Public Leger, Volume 3, Number 153, Richmond, Wayne County, 5 May 1827 — Page 1

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r.lflEK 153.

-" FRlENIil.Y Trw

"p- "MT PURSUITS OF MAN, r,ENn,.V TO THOUGHT, TO rir.EDOM. ASI, TO veack." Ctayer.

?RlN SAMUKL b. walling. front street, opposite Vaughans Hotel. THE FRtCK OF THIS PAPER . n,rlVdUrid Fifty Ctnt for 'rtxvo nnn.- " rnbepai-Siu advance; Two Dollar if j.aid b Inn the y r,orTno Dollars ami Fillj Cent, )t ai lbct.ro the expiration of It.e yeai : l! ni,t in atKa'ire being to the mutual interest F.-Cth urtit. that imvi.' i Solicit. !. ( bi,r!,ptioii t -ikt n for les than ix month, nr.d ni"er di'coutinufil uutil all arrearages lire

rai'

i new e?u;er:i. nt. 1. Utters t t'u t:iiT 'R must hart the csteg aid 5' ;" Ulii njtU tUniidto

TERMS OK ADVERTISING, r .-tt,e hnes nr !e, for three it.s. rtimi One Dcl,r.rh reotinu Mice twent) -rWe eent. l .r'-r a Serti tuents in the tame proportion.

W J f3Ha iligcneer.

The Col-mid Question stated. It was rh- sentiment of the gallant and lamented p.-catur, that, in all collisions between lrountrv ami foreign nations, he was in ilor of hi own right or wrong. The sent meet v y be supposed, by some to evince- an excess of patriotism, w hen apph- . i . c in irliirK nn' f iiitiitrv

JUCHMOND, WAYNR COUNTY, INDIANA, SATURDAY, MAY 6.1887.

J. imposed

to Mr. Bush. Upon his arrival, instead of

nemg m..t Wlln corresponding disposition-instead of the Bntish Government being ready to proceed in that in itiation for which the American Government had been notified, in the preceding March, that preparations were making, lie wag suddenIv and unexpectedly met hv an order in Council closing the British ports agaii st usfroii the first of the ensuing December and by the annur.ciatioi,. for the first time, of a resolution of the British Government not to treat at all with the United States "n the colonial trade. Whatever error, if any, the present Administration has committed, it certainly has not hrcn that of manifesting an unaccommodating sr.irit towards Great Britain.

jit mi) he well doubted, ind. ed, whether ; it was not disposed to y ield t. o much, in j giving up the principle, insisted upon by

tne iit Administration, that American produce sliould be received in British col onial ports, at the same rates of duties and chaises with Canadian and other produce. On the point whether it ig most expt-

! dient th.it the trade should be arranged j by treaty or reciprocal legislation, it is ohIvioiiMomir mind, that the former mode

.i i. -il -.!w.r r i um in mil iinnu, mai me lormer n U c mt v in t ie wront;. Ii all other res- ; . . . ' l? Cl . - ,, j . !' the adantage ot certainty in the necK that In 1:1 a" cases ol doubt, e.r , J 1 ' . : i,r!. -rim t;i h!ions,and permanency. 1 he rule w w u re our coun.rv is clearly right, it w ;h . . - w' . : , i,, ,lf . 't uxes hv the common conett ot b..th c.T"n!id general concurrence. In pr - . , C 'r . , .i;ir.n.Bn l . i tie. car only be altered hv the c i

- ,n , , I t , IT. .,i,l f i rence of both. I h-Litter mode ot arran Toei lire at Britain and the United states . , . . . Atc . , i i gng the trade, i? ri!li to the obiectln in rt-Mrd to the cdan.al mtercouise, we , - - J

.i , . i ;,. i ! o .c i imii .i- u- i,e lerin oi me naut not r-. rce ve that it is necessary to in- . ; ., - , ,- i an i ire.'jur-nth of t h ue. a: d may be va v.k- tho aid ol the more questionable . i . . ' - . . i i . i ' ried bv th -. naiate eg-iti'ii o either, rut ot the eer.tur.ent. Lr having rn- , J " .

dcav red to take an unprejudiced Mew

t:u (juration, it appears to u that the bri.'f -tTtetnent of the points in dispute-, u'.i. h now propose torvke, can hardly nil to in date at least alVimpartial citiZ - t lean to the side of their own (Joy- . .i . i

t T in ua i iai u i i ? . T

ministraiion, but the want ol time, that prevented the passage of the bill The President and Secretary of State, when applied to, it appears frankly fjave thir opinion. They thought it best to effect the object by negotiation, the means in which both governments, up to that time

had confided: but they did uot attempt to control the action of the senate, which j was left free to pursue its own course, and j which it appears would have passed a bill if it could have found the time.

After all, neither the Administration, is to bh.me on account of the present state of this question. Great Britain alone is

ichargable with the existing condition of the controversy. Had she notified the I American Government, in March, 1826,

that she would not negotiate, instead of

; mvitir.g it to renew the negotiation, the (question might have been satisfactorily

settled at the session ofCongress previous to the last: for the difference between an adjustment of the legislation and by treaty

jis one of mode only not materially affectj ing the substance. The past, however is gone by, and canI not be recalled. Supposing both Governj menta to have been actuated b equal sincerity, the case exhibited is one of mutual ! misapprehension. Our executive acting j in conformity to the mode agreed upon by ; both parties, appears to have supposed i h;it lie affair would be adjusted by negot tiation. The Biitish Government, without commutdcating any charge of it intentions in that respect, seems to have expected an arrangement by reciprocal legislation. ; The present difference between them is ; one of form. In this state of things, the hope may lie indulged that the two powers

gt-late on the ;u! j( e nt toe .session he A.-re j will et reconcile their interests in some the Li-t. WVII: -ihat pr-v ;:- 0 -'! tnr.de or othor. In the nv an time, as Con

gff-SN has adjourned w ithout passing any netv law, without affording to the Execu-

con-

rhich

parur-

mini'ttration, to'c;ti;- e. t.wres i'id i t

.it s? from li'gislatit g t!i ; I is at, extra ordinar M-pro.o h to make t the I.x u

tive,that Cmre- did not penorm iu dn- j (ive ;;ny additional aid ; or any light as to

, I t, supp -sing it to he in dun to !ogtL;tr. j 's whes. we can see no other alternative

1 On this point, we re u to t! e speeri.rs !at f r the President to issue the proclaof the two g'n!lefi:-T. why ' V. e 1, ad ;: mation t iiich, by the act of the. 1st of ion oppoil: si ! of th- tp: -i.)n. in the j. M m h, ! C2o, he is enjoined to put forth: t J'bate in the ;wi U- :t it-s l ist sin. -oid u hich it appears, he has felt himself ! which h :v-' hr.! pu'dMie.d in pamp' h.-t 't'.n to do. v

... ;j Mm, e u!n- - iif m- t ,uoM-;i in! le -:o Ouvernments were willing l a- y Cltntvft sotis. StuUu s.s j -.T.Va.r from "Thr travels of an Irishman in gree by c nvention, that the trai.e ho- m shrvhi nH.nkin- of the roe. redii'm at I lmencar a political satire. tw'" n hv I-Md H,!l,n col' tUo session preceding the la-t, I hok nn I; The niht came on I descried a small

thp lc'1 wi ..g rem ik- t. such only as have

tot d- et takeii a decided stand upon this Sj-i -lion, and who may deiio to h.ave a c!.mi st-itemeat of the case presented to ;h'tn.

Paring the I st Administration, tnen. I

Dio should be limited, as,b their n-pi i t- , iOUrF(. ;tha moved that ti.e leprt o! . hull iiag, and moving up found sign

:vehw,it wa, limited, to a mreci t h l!n! Comrnitiee of comnir-rce should he re .J r.-so in I rushed. As good

CA.ir-e hetwet-n the United states an i i ;u.tru( tions. and I sue ! hn k w ould have it, another of mv country-

t'.o.,' colonies. B )th weie wilting to anoi

iers. mat removca, h nnSvercil the qattion: because Congress to regulate the trade iy trot- : J)0 fmf (f) .,rt, And n?JiJ srCrtkil j, igotiation, with w ' ,r- f nf thc lull at the session before the last he

W. ihc alien or discriminating duties as t .( were h vied in their respective poifs: fJr-Ti Britain without condition, and the

j- ih-d Slates nnon the condition that their ;

pr ioce m the British West India colonies sa -aid not he liable to pay higher duties tj similar produce coming frcm any otht nl ice. iarhiding British possessions, i Tin- was the only point which separated th tivo powers. That removed, both

wdlinjr A . !

je I he ne

Klsjt charged, was suspended in

loil.onthat point. The parties seperate i with a mutu i. understanding that they u! 1 ag.iin renew the negotiation at some future day, and endeavor to settle the term? of the intercourse by treaty. Such was. th slate of the question under the Administration of Monroe. That A lannistration conceived that the produce 0 'the United States could not sustain, in lirilish West India ports, a fair comTHitun w ith Canadian produce if it were tob" burthened with heavy duties, from bich Canada produce was exempted. And, if any error be imputable on this sub j"ct to the last Administration, (which is for from being certain) it was that of conttf.diTiir too much in behalf of the interests cfthe United States. The duty of deciding on this point of difference between the two governments, tr"i h it undetermined, devolved on the present Admini? tration. On full considerfhon.it appeitrsto have been resolved by i a spirit of oncession and conciliation, i'ld the pni .t which had prevented Wr. from rot' hiding a convention. !M If! 24, with the British Government. '-!-te a the 221 of March 1826, the itish Minister at Washington, in pursuof instructions, invited the American f vernjnt t to rencw tmt negotiation, to hicii !,(it, p;,rtiep, up to that time, con?!;tly looked as the means of settling, by lr' S the term of the colonial inter;;e. Mr. Gallatin shortly after went v ' ' 1 1 md. authorized and instructed to tlj Je a coavciition oh the very term'

I'ceelcd hv a large m i ritv of t!ie Senate. !! men -vkj bar Keeper. I found alsoalarge

; It was sent to the committee on Fmatue

if i ro'.vo ol rfeonse.

!e. "How !: cried one 'for

and I reported a bill, which would have t Jaekson ! I would as soon have every limb

. passed but for want ol time. It was not 'rejected as Mr. Canning has stated" i Ag in the venerable Senator savs: The

terms offered were liberal. We all admitted that thev were so; that we were per

! fectlv satisfied with them. And why thvtt

ijdid we not accept them? I have already

I says: 4,That n majority of the senate was j in its favour, I do know, and that it would ! have passed if we had had time." Thus,

according to the high evidence of the Senator from Maryland, three times delivered it was not the President, but xtarxt of time that prevented the passage of the bill at

I the session prir to the last a rather I strange cause, by the way when we recolj lect that the session was of about six months duration. The evidence of Gen. j Smith ought to be deemed conclusive, as

his speech appears to have been so deemed by the majority of the Senate, of whom he was one. Mr. Johnston, of Louisiana, in his speech say s, at the la-st sassion, a memorial praying the removal of J c discriminating duty, w as referred to the Committee ci C n meice, who made a report declining legislation, because it was a proper subject for negotiation. A bill for that purpose was, however, introduced, but w as not acted upon for want of "time." When the gentleman from Maryland applied to the Presi dent and Secretary of State, they both said it might be repealed: they made no objection; they did not dissuade him; they both told him there was no longer any difficulty in the adjustment of the affair with

! Great Britain; that the negotiations were

! about to be renewed. It was a mere

question, whether it wns better to give l hem this in advance, or hold it in our on hands 'until tb negotiation. But

I thev left turn entirely at liberty, and he so

' stated, in his speech of last year. j Thus it appears that it was not-tbe Ad-

i?) my od broken as to see him president

jl - where are his merits or talents? He is

a dang rous man. As for Adams, who does not love and respect him? The well taught politician, the diplomatist, the schol-

! ar, and the gentleman' This speaker

j -er mod a little knowing; he was called maj'ortoo, and I paid my best respects: 4'Your j honor, an please you, who m.?y be this Jack

son and Adams?" They are candidates for President." An please you what is the President?1 Why he is the chief ma gistra'e of the nation, has money, power, and fame at his disposal." At this alow, inquisitive square shouldred fellow demanded who I was for? kBy my soul, and if that is the truth, I am for myself, and who would nut be?" They all laughed at my folly for a smart joke, and gave me a dram.

and surely I did not refuse. But said the neat gentleman, "if you could make the President, who should he be?" I had ascertained that Jackson sprang from Irish parentage, so I clamored for him. Now, by my soul I was innocent, but the people in Massachusetts were so deranged and infatuated about the Presidency, and so devoted to Adams, that they despised and injured any man who was against him. They would not let me have another drop of spirits, but ordered me from the house and braoded me tory. "Blood and zounds cried I, 'what does this mean? Now hang me head and toe, if I know or care any thing about Jackson, Adams, or the Presidency, and to be thus buffeted and sent a drift, is provoking. But what comes next? Shall Mie on the cold ground and starve all night! As my fortune blessed me, I saw another house not far distant; so in I stepped. It was a private house, and the lady appeared kind and polite. Telling her I was for Adams, I begged to lodge there. 'Yes sir, you can stay, I soon fell heart, hand and tooth, to a savory meal which she prepared. 'By my soul,' said I madam, but you are the kindest lady the world ovcrand once for all I declare for, the

VOLUME III.

Americans, that they are hospitable and social they will break a man's head and take good care of him till it is mended, tear the skin from his shoulders, and yet give him money and food. This seems strange, but I vouch for its truth. 1 had not been long in the house before the square built citizen entered and looked at me coolly in the face 'Now by my s. ul, fellow traveller,' said I 'I am as little for Jackson as vou. Adams is mv man.' Is it so? then you are right; wife, let us have the spirits; the stranger is welcome. What! thought I, are the Americans so deranged, so warmly and vainly addicted to governing their social feelings and conduct by political views, that they hate or love, serve or injure, just as one coincides or differs. I will take advantage ol this national prejudice; I will forever be for Adams. Indeed I began to be so in good fr ith. They attributed to him every virtue. As for Jackson, he was represented as an arbitrary military chieftain. Every thing bore the name of Adams. There was the Adams hotel, the Adams printing ffice, the Adams committee. The women clamoured in his favour, and the boys fought for him. I could not travel a milo without meetingsome chubby faced child called John Adams. I had respected St. Patrick in my own country, but now, thought I, he is a shadow by the side of this Adams. I bought a piece of ribbon on which was stamped Adams, and stuck it in mv hat; and a f passed a grog-shop, would bellow, huzza for Adams and America. It was sure to get rne friend-, good fare, and a nighfs lodging. Ot wauls I travelled, ti e lord knows w hat states over until I reached Pennsylvania. Here I thought there was a change in feeling and w ft affairs. I had not gone far before I espied a grog shop 'huzza for Adams.' said I. 'Seiz - him, heat him.' 'Stop, stop,' en d I. How are you all? 'F r Jackson, to be sure he is the honest man, the b-ave soldier, the stern politician, the virtuous citizen, we owe him honor, power and wealth As for Adams, be is a political gambler, a knave; he cheated the people pposed their will, and so long as he is President, our liberty is flown.' Blood and zounds, but I am a Jackson man, replied I. 'I tore Adams from my hat, stuck general Jackson on, and new hallooed huzza for Jackson.' Ifa jolly foreigner accords with the feelings and prejudices of these Americans they love & cherish him. I had not a tarthing, but 1 lived plentifully on the cred it of my love for Jackson. If I called at a

house and said"cnn an old friend of Jack son stay all night?" the doors flew wide open, and I entered as free as the master of the castle. So long as I was for Jackson, I preserved my bones, conscience and comfort; but who can foresee his destiny ? I pursued my journey and at length entered the state of Kentucky. O i! land of trong drink, daggers, horses, grogsheps and candidates, would I had never seen vou! I came sound healthy and happy -I departed bruised, disordered and miserable. Somehow I had a sUange presage of danger the people looked furious, talked loud, rode fast, swore and disputed. This one called himself alligator, that steam boat, this sea serpent, that tiger. One would be called half horse, half alligator, and the other part snapping turtle. I had heard the Pennsy lvanians abusfc and dcnounceone Clay in connexion with Adams, so coming insight of a tavern, where 1 found a collection of men, horses, wagons, dogs and hogs, I joined the motley crew. The house was in uproar and commotion "Old court, new court, Desha, Beaut hamp, hemp, tobacco, Adams, Clay, Jackson," were heard at the same instai t. I quietly and peaceably laid my knnpsack in the corner, and wishing to insinuate myself into the favour of the people, I bel lowed out 'Huzsa for Jackson, damn Adams and Clay.' "Kill him, pluck out his eyes, bite off his nose," reverberated thro' the house. They lifted clubs, drew Spanish dirks, and in less than a minute I was bruised, mangled and helpless. They ran over me, threw my knapsack out at the door, and said I should be hung. "Spare me, spare me, fellow citizens, for I am a poor devil and will do as you please." "Will you vote for Adams, and Clay?" "Yes, yes, yes." 'Give him some grog, tie up his wounds, and ask his pardon." So soon as I could travel 1 started and hollowed "Huzza for Clay and Adams." But in this land of opposition and oncertuiaty, who can be always on the safe Side.

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