than the moral law. This gathering at St. Louis made perfectly clear that two distinct elements make up the Populist party; one in the great cities leaning toward populistic socialism, the other in the agricultural districts showing a marked tendency toward greater conservatism. What are the conclusions to be drawn and the lessons to be learned from this fact? Experienced political leaders agree that just in proportion as a national platform is lengthened, the votd will be short, ened. There are not enough voters in the land, united on extreme socialistic views, to win on an India rubber platform.

Ever since the commencement of the greenback movement the work of edu. cation on the has gone steadily forward among the people. Were a vote taken to-day on the question whether the government or the corporations should issue the money of the people 65 per cent of the voters would declare in favor of the former.

The people are ready now if ever to grapple with the money pow’er and destroy it if they are but wisely generated.. From the inception of our movement, the money question has

FOR THS FREE AND UNLIMITED COINAGE OF SILVER AND GOLD AT THE PARITY RATIO OF SIXTEEN TO ONE WITHOUT REF E r «CE TO ANY OTHER NATION C?? EARTH?

THE PEOPLE’S PILOT.

neen the ISsue, is how, and must be until it is settled right. We can not escape it if we would and should not if we could. Therefore let us not handicap ourselves in this race for life, by attempting to carry something not half so well understood, nor half so popular with the people. But some one says inalarm, “Do you mean to make silver the issue?” No. It would be as unwise to do that as to extend the platform. The money question includes the silver question, as the greater includes the less, but it is higher, deeper and far more vital than that. When I say money question, I mean the financial planks ot th® Omaha platform, taken as a whole. They declare: 1. That the government shall issue the money of the nation, whether gold, silver or paper, and not farm it out to private corporations for private profit. ?. For an increased currency that shall be safe, sound and flexible, and a legal tender for all debts, public and private.

3. For th-e abolition of all banks, as banks of issue. 4. For the unlimited coinage o' gold and silver at the option of 16 to 1. 5. For the establishment of postal savings banks by the government. And another plank might be added, demanding the regulation of usury, or excessive interest, which is one of the important features of the question. These measures constitute the money question as a whole, and our movement for the next two years should be focused on them, and it must be if we are to win in lof>6. We can please the bankers by extending our platform. They fear only the awakened intelligence and aroused indignation of the people on the money question; therefore, we should focus our agitation on this question, especially at this time, and place nothing in our platform not equally strong in all the states, simply because some states or faction desires it. For the first time in our history as a party, the government and the plutocratic press admit that the currency question is the issue, squarely and fairly before the people. This being true 4 it „would be jiotivng sjior|..pf

' RENSSELAER, IND.. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 9. 1895.

lunacy for us not to face ft. * It is'" the chance of a century, to show up the bunco game of Carlisle and the banks, to rob the government of its sovereign right to issue and control the money of the people, When the old parties were fighting their sham battles over the tariff, we were praying for a discussion of the money question. Our prayer is answered. At last this issue is forced upon them. With all the energy of a despairing and enraged people, let us compel them to meet it and decide it, instead of dividing our time, thought and effort upon other issues when a crisis is at hand. If the money power succeeds in its attempt to control the currency issue, the people are doomed to certain shivery. There are great leaders with thousands of followers, who to-day see and fear the danger before us. ■rather than see this devilish design of the shylocks succeed, they would rend party ties and make common cause with us, were we to make the issue squarely on the finapcial*question. A party is judged more by its trend than by its platform. Last fall, u larger number of men failed to vote at all, than all who voted the Populist ticket. They were too disgusted to vote with the old parties, but did not come to us. Should we plan our attack on the enemy on this line, they would flock to our ranks, and We would more than double our vote. This is the line of least resistance, the one which we can win, the one impregnable position we can take, This fight must be fought now, or never. Congressman Bland is credited with saying in a speech delivered ,at Washington, that there has been no time during the past twenty years, when a majority of the members of congress have not been in favor of restoring silver to the place it held prior to 1873, which shows that this phase of the money question is a strong one. How this majority shrunk to a paltry minority, we all know; therefore, in the name of heaven and our beloved land, let us unite to fight and free ourselves and our children from the thraldom of the corruptionist and usurer and the terrible slavery they are plotting. George F. Washburn. 11. The startling announcement was flashed over the wires after the St. Louis conference, that two bran new political parties were to be born. On my way home from the confer-, ence. I was surprised on reaching Cleveland, to read in the morning papers.that John Mcßride, the newly elected president of the American Federation of Labor, had stated in an interview that “I expect to see a grand union of labor before another year, and I believe we shall place a presidential candidate in the field.” This confirms the belief I have always held, that it is impossible for us .to secure the vote of labor, no matter how much we may declare ourselves in favor of its interests. Organized I

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labor represents, in a measure, tin “submerged tenth.” It is led by pro fessional agitators, who cater to all political parlies. I recall a campaign circular issued by the Young Men's Democratic Club of Boston, which was distributed all over this state,'containing the indorsement of Cleveland, called the “Real Leaders of Labor,” in which Mcßride begins an open letter with the statement that “the financial and industrial ■crisis which our country is now passing through, is due to pftst and riot to present legislation.” He then' proceeds to commend the democratic party as offering the true remedy for the prevailing distresses. Since that time it is claimed that he has espoused the populist cause; nevertheless, he is now glibly proposing to organize a distinctive labor party and put a presidential candidate in the field. It is a fact that the Populist movement is a middle class one, and therein lies its hope. Its vote is largely in the agricultural districts where men own their homes, or did before they were mortgaged. These, with the business men and more intelligent wage earners, make up the strength of our movement. and also the brain and sinew of the nation.. Neither the very rich nor the very poor can be depended upon to carry out any great reform. The hope of the world is in those who are not too hungry to reason, nor too besotted with unearned wealth to .see any need for reasoning.

It was evident to all who attended the St. Louis conference that in our party to-day, are two elements; one rapidly drifting toward socialism, largely in the great eastern cities, the other in the south and west, of conservative tendencies, disposed to make the money question as a whole the issue on which to win the fight in 1896. These two elements are traveling.in opposite directions. Can we reconcile them, and how? If our party adopts a conservative course, the socialistic Populists will be offended, demand a new deal aid probably coalesce with the socialist labor party and the party of organized labor. In this event, the loss of our movement would be felt chiefly in the eastern states, where our hope of becoming the dominant party is most remote. But what can be done to placate this element? While the national committee w as in session at St. Louis, Mr. Henry D. Lloyd of Chicago, who was regarded as Jhe representative of the socialistic element qualified to speak for it, appeared before the national commi.tee and made a most urgent appeal in its behalf. At the close of his address, after a number of questions had been asked and and answered, 1 inquired if we were to understand that in order to get the labor vote we must incorporate in our platform a demand for th® public ownership of all monopolies. After a moment's careful consideration, lie replied that in his opinion, nothing short of that would do it. Now’ the question arises, is cot our

platform as long as it should be? Should we adfi any plank not equally strong in all states, because some one element desires it? Shall we inaugitr. a campaign on new issues, or go fbrto win on those that the people already understand? The leading parties have each taken a position on the money question which is fundamental.' The democratic party is inclined to state banks: the republican party to national banks; the p>>pu- - lists are opposed to -all banks of issue, and demand that the governj merit provide all forms of money, whether gold, silver or paper. , I Unquestionably this Is the strongest"•psirtioH of the three,. Sixty-five per i •ent-.of the people wduld vote for it if ’ it w?re submitted to them and on it wc an win. The Boston Journal of Jan. 12, reports an interview, with Senator Stewart in which, he says:. ."‘The silver | men. of the next empress .will haven!' definite program. ‘ 1 think they will form a national party and nominate a President.” Senator Stewart then states what he thinks would be the' platform of this party, and said fur- 1 thcr, that th’e silver men would work ! outside of the two old parties and i would select a presidential candidate ' from an agricultural state. Should the silver people heckle to ' take this course it would be most un- I fortunate for them as well as for us. I The silver issue is not fundamental or ' important enough to be the basis of a new party, but I presume the silver people believe that the time has come when the money issue must bi- squarely t met, and if our party wavers they will organize to do it. But they should remember that our party is the only one that has had the courage to tnaW their fight for them and that is what has bepn accomplished j in the past two years for silver is due to the Populist agitation. It has per- ! sistently kept, the silver issue before the people, anil while the two elements unite can be victorious. To divide our forces in the agricultural states might- resale disastrously foi both. From the magnificent victories nl ready achieved, the strength of lh< silver issue is certain, and I believe a majority of the people would declare that silver must* be remonetized oi gold demonetized. * A recent dispatch from Washington says that “the leaders of the two old parties are in daily consultation as to what can ba done to stop the movement from drifting to a silver basis;' and one of the foremost men at th< capital, a former 1 secretary of the treasury, stated that “we tire not only rapidly drifting to a silver basis,' but we are in fact, almost there.’’ He further said that “if present condi'ions long continue, the government will be compelled to suspend gold payments the tide in the silver situation/has turned, and the demand for the restoration to the old place can not be long disregarded. ’’ The same authority said further that "in the next senate there will be ten oi - twelve silver vot *:‘Si.and possibly a majority.”

Under these circumstances what shall we do with these two elements who propose to organize new parties? Arc they reconcilable? There is it ' strong and growing sentiment in the east in of socialism; but it can ■' not be denied that the more the old parties discuss the money question the more apparent become# the hnbieility and rascality of their position and the •* justice and wisdom of- the Populists. ' Does not the union of *thn ttfo' oi l paj*i®H on the gout standard, ■ render tliy union of all who oppose" it, a i. necessity? • Jlut things are going our way. Tfie rapid gathering and grouping, of poll- J tlcal forces, will create a.cyelrfne that •* will sweep from sea to sea.. It'arryirig*'' thp Populists to powdr and ahhiliilt- • ing tiie old parties, red hhniied, in all * their '‘perfid}' and dishonor.”-- ’ Okokuk F, VVahhbitbn, Jfoston, Mass., Jan. 23, 1895. •

NORTH AND SOUTH DAKOTA.

Republican Robbery arid FopullHtEcoiioiny Coin pared. Lost fall we heard very much concerning the “Populist control of North Dakota?’ how the funds of that state had depleted, etc. The Populist administration hud cut down the taxes as * far as possible, and after paying much of the indebtedness of previous republican administrations, the generaVfunit Was very low when the Populists Went out of office to be succeeded by the republican administration. Well, the fact that the funds in the treasury of North Dakota were low, was . commented on at length by the republican press, not one of' whjek gave any good reason there-' fore.neither has any of them alleged defalcation. lint what of South Dakota always under the rule of republicanism? Let’s see. At the recent inauguration of the new governor a grand inaugural ball was given in ■ lorior of the event. “Brave men and air ladies' of the state were invited to the swell affair. But “after the ball was over" and the officials got ready . for business, 10, and beholW! the republican state treasurer, who, by the wav, spent $14,000 for his nomination, was a defaulter to the tune of about § >OO,OOO, and all the state educational institutions are seriously embarrassed thereby! One state was under the Populist control, the other under the rule of republicanism. Better it would have been for South Dakota had it been under “the blight of Populism.” —Mankato Journal.

Hang Them.

The fact that United States notes are being used by a lot of pirates for the purpose of depleting the treasury and securing the issue of government bonds, is urged by the “currency reformers'’ as indicating the necessity for the final retirement of all United States paper money and turning of the whole fiat business over to the banks. A far better plan would be to hang the conspirators engaged in this scheme of plunder and thus finally retire them.— Topeka (Kan.) Advocate.

NUMBER 33.