People's Pilot, Volume 4, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 27 July 1894 — Page 2

THE TARIFF IN THE SENATE.

The Conference Report on the Bill De- „ bated. On the 20th Senator Voorhees (dem., Ind.) chairman of the flnance committee, oalled up the conference report on the tariff bill. He yielded the floor to Senator Smith (dem.. N. J.). Senator Smith criticized the president for attempting to Interfere with the preroga'tjves of the legLlative branch of the govern* pent. He said that In the senate to pass the fell as a party measure needed every democratic vote, and the flnance committee had ifftme heroioally to work to harmonize the disJterenoes on the democratic side. He then proceeded to deliver a glowing eulogy -of'the tariff bill as it passed the senate, which, unlike the house bill, he declared, oontalned no menace to the industries of the country. He asserted that the framers of the house bill and |a large proportion of the democratic party were not tariff reformers; they were free traders; The president in his letter accepting the (nomination had favored not free but “freer” MW materials. I say, concluded he, for myself I know, _and for many others I believe, that if I were a "member of that committee, I should say to the conferrees from the house in answer to the defiance which has been flung in our faces: "Gentlemen, there is our bill. It is the result o$ great labor and infinite pains. It has met with the approve 1 both of the free trade and protection elements of our party. It is adapted to conditions, not theories. It is not perfect, bjit it is as nearly perfect as we can hope to make it at this session. In any event, such as It is, there it lies. You are at liberty to take it or leave it.” That, sir, would bo my position. I would not recede from it bj much as a hair’s breadth. Mr. Hill, in closing his speech.’called attention to the fact that the president, who had been so often quoted in the tariff debate as favoring the income tax. had at last, on yesterday, come out in no uncertain tones against it. tar. Gray moved that the senate insist upon itjs amendments and consent to farther conference, There was nothing, said Mr. Gray in speaking to his motion, that had occurred to make an unusual action upon the part of the senate necessary. He did not think It was nec-essa-y to retreat on acoount of the determined attitude of the house or threats from any quarter. He commended the wisdom which overcame the difficulties which stood in the way of passing the bill. At the conclusion of Mr. Gray’s speech Mr. Vilas took the floor and offered a motion to Instruct the senate conferrees to recede from so much of the Senate sugar amendment as provided for a duty of % oent a pound on refined sugar in addition to the 40 per cent, ad valorem on all sugars.

Mr. Vilas addressed the senate in support of his amendment. He referred to the petition of the business men of Chicago, presented to the senate, praying for a speedy and profitable end to this long uncertainty. He Indorsed that petition. The conference had failed. The two houses were arrayed against each other. The majority in the house to-day was a majority sent by the people to crystallzc the doctrine of tariff reform after years of agitation. The house, after months of laborious work. Had ent to the senate a measure of tariff roform that had been received with jov by the cdhntry. When the senate had heaped upon that measure its amendments the bill was not received with cordiality by tho people. It was hardly recognizable. Yet it was proposed to Stand fast for each one of the 634 amendments. The senate sought to make articles dutiable which the house placed on the free list. The amendment he offered, he said, would strike down an iniquitous and indefensible amendment placed in the bill bv the senate. Mr. Palmer (dem.. Ill.) proclaimed that ho wfis in favor of free raw materials, and announced that he would oppose the one-eighth differential to the sugar fust. He thought sugar producers of Louisiana were in poor Company when they joined hands with the stfgnr trust. The partnership should be dissolved. Mr. Vest took the floot when Mr. Palmer sat down. After the speech of the senator from New York, he began, it was a subject of congratulation that he and the president had at last found a platform on which both could stand. The lion and the lamb had at last lain down together and were led as a little child by tbe ways and means committee. Ho left to others to decide which was the lion and which was the lamb.

The senator from New York had said that free raw materials was a ordinal prlnnlple of democracy. The president went further and declared that failure to place raw materials on the free list was democratic perfidy and dishonor. Mr. Vest then proceeded to read the letter of acceptance of President Cleveland In 18‘h!, pronouncing in favor of “free raw materials.” Xet he now denounced free raw materials as perfidy and dishonor. In scathing tones he arraigned the president. Where did the president get the right to dictate to congress: to denounce one branch of congress to the other* Did he embody in his single being all the democracy. all the t:\rlff-reformsentlment In this country? Mr. Cleveland was a big man. But tjie democratic party was greater than any one than. It had survived Jefferson. Madison. Jackson: it would survive Grover Cleveland. Personally, he said, the hill did not suit yfn. He was a radical tariff reformer, but if fie could not get all he would take what he could get. “I givo It as my opinion,” he declared in conclusion, “that we will pass this bilL or no bill.” Then Senator Hill got the floor and spoke as follows: **A theory as well as a condition now confronts us. The theory of the democratic party IS that in the enactment of tariff legislation fCpe raw materials should always be an essentiajand conspicuous element. "until recently I had supposed that there w»a no dispute upon this question of principle, but that every democrat worthy of the name was willing to conoludo that if there was one tbuig more than another to which the democriftic party was committed, it was in favor of the doctrine of absolute free riw materials. Tme true and honest construction of every democratic national platform for twelve years past Irrevocably commits us to this just and reasonable principle." Senator Hill read the democratic national platform of fß9:i and continued: “If any democratic orator in any part of the country, forgetting the interests of the whole land and subserving the supposed interests of adocation, promised the people of any state or section that there would be any exception made tithe enforcement of the general principle of fi?fee raw materials when the democrats should obtain power, he exceeded his authority and misinterpreted our position. *Ttiss;.idby some in justification of or excuse for their present action that the presidfent's letter of acceptance in 189: modified the extreme demands of our platform. It is true tfiat some portions of his letter may tend to bear that construction. “But no matter what idea it may be claimed wag Intended to be conveyed in his letter of acceptance in mitigation or modification of the platform, there can be no doubt as to the president’s position at this time upon this essential principle of free raw materia’s. Let me read from that remarkable letter of the president’s which was yesterday submitted to the house of representatives. It expresses better than I can hope to do the true, sound and logical position of the democratic party upon tnm question. Alter reading extracts from this letter, Mr. Hilj went on as follows: “Mr. President. I approve every word that I have quoted It is an honest and manly statement of the true attitude which the party Should assume in this crisis. “Upon the question of free raw*materials the president Is right, and you know it. You cannot answer his arguments. You cannot sucod|.“fully dispute his propositions. You cannot ddUbt his sincerity and patriotism. You must yield in the end to his views. You cannot stand up against the sentiment of the gjeat democratic masses of the country, which tflil rally around the president In his contest with you upon this particular branch of the •utioect. The time to yield is now before there la further humiliation, embarrassment and 2 A the light of the letter of the president, house oannot honorably retreat. It has no ir olternat ve except to insist upon its bill. u&ffrelu It provides for free raw materials. THb president cannot approve the senate bill •Ifor what he has said in this remarkable letter. lie arraigns the senate and Intimates

, that the enactment of the senate bill means j ’party perfidy and party hlshonor.' These are ; strong words which the president of the United States would not use toward a measure which I he ever expected afterward to approve. “I respectfully differ from the president in ■ his assumption that a tax upon sugar is neces- < sary at this time, conceding that an income tax is to be retained. Clearly both are not needed i for any legitimate purpose of the treasury. UnI der the existing circumstances—with an ln- | come tax retained in this bill—l voted for free I sugar before, and I shall do so again. In my judgment the house cannot now honorably retreat from its position in favor of free sugar. The president’s suggestion came too late. The senate must recede from its amendments.” On the 23d Senator Gorman (dem.. Md.) drew a graphic picture of the anxtety with which the country awaited the fate of the bill, the idle factories, the closed workshops and the unemployed, saying that no one more than he appreciated the gravity of the situation. Further suspense was neither to the best interests of the country nor of the party. He eulogized Senators Vest, Jones. Voorhees and Harris, who had accomplished the feat of adjusting the differences between senate and house, and had made possible the passage of any bllL The infamous calumnies heaped upon the heads of the senate forced from him, he said, a plain, unvarnished statement of the facts, making it with malice to none. “It was the most uncalled for, the most extraordinary, most unwise communication," said he. In bitter tones, “that ever came from a president of the United States, it places this body in a position where its members must see to it that the dignity and honor of this chamber must be preserved. It places me In a position where I. must tell the storv as it occurred. The limit of endurance has been reached." Senator Gorman charged directly that every one of the senate amendments had been seen by Secretary Carlisle and scanned by him before they were agreed upon. He drew from his desk and had read un interview with Secretary Carlisle on April3o in which the secretary of the treasury gave the same bill his sweeping indorsement. The secretary of the treasury necessarily spoke in a great measure for the president in matters relating to his department. On the morning following the publication of that interview the papers announced that the president was in entire accord with his great secretary of the treasury. As a compromise Senator Gorman asserted that the bill as completed was satisfactory to not a single, solitary human being in all its details, but as a whole the structure presented was acceptable as the best bill that could be passed. There was no suggestion anywhere, either from the president or the secretary of the treasury, that the bill as modified was a violation of tho democratic principle. With dramatio emphasis Senator Gorman called upon Senators Vest. Jones and Harris to bear testimony as to whether his statements had varied a hair's breadth from the truth. “Let the people have the truth,'' said he, as he paused. Senator Vest said that he had not himself seen the president since the repeal of the Sherman law last summer, but with the secretary of the treasury he had frequent conversations. Mr. Carlisle had repeated and distinctly stated to him that the greatest possible calamity that could happen would be the failure of any bill. He had distinctly stated to him that no difference in rates should be allowed to stand in the way of the consummation of some scheme of tariff reform. His colleague, Senator Jones, had seen both Mr. Carlisle and Mr. Cleveland and they had both declared that the bill was acceptable to them. Senator Jones said: “I told the secretary of tho treasury, after he had approved the bill, to lay it before the president. He promised to do so. The next day I called on tt\e president and asked him if Secretary Carlisle had done so. The president said yes. I then said I wanted to know the attitude of the administration toward tho bill. He must. I told him, indorse it or I wquld not go fa ther with it. The president said he approved of what we had done, and would do all in his power to effect a compromise.” Senator Vilas jumped up with a question. “During that interview,” he said to Senator Jones, “was anything said by you about putting a auty on coal and iron?” “Yes.” Senator .Tones exclaimed: “I told him distinctly that this duty had been put on.” •But ” persisted Senator Vilas, “was there a single interview between you and the president in which the president did not impress the hone for free coal and iron?" 'There was not." Senator Jones replied, “but ho did not even suggest that putting on the duty was an abandonment of democratic principles." Senator Gorman then called on Senator Harris to affirm or contradict his interview in the morning papers in which he was quoted as telling the story of the tariff legislation in the senate substantially as ho (Gorman). Senators Vest and Jones had told it. Senator Harris said, in his usually impressive manner, that the interview was correct. “I id the president ever say to you,” Senator Gorman asked him, “that a duty on coal and iron ore was a violation of democratic principle?" "No such sentiment was ever expressed to me.” Senator Harris cried, melodramatically, “bv the president, by any member of his cabinet or by any human being." Senttor Gorman spoke of the deep regret that he was compelled to ask the public testimony of these senators. But the time had come to speak. The limit of endurance had been reached. The senate had been traduced. An attempt had been made to "try and gibbet it before the country." These charge- had been foully made from distinguished sources." They mst be met and refuted. Senator Gorman said he had nothing but the kindest feeling for the president. He had labored hard to secure his election on the occasion of his fl’St candidacy. He had stood by him throughout his second and third campaigns for the presidency. He did it with an admiration for the man. with a be’ief that he would serve his country well, but be did it also in order that there might be democratic control In this government. The senator continued: “I have given the president a fair support and an honest support: never subservient never swayed by the want of patronage, ready to stand with him on wnatever was right; He has no cause of complaint against me. I am not his debtor. Let him answer for himself." Never before since the declaration of independence. Senator Gorman went on, had a president of the United States been guilty of such a violation of the spirit of tho constitution as had Mr. Cleveland in writing his letter to Chairman Wilson. “The liberty of the senate should not be invaded.” he said in thunderous tones, "though 1.000 hirelings write us down and traduce us.” The president, he continued, had said it would be dishonorable to tax coal and iron. The house, parrot-like, repeated the cry. “Men who set up high standards.” said the senator, “should come to us with 'lean hands." Senator Gorman then defended the senate bill at length and In considerable detail. He told how President Cleveland in his letter of acceptance of his nomination had declared for freer, not free,' vavft m 'terials. “And but for that doctor tion Jro.acould not,” Senator Gorman exclaimed, *“iiF my opinion, have been elected." He hoped the senate conferrees would say to the house conferrees that the tows must be oboyed, and that the law was that when one house of congress p-oposed to change an existing law and a difference of opinion existed as to how much change should bo made, the house proposing the most radical change should adopt the less radical propositions of the other. Senator White followed Mr. Gorman. He said that the q' est'on of merits on the tariff was infinitely superior to the f quest!on of taste as to the president s letter read in the house. He reviewed the difflyulties in. framing the tariff bill. Free coal and free iron would be a great boon to California. The styte pays almost the entire coal tax, and yet this bill was cheerfully a cepted because it was the best that could be had. There was nothing for the senate to do but to vote for the resolution of the senator from Delaware (Mr Gray > to insist upon the senate bill. If the Vilas resolution were adopted it would open the door to a flood of amendments and wo: Id precipitate another long and acrimonious co itest over the tariff. If the bill was to include free iron and free coal the senator from New York (Mr. Hill) knew that the bill would be imperiled and he would probably shod uo tears at lt» peril.

GAVE HIS VIEWS.

President Cleveland Writes a Letter to Chairman Wilson. He Indorses the House Tariff Bill—Favon Free Coel and Iron—ln the Internet of Fence Would Compromise on e Duty on Sugar. TEXT OP THE LETTER. Washington, July 20.—The follow inf? is the full text of President Cleveland’s letter to Chairman Wilson which the latter had read in the house during his speech on the tariff disagreement: ‘ 1 Executive Mansion, Washington, July 2, I*4 (Personal), William L. Wilson—My Dear Sir: The certainty that a conference will be ordered between the two houses of congress for the purpose of adjusting differences on the subjeot of tariff legislation makes It also certain that you will be again called on to do hard service in the cause of tariff reform. My public life has been so closely related to the subject, I have so longed for Its accomplishment and I hare so often promised its realization to my fellow - countrymen as s result of their trust and confidence In the democratic party, that I hope no excuse Is necessary for my earnest appeal to yon that In this crisis you strenous'.y insist upon party honesty and good faith and a sturdy adherence to democratic principles. I believe these are absolutely necessary conditions to the continuation of democratic existence. “There is no mistaking or misapprehending the feeling and the temper of the rank and file of the democracy. They are downcast under the assertion that thetr party fails in ability to manage the government and they are apprehensive that efforts to bring about tariff reform may fail; but they are much more downcast and apprehensive in their fear that democratic principles may be surrendered. In these circumstances they cannot do otherwise than to look with confidence to you and those who with you have patriotically and sinoerely championed the cause of tariff reform within democratic lines and guided by democratic principles. “This confidence is vastly augmented by the action under your leadership of the house of representatives upon the bill now pending. Every true democrat and every sincere tariff reformer knows that this bill in Its present form and as it will be submitted to the conference, falls far short of the consummation for which we have long labored, for which we have suffered defeat without discouragement; which, in its anticipation, gave us a rallying cry in our day of triumph, and which, in Its promise of accomplishment, is so interwoven with democratic pledges and democratic suocess that our abandonment of the cause or the principles upon which It rests means party perfidy and party dishonor. “One topic will be submitted to the conference which embodies democratic principles so directly that it cannot be compromised. We have in our platforms and In every way possible deolared In favor of the free importation of raw materials. We have again and again promised that this should be accorded to our people and our manufacturers as soon as the democratic party was lnves bed with power to determine the tariff policy of the country. The purty now has that power Wo are as certain to-day as we have ever been of the greut benefit that would occur to the oountry from the Inauguration of this policy, and nothing has occurred to release us from dur obligation to seoure this advantage to our people. “It must be admitted that no tariff measure can acoord with democratic principles and promises or bear a genuine democratic badge that does not provide for free raw material. In these circumstances It may well excite our wonder that democrats are willing to depart from this the most democratic of all tariff principles, and that the inconsistent absurdity of such a proposed departure should be emphasized by the suggestion that the wool of the farmer be put on the free list, and the protection of tariff taxation be placed around the iron ore and coal of corporations and capitalists. How can we face peoplo after Indulging in such outrageous discriminations and violations of ?rlnoiple. It Is apparent that this question of ree raw material does not admit of adjustment on any middle ground since their subjection to any rate of tariff taxation, great or small, is alike a violation of democratic principles and democratic good faith. “I hope you will not consider it Intrusive if I say something in relation to another subject which can hardly fail to te troublesome to the conference. I refer to the adjustment of the tarfff taxation on sugar. Under our party platform and in accordance with our declared party purposes sugar Is a legitimate and logical article of revenue taxation. Unfortunately however, incidents have accompanied certain stages of the legislation which will be submitted to the conference that have aroused in connection with this subject a natural democratic animosity to the methods and manipulations of trusts and combinations. I confess to sharing in this feeling. While no teaderness should be entertained for trusts, and while lum decidedly opposed to granting them under the guise of tariff taxation anv opportunity to further their peculiar methods, I suggest that we ought not to be driven away from the democratic principle and policy which lead to the taxation of sugar by the fear, quite likely exaggerated, that in carrying out this principle and policy we may Indirectly and inordinately encourage a combination of sugarrefining interests. “I know that in present conditions this is a delicate subject and I appreciate the depth and strength of the feeling which its treatment has aroused. I do not believe we should do evil that good may come, but It seems to me that we should not forget that our aim is the completion of a tariff bill and that in taxing sugar for proper purposes and within reasonable bounds, whatever else may be said of our action, we are in no danger of running counter to democratic principles. With all there is at stake there must be In the treatment of this article some ground upon which we arc willing to stand, where toleration and conciliation may le allowed to solve the problem without demanding the entire surrender of fixed and conscientious convictions. "In the conclusions of the conference touching the numerous other items which will be considered, the people are not afraid that their Interests will be neglected. They know that the general result, so far as these are concerned, will be to place home necessaries and comforts easily within their, reach and to insure better and surer compensation to those who toil. “We all know that a tariff law, covering all the varied interests and conditions of a country as vast as ours, must o’ necessity be largely the result of honorable adjustment and compromise. I expect very few of us can say when our measure Is perfe ted that all its features are entirely as we wouid prefer. You know how much I deprecated the incorporation in tho proposed bill of the income tax feature. In matters ol this kind, however, which do not violate a fixed and recognized democratic doctrine we are willing to defer to the judgment of a majority of our democratic brethren. I think there is a general agreement that that is party duty. This Is more palpably apparent when ■ we realize that the business of our country timidly stands and watches for the result o: our efforts o perfect tariff legislation, that a quick and certain ,return of pro.-.perity waits upon a wise adjustment and that a confiding people still trust in our hands their prosperity and well being. "The democracy of the land pleads most earnestly for the speedy completion of the tariff legislation which tueir representatives have undertaken, but they demand not less earnestly tl at no s ress of necessity- stall tempt those they trust to the abandonment of democratic principle lours very truly. “Grover ( lkveeand."

FALSE TO HIS TRUST.

An Idaho Postmaster Said to Have Gotten Away with <87,000, Boise, Idaho, July 20.— T. R. Leonard, who was postmaster here for years and who mysteriously disappeared on the 25th of last month, is a defaulter in the sum of $7,(300. lie is A son-in-law of Chief Justice Huston, of this city. There is no clew as yet to his whereabouts. Inspector Wayland, who has been tfoiug over his accounts, announced the shortage Thursday and notified the department. Bondbtn«n are ready to make jfood liia deficit.

ANOTHER TARIFF BILL.

Hr. Harter (O.) Introduce* • CompromlM Mewsre—lt* Provision*. Washington, July 25.—Representative Harter (0.) introduced in the house a bill which he proposes as a compromise tariff measure. It provides that: "On and after September 1, 1894, all tariff taxes or duties not herein otherwise provided for, shall be reduced one-half; provided, such reduction does not bring them below 20 per cent, ad valorem. It being the Intention of this act to allow a tariff tax or duty of not less than 20 per cent, ad valorem to remain upon all articles now paying a higher rate. This shall not be construed as In any way changing existing taxes or duties upon articles paying a lower rate of duty at this time than 20 per cent, ad valorem, nor does this section in any way Interfere with the provisions of sections 3 and 4 of this act. “The secretary of the treasury is hereby expressly authorized and directed In all cases where this act reduces the taxes on articles which now pay a specific or a speciflo and ad valorem duty below 20 per cent, ad valorem to charge and eollect upon all such articles on and after September 1, 1894, an ad valorem difty of 20 per cent. To the taxes or duties provided for In this act there shall be added upon all articles which if produced or made In the United States would be subject to an internal tax or duty, the amount of such internal tax or duty. “All tariff taxes and duties in excess of 12 per cent, ad valorem shall be reduced to and collected at the uniform rate of 12 per cent, ad valorem, to which shall be added internal taxes or duties as provided for in section 1. "A uniform duty or tax of 1 cent per pound shall be levied and paid upon all sugars, all tank bottoms, all sugar drainings and sugar sweepings, sirups of cane Juice, melada, concentrated melada and concre e and concentrated molasses, and molasses imported Into the United States from any part of the world having 100 degrees of saccharine strength and a reduction of 1-100 of a cent per pound shall be made for each degree of saccharine strength below 100 degrees. "A uniform duty of 4 cents a pound upon all coffee und of 8 cents a pound upon all tea imported Into the United States shall be levied and paid. "The internal duty or tax upon beer and all other malt liquors shall be $2 a barrel of thirtyone gallons, and an internal duty or tax at the same rate a gallon as is collected upon beer and malt liquors shall be levied and collected under rules to be prescribed by the secretary of the treasury upon all wines produced or made in the United btates.”

DEBS LOSES A POINT.

The Court Kuleg for the Introduction ot Evidence to Prove Contempt. Chicago, July 25. —The attorneys on botli sides of the case ayainst Debs, Keliiher, Howard and Rogers, on trial for contempt of court, aryued nearly all day Tuesday for and against the contention that the answer of the defendants to the information filed by the government was sufficient to purge them of contempt, and no evidence should be admitted bearing on the charge. When they had concluded a consultation was held between .Judges Grosscup and Woods, resulting in a decision to the effect that the prisoners could not be discharged upon their verified answer to the allegations of the information. The court held that it was the privilege of the government to produce witnesses or other proofs to the truth of its charges of contempt and that they could be rebutted by similar testimony on the part of the defense. The opening of the examination was set for tto-day at 10 a. m. By the decision the defendants are driven from their first entrenchments and President Debs and his associates will be compelled to stay in jail or to go out under bonds until the conclusion of the examination. This may take a week, or it may take a mouth or more.

LILIUOKALANI’S PROTEST.

Further Hawaiian Correspondence Sent to the Senate. Washington, July 3 .—The president has submitted to the senate as a part of the Hawaiian correspondence a letter from Minister Willis, dated June 23, in which that official reports the receipt, on June 21, of a protest signed by Lilinokalani, reciting’ from her standpoint the facts prior and subsequent to the overthrow of the monarchy, protesting against all such acts and “earnestly requesting” that the United States “will not extend its recognition to any such government thus formed.” Minister Willis refrained from forwarding the communication, but in his personal capacity consulted regarding it with Mr. Parker, the last minister of foreign affairs under the monarchy, to whom he represented that the senate’s action in the premises should be regarded as final.

WAR ON A PEST.

lowa Farmers Clearing: Their Fields of Chinch Bugs. Davenport, la., July 25.— Crops in this section, after passing through an almost unprecented drought, are being ravaged by chinch bugs. The attacks of the chinch bugs are being succesfully combated by the use of the chinch bug bacillus. James Dyer, of Pleasant Valley township, owns one of tue farms that were first attacked by the pest, and he secured some infected bugs from Prof. Herbert Osborn, of the agricultural experiment station at Ames. Within four days after M*. Dyer distributed the his bauly-infected field every Tug-FiS - the field was dead. Owners of adjoining farms have also introduced the plague among the bugs ravaging their fields and are meeting with like success.

Four Young Women Drown.

Fresno, Cal., July 25.— Five women went bathing in the San Joaquin river near Fort Washington. One got beyond her depth and in attempting to rescue her three of the others were carried to an eddy and all drowned.

Iowa Crops Suffer.

Creston, la., July 25.— The drought in this section of lowa continues, with no prospects of rain. Crops are suffering badly. Corn is badly damaged now and unless rain comes in a few days it will be ruined. The thermometer ranged from 105 to 109 Tuesday','it being the hottest day of the season. < '

Reed Is Renominated.

Btddefokd, Me., July 25. — Representative Thomas 8.. Reed was renominated by the republican convention of the First congressional district Tuesday.

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Cigar Dealers and Saloon Keepers ATTENTION I The King of all slot machines is our famous AUTOMATIC “ NICKEL MYSTERY ” cigar vending machiaau It is the modem money maker. Will pay yoar rent, delight your patrons, ornament your place of business, and help you on to Easy Street, It i* a machine that can be used to as much advantage in a saloon as in a cigar store. The public is go. ing wild over it. Don’t fail to write lor prices and further particulars at once. Address, The “ Manic” Automatic Machine Co., N. T. VVescr, M«r. Butler. Peana. Agents Wanted. Liberal Terms. you want to make money ft If so the Automatic “Fortune Telling’* Machine is what you want. The greatest incentive to trade ever invented. Pays for itself at the rate of 500 per cent a month. Just the thing for Cigar Stores, Saloons, Billiard Rooms, Newa, Stands and all places where cigars are for aale. Tor Ice Cream and Confectionery parlors it is a big drawing card; also a big money maker for Drug Stores and Soda Fountains. As a money maker it can't be beat, and the biggest trade boomer on the market. Made to work both for a nickel or a cent just as you want it. Don’t fail to order one at once. For terms and further particulars address the Butler Automatic Machine Go., Main OSes 116 W. Jefferson St., Botler, Ba Agent* wanted, liberal term*.

WEBSTER’S INTERNATIONAL I DICTIONARY B Successor of the “Unabridged.” Ten years spent In! revising, 100 editors 1 employed, more than j A Grand Educator Abreast of ths Times 1 A Library in Itself Invaluable in the! household, and to the teacher, professional 1 man, self-educator. \ Aik your Bookseller to show it to yon. Published by , O.A C.MERTUAM CO.,6rBiscratDAfABS.,U.SJL [ fc3P-Pend sou fTe prospectus containing specimen pages, j.lus: r-Uoim, testimonial*, eto. ; ear-:>° notb y reprint* of ancient editions.