People's Pilot, Volume 4, Number 27, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 21 December 1894 — Page 4

The People’ Pilot. PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE PILOT PUBUSHLNG COMPANY (Limited)., OF Morh Western Indiana., David H. Yeoman. ..President. Wm. Washburn Vice Pres. Lee E. Glazebrook .. Secretary J. A. McFarland...Treasurer. LEE E. GLAZEBROOK, EDITOR. The People's Pilot !s the official organ of he Jasper and Newton County Alliances,and s published every Friday at ONE DOLLAR PER ANNUM J f paid in advance. If not paid in advance, §1.25 per year will be charged to all subscribers. RATES OF ADVERTISING. Displayed Advertisements lOcinch Local Notices 5c line. Entered as second class matter at the post office in Rensselaer. Ind. Friday, Dec. 91, 1&94.

The Cleveland-Carlisle currency plan is losing ground. “The best financial system in the world" (?) It is about to be changed. Can the best be made better? Another death rattle—a new Populistdaily starts in Indianapolis this week, the Indianapolis Dispatch. The last two political campaigns, in this country, were feughtonthe tariff and just as soon as they were over the president sent in messages on the money question. Three-fourths of the people of the United States are in favor of the free coinage of silver, but they are divided and misled by party names, which enables the money power to have its own way.

A congress in which 150 of its members have been turned down by the people, is just the congress to pass the Baltimore currency scheme, or any other scheme the money power may wish. David B. Hill has left his place in the senate to “take his Christmas.” What is Christmas to a man who has no sweet-heart, no wife, no children, no friends; who does not chew, smoke, drink, hunt nor go a fishing? No man less deserves the name of democrat or republican than those masquerading in party names to-day. If you want to be convinced of this, take the legislation of these parties during the last two years.—-Fortville Sun. The republicans, feeling that they have a pretty sure thing on the election of ’96, are not going to put up another third rate man like Harrison without a fight. Thomas B. Reed, the biggest, brainiest man of their party now has the lead. If the next president is to be a republican, we say let him be Reed. During the last campaign the democrats told us that the administration in building war ships was only carrying out contracts made by the republicans. Now comes Cleveland in his message saying: I recommend that provision be made for the construction of additional battleships and torpedo boats.” Can you think?—Freeland.

Nonconformist:—The government is doing just what the individual knows he should not do—increasing the public debt with a view to betterirg our condition! But Wall street thinks such action is all right, for the simple reason that its bread will have been more thickly buttered as a result. And this is the secret of the new bond issue. Congressman Bryan has introduced a bill forbidding the re-election of a president—a

good bill. Let this bill become a law, elect U. S senators by a direct vote of the people and then have the last session of each congress expire before the election of a new congress and the source of one-half of the political corruption in this country will be cut off.

Here is what the second Democratic paper of the state says: The next National Democratic Convention will nominate a western candidate upon a platform declaring unequivocally for free silver coinage and immediate reduction of tariff to a revenue basis. If this is not done the disruption of the Democratic party is inevitable. —Evansville Courier. This will not be done, and Mr. Shanklin, you can just get ready to disrupt.

“Governor .Waite will be generally applauded for his vigorous rebuke administered to the bumptious Englishman, John Burns, at Denver last Sunday,” says the Chicago Times.. Burns declared that under the constitution of the United States labor could never get justice, and he proposed a long string of amendments. Waite followed him and said that it was, the punishment of the rascals who had violated both the letter and spirit of the constitution that was needed and not amendments of the instrument itself. He told Burns the American people wanted no advice from Britishers. The Times adds “Bully for Waite. It’s a pity he didn’t make as good a speech as that before the election.” Senator Peffer is to be credited with a thoroughly sensible bill which, being introduced thus early in the session, ought to become a law. He wants the disreputable and expensive custom of senatorial funerals done away with. He sees no reason why the death of a senator should be the occasion of a pleasure trip across the country, with champagne and other drinks ad lib. for the “mourners.” It may possibly be true that the death of certain senators would be fit occasion for public rejoicings, but it is .surely not decent to express that joy in a costly senatorial “jag” accumulated at public expense. Peffer is right. His is one “Populistic” measure which should surely become a law.— Chicago Times.

“It is the Democratic party and not the Republican that has always bowed the knee to trusts and corporations. * * * * The sugar trust, the whiskey trust, the standard oil trust own the Democratic party body and breeches. The party could never fight a national campaign were it not for the grease furnished by these and other formidable trusts.”—Delphi Journal.. It is no less sinful to write a lie with the pen than to speak it with the lips. All these trusts of which the Journal complains had their origin in the fruitful soil of Republican legislation and the Delphi Journal knows it. Had not these trusts been bred and born, fed and fattened by the Republican party, two years of Democratic rule could not have made them so awe inspiring as to bring any party to its knees. Under the control of what party has 1 per cent of our population acquired more wealth than the remaining 99 per cent? Under whose rule has one family received more of an income than 2,000 families? What party made the laws of our country such that they have forced a mortgage indebtedness of $96 per- capita upon our people? What party ruled when first we heard the words, “trusts,” “combines, ” “ syndicates, ” “ tramps, ” “ soup houses, ” “multo-millionaires,” etc.? The mere acknowledgment of the existence of these trusts of which the Journal complains, is but to say Republican legislation gave them birth. There are many, many mean things that cqn be

said and done, this side of hell, but none of them can come from a daiker, dirtier corner of the human heart, than that prompting which leads one to charge his crimes upon another.

Scope of The Sugar Trust.

Congressman DeWitt Warner’s Reform club pamphlet on the Sugar trust is one of the best pieces of political writing seen in many years. He sums up the situation of the trust and the people thus: “With the Spreckles in control of Hawaii and the Havemeyers extending their plantations in Cuba the trust dictates to every branch of sugar production and distribution in the Cnited States, taking under its wing every one concerned—except those who consume sugar. From its office at 117 Wall street cable messages fly daily to its agents in Cuba, fixing the price of raw sugar there; to San Francisco announcing “Cuba's party,” at which arriving-in Hawaiian sugars are to be valued; to Louisiana, telling her planters what—in view of Cuban and Hawaiian prices—the trust condescends to offer for American sugar; and to its representatives all over the world, giving the limit—based on Cuban parity—at which they can pick up Austrian, Javan, Phillipine, Brazilian, and other sugars, when these are temporarily depressed in prices. In an adjoining room the quotations at or above which the subservient dealers throughout the country are permitted to sell sugars are daily r settled, and through the four great sugar brokers who stand nearest the throne these are passed to forty others who await the Sugar trust’s nod at New York and telegraphed to the waiting hundreds in other cities in the land. These in turn so promptly notify their patrons, the thousands of wholesale grocers of the country, that before their doors are opened all danger of any purchaser getting his sugar below trust prices is over for the day. By discount from his bill or periodical remittance, as the case may be, each faithful wholesaler is promptly and liberally paid for for his loyalty, and whenever in the crisis of legislation he hears the bugle call of the trust he instantly steps into line, ready to bombard his congressman with telegrams or fight him with ballots at short range until the Sugar-trust cause is triumphant. “Such is the grandest trade organization the world has ever seen. “The Sugar trust dictates the tribute that shall be rendered it by the American people. “The wholesale grocer is rewarded by whatever largess the trust thinks necessary to insure their loyalty. “And the public?^—‘the public be damned’—and it is.”—Chicago Times.

Purifying Politics.

That our practical politics is subversive of our system of government no one who knows anything about practical politics will deny. Not only does the minority rule, but it is at insignificant minority. It is the boss or a small ring of bosses—about which there is so much indignantly said and written—that is always on top. The majority earnestly desire pure politics and decent representation intellectually and morally; and often they make real sacrifice to obtain such results. But whatever the respectable, high minded portion of our voters do or there is no general improvement in political methods or in the character of candidates; and when a reform, like the Australian ballot system, is secured, it is found that it offers no relief for the worst abuses that it was intended to correct. Indeed the Australian ballot makes the work of opposing machine politics and defeating machine can-

didates only the more difficult. No difference how corrupt a nominating convention may have been or how utterly unworthy of confidence and support the candidate may be. the work of the convention and its candidate can be defeated by an independent movement only by the red tape of a petition; and perhaps not even then, for the Australian ballot is so complex that thousands are afraid to mark it anywhere except in the circle. This system has not produced the results that were anticipated by its advocates. It rids the polls of a herd of noisy ticketpeddlers; it saves the candidates the expense of distributing the tickets, and it permits a comparatively few, who might, un der the old system of voting, lose their employment by not voting as their dictated, to vote as they please. These are the advantages and all the advantages of the Australian ballot system. The disadvantages, in addition to the one already mentioned—the difficulty of making independent nominations—are several. In actual operation of the law, fraud is more easily committed than under the old system. In Chicago 1,900 fraudulent votes have been cast in one ward; over a hundred votes have been known to be miscounted in a single precinct; and whatever fraud is committed is covered up as effectually as if the evidence was buried beneath an immovable mountain. The ballots cannot be reached except by the election commission, and, in our experience in Chicago, the frauds have been to the liking of the commission. We never shall huve pure polities until voters are ready to vote independently and have a full opportunity to make the independent vote felt. If the ballot law can be amended so as to make independent nominations more easy of accomplishment, it will better subserve the interests of the voter.

THE CHICAGO TIMES.

Entablitilied 1854. THE PEOPLE’S PAPER. 8, 12 and 1« Pages Daily. 32 to 48 Pages Sunday. No great daily in the United States is so closely in touch with the people as The Chicago Times. Its policy is progressive, liberal, tolerant. The Times holds that existing social, political, and industrial conditions are not founded upon the principle of equal rights to all and Special privileges to none. That under existing conditions injustice necessarily done the mass of the people. The Times has its own convictions as to how these conditions may be amended. While urging its own beliefs strenuously and intelligently it does not dismiss with contempt or without a hearing the advocates of other economic reforms. The Times is fearless in its utterances and unswerving in its devotion to the great body of the people. The Times believes in free speech, the free coinage of silver, and radical tariff reform. The Times believes in government control of all natural monopolies. The Times believes in such a tax on land values as shall lighten the burden of the farmer and make the owner of valuable city property pay his just share. The Times believes in the wisdom and good faith of the people.' The Times prints all the news from all the world in a manner interesting and instructive to all the people. Send for sample copies. Read the People’s Paper.

Sheep.

The undersigned has a nice lot of Shropshire ewes that he will put out on the shares, or sell and contract the lambS and wool, or sell on time till the money can be made out of them. He also has feeding sheep lambs and wethers which he will sell and contract back when fatted. Parties wishing any of above call on A. McCoy.

LEGISLATIVE GOSSIP.

ADVANCE TALK ABOUT THB AFFAIRS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. VMferenee bn the A r> portionment Bin. BeMri ption of Dan O'Leary, Roby‘» Lob—OoVefllor MattheWl* Forthcom111* Race. tepeciAl Cotteßpandcnce.'l IXMANAPoua, Doc. 18.—The senate teembers appointed by Republicans on df legislative and cdngTessiOhal districts Will meet in the Denison house this afternoon—the Republican part of it, I mean. Democratic members, as I said last week, will ignore the appointment of such a committee and wiH even contest its right of existence when the tim* combs, elaiming that tinder senate rules no one other than the lieutenant governor has authority tc name committees, and that such rules can not be changed except ih open session. Despite thil, hoWeVor, Republicans are going ahead with other plans marked Out. lam lead to suspect that every member Of the committee Attending the conference today has in his inside pocket a carefully marked map of the state, in which it is being sought to “protect hii own'locality and work no Injustice to any other quarter.” In fact, it is my information that the members separated after the last conference with ah implied agreement that each should arrange the districts according to his own views and submit the result to the others at this meeting, and that from this start un effort should be made to reach a harmonious end. The legislative apportionment is not expected to create much difficulty, except it is thought that there will be A determined effort to cut down Marion county’s representation in the lower house. On cdngtessional lines smooth sailing is not predicted and sdmebody is likely to be disappointed—not, however; to the extent that twd counties from which there are at present congressmenelect will be thrown into the same district. I mention this because it was recently said in a local paper that Wayne county, from which Henry U. Johnson hails, was likely to be tacked on to the Fourth district for the benefit of James E. Watson. lam assured that no such political cruelties will be practiced. -*»*- “What are you going to do if the Democratic senators resist your programme of appointing committees in caucus?” I asked Senator Wishard. “Well, we will simply exercise our right and change the rule which gives to the lieutenant governor the appointive power. The people gave the Republicans a majority in the senate, and with that majority goes the right to control. We are to be responsible for the record and we want to start right. Our purpose in naming committees has been to expedite business by getting matters well in hand, so that instead of spending the first half of the session in preliminaries we may be able to advance the legislation expected.”

Dan O’Leary! That name has not become familiar in the political circles of Indiana. It bids fair, however, to become known to Indiana legislators as belonging to a thorough lobbyist. Dan is from Chicago. He is aged no one knows how much. Back in the early history of baseban I remember him as a player and manager. He looked then as he does now. His face is possibly a trifle more wrinkled than 12 years ago, but his heavy, stubby mustache and bushy hair are as raven black as ever and his eyes as piercing. He has the same active step, the nervous gesture, the twiching of the head and the general characteristics of years ago. His dress is faultless and in the lapel of his coat he usually wears a bouttonaire. He walks with a slight stoop, but not of the shoulders. The stoop begins at the small of the back and is gradual to the head. It is a position contracted, doubtless, when on the ball field he used to stand with his hands on hi “knees and watch for a chance to spoU basehits. Dan came here nearly a month ago. With its usual nack of finding out things, the city press announced that he had come down to see the governor in behalf of Roby. He saw the governor. He talked to him 15 minutes, and found out what he didn’t want to know—that the governor was unalterably opposed to winter races at that point. But Dan didn’t pack up his baggage and hurry back to Chicago. He is here yet, and is going to stay for some time. He is not bothering the governor much these days, but an opportunity to meet a member of the next legislature isn’t thrown over. To these he talks horse—the advantages Roby has reaped and the vast amount of money turned into Lake county. He isn’t asking for legislation—all he wants is that present statutes be let alone. If the representative doesn’t care to talk horse Dan will regale him with stories of Chicago’s greatness and of his own accomplishments, and in some instances will tell that he is the son of the woman who owned the cow that kicked over the lamp that caused the historic fire—even though there is now a large belief that the cow of Mrs. O’Leary had nothing to do with the blaze. Beware of Dan if you do not want winter racing at Roby or elsewhere. -***- Govemor Matthews is at work on his message to the legislature. It will be an exhaustive review of state affairs under his administration and -will call attention to the extraordinary incidents of the miners’ and the railroad strikes, in which it became necessary to employ the mflitia to suppress riotous outbreaks. In this connection the governor will recommend an appropriation of $40,000 to reimburse him for having paid the soldiers for the service, he having borrowed the money from city banks on his own responsibility. The governor has always felt that, whatever was to be the political complexion of the coming general assembly, he was safe in negotiating this loan. Several Republican members to whom I have mentioned the matter say there will be no opposition to the appropriation. In a general way the governor will discuss questions of state finance, election laws, fee and salary measures, management of and benevolent insti-

tutions, etc., and two of his special re' quests will be for the r -peal of the McHugh law which made Roby prizefights possible and for an enactment which Will dose winter racetracks, =-*<*-*• The Republicans of the senate hafe determined ilpou a new fee find salary law. They say first, that the suprtinfi Court has made such action fiecessary by declaring parts of the law Of 1891 uni bonstitutional. They say further that that law Was ttnfair to Republican, Bounties, Democrats, however, deny the latter assertion and declard that there is ho necessity fdf a rifcW tf&ctInent—that the did IAW cAn be itifidfl thoroughly effective by alight amendblent. But the aUegations do not Change the fact that a new law will be framed and offered. The senate Republicans have nauiud for that comtttittw MSsSrs. Cranor, Bozeman, Self, Dullban, Boord, Haggard; CoHett, LaFolJett; Baker, Humphries, Alexander, Kefri and Parker, but as this is regarded As A political question, And As It is the policy of the Democratic members to resist the Elite-session work of the majority, the minority members are not going to take part in the preliminary Work. , One of the members Of this committed said to me yesterday: “The apportion* ment And other committees tea/ talk All they warit td About arduous duties; but they ain’t in it with us. Wb will have to arrange the salary of every officer in every county in the st.#e, and will have to base that salary on the population and business of the county. The latter cahnot be foutid out except At great labra. If we summon the county officers and ask them to give us ad estl l mate of the value of the service We Will be accused Of surrendering to thd sddalled cbdiity officers’ organization, and if we don’t ask them we wiH t}e accdsed bf going at our work blindly. But what-' e ver may be the committee recommendations in detail, you can say that the principle of paying pnbHc servants Stipulated salaries instead of allowing them fees will be adhered to. Mb committee will have to contend with such a strong' lobby as will labor with this one. It ffiakes no difference whether a countyofficer belongs to the Democratic or Republican party, he is interested in his salary and wiH make as hard a fight as he knows how to have that made a good one. The struggle has already begun. Each representative and senator has the subject talked to him in his own county by local officers, and when he reaches here he will find almost an army of supplicants for the cause of the officeholders and those who expect to hold office. It’s a sorry task we have, and I should like to trade jobs with some man on some other committee, I don’t care which one it be.”

—%*-

It is not known to have been premeditated, but it was a ludicrous situation in which several candidates for speaker found themselves the other day when they responded to Superintendent Charlton’s invitation to spend the day at the Indiana reform school. Thinking that the invitation was general to memberselect, Messrs. Adams, Merritt, Leedy, Statesman, Moore, Willoughby and Stakebake, all seeking the speakership, were on the scene in the hope of turning the affair to advantage. When they cast about for members to work upon they found only five other representatives there, with a candidate for house clerk and doorkeeper on the scene demanding a division of time. *_* <? “Up in northern Indiana Democrats are talking about nominating ex-Con-gressman Shively for governor in 1896,” said Hon. Charles F. Griffin to me a day or two ago. “They say he has many elements of strength, is young and active and would make an aggressive campaign.” “What about your own candidacy on the opposing ticket,” I asked. “On, I don’t know about that. It is too early to launch booms. I would prefer that my friends hold off awhile rather than begin now to talk about me for that nomination.” It is now just about three weeks until the Republican caucus will determine who its subordinate officers will be. Jan. 10 is the date of the meeting of the legislature, and the caucus will be held on the night prior. Unless there are some changes in the situation on speaker, doorkeeper and the assistant clerkship it is not. likely that the selections can be made short of an almost all night meeting, but there are changes predicted. Some of the present aspirants are certain to get out of the way. For the speakership the race is conceded now to be between about four men, but the conditions are so likely to change that I do not care to go on record just yet with regard to which I think will win.

I asked Tom Taggart yesterday who the Democrats v ere likely to honor with their vote for the speakership. He smilingly answered: “I haven’t heard a word on the subject, my boy. We will have so few of our fellows in the house that they might determine this by drawing straws.” —***- Even the small boy has caught the infection of hunting a place in the legislature, members being burdened with applications for appointment as pages. I have seen a copy of a letter from one city youth who wants to be page to the speaker. The same letter has been sent to all the candidates, and an apparently sincere hope is expressed by the youthful applicant that each be elected speaker and appoint the writer as page. Even the older heads have not shown shrewdness enough to hedge thus, although from the claims made by candidates for speaker I am constrained to think that there has been a duplication of promises —else how could each of the 12 aspirants feel so sure that he is going to get a majority of the 82 votes in caucus. -***- The leaders in educational affairs of the state have decided to urge that school enumerations be made by teachers in each district, so that incorrect and padded returns can be prevented; that townships have the optional right to decide whether school books shall be free; that a new system of licensing superintendents be adopted, and also a law providing for a county institute instructors’ license. State Superintendent-elect Geeting and Messrs. Study, Mott and Llewellyn will specially look after these matters before the legislature. Vw,