Public Leger, Volume 2, Number 74, Richmond, Wayne County, 27 August 1825 — Page 1
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-"friendly to the best pursuits op man,
FRIENDLY TO THOUGHT, TO FREEDOM, AND TO PEACE." GnrpfT.
IXVMUER 74.
RICHMOND, WAYNE COUNTY, INDIANA, SATURDAY, AUGUST 27, 1825.
LXL(;Jli .
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY EDMUND S. BUXTON, front rtrcet, opposite the Richmond Hotel. ' TnKFKICE OF THlsTAFER L0ti2 D)I.'ir and Fifty Cents for fifty -two numtors he 'u il4v;lncri Two Dollars if within the year, or Two Dollars and Fifty Ccat?, if Tiot P'u' before the expiration of the nr..):ivmeut in advance being to tl.e mutual j-iterest oi rboth parties, that mode is olicited. Vi ihcrn ti.ui taken for less than six month, and to pi;,er discontinued until all arrearages are i j . a i i! r ' 10 notify a discontinuance at the expiration i 'the tune subscribed for, will be considered 'v ei lament.
ilaVe al ail. CXlt'lt ill IhJ dl! llTilPl! linno-ii,. , oi tiltiSt ftllrln:itjd I miranl it hifl V
ations of those who make it. The first is jj another phrase to express an idea of exter
mination: for admitting the blacks might
the resolution of Mr. King, submitted to
the senate, and expressive of his opinion,
that, ajter the public debt is paid, the pro
be freed and retain their present location, without its being necessary that the whites
cecds of tiie sales of the public lards should i should destroy them, for the defence of
be appropriated to the emancipation ai d ', their own persons and property, which 1 ; removal of such slaves, as by the laws of!' do not believe is probable experience has the several states may be respectively a!- shewn us that their numbers will rapidly lowed and the second is, certain expres-j! decline, through their improvidence and sions imputed to Mr. Wirt, attorney gener-j want of knowledge, how to take care of al of the United States, and said to have themselves. As 1 have observed, on a not h-
been used by him in discussing a case be-; er occasion, Malthus never thought of such
TERMS OF ADVERTISING. v-'tppn linos fr three insertion One Doh
jir pnrh continuance Twenty-five tent. L.u;- r -i Irrrtisements in the same proportion.
1
From Nil'V Weekly Rejifrr. i-LlVi: THE CONSTITUTION !" Tni ''$ the heading of one of the edi-
. . ii. O i ii I
ton.ii e?avs in uie utuisTtR wnen in me j 'n (ii-ra'!e year 1814, I was encaged in j
i):rthe wickedness and weakness of
JPIl.ilU lIl.l'J fttfti'J sum i (ft titc lii.M
cmi'ulv" rrsolved 4to ruin or to rule it :sr.ML;M and little then did I suppose
t. a I hould resort to it again to direct the
) tf tion of the readers of this work tosim)!ir. but less reasonable or excusable, proVeetiir .:? of some politicians iti the south, with x'.n-n it has been my common practice to )h k aid art, on political subjects, for aly -i thirty years past: but that which was itro ')Z in the one cannot be right in the ).,.-. ii d the progress or safety of the
V 'ii!itio:i cannot anv more be submitted
v.t'2 uctious of the south than to those cl I rti-'i it r lealv understood that I am not
t' - 1 i4 alarmed bv the governor (f
i rail's vr to arms' or by the agita:s w'u'u !i .ire attempted in some other
?. for, ( s 1 believe), party political
fore the supreme court.
As to the first the project of emancipa-
a "check to population," and jet it is a
powerul one. 1 he bills ot mortality lor
tion and removaP is substantially as old!'ow iok Philadelphia, Baltimore, Sic
as the first term of Mr. Jefferson's adminis- j always shew an exct pioportionol deaths;
tration, and has three times been pressed j! aniciig the tree blacks, whether compared
! but it the injunction of
a;hington , and the duty of every good
;r ; .tt frown indignantly on the kirst c? a ir f ?very attempt to alieniale ar.y it n of our c)Uirtry frt m the rest, or en Mo the sirred ties winch now link to1 A 1
hii-T t .o v; irnus farts. ynd, as previ. i; r.i, i il iavs bi tter than cure," it is i :',c t meet such things at their bey ' i' l. th.'it if possibh'. they may be stilled i! ir hirtli which is not a difficult mat-
r to J,i, I hould presume, in the present
t v re; hcciuo it cannot be supposed ; t .e r- oi;le of the south arc les attacl -
J u tii- u.)ion than those of ar y other rt i f the republic, or more williiig that lc ii ( tin,a' lc bleing which they dele fY',-m it r houbl even be fjuestionf d, heV M rt;in indiv iduals arc not in r.ftice,or 'i.v 't direct tl.e alfiii of the general govn. t ju-t a ihc plea-e ! C o.i.rriLi . t" was ti e great stalkit g Jr.- it. ti p -,;t, that political power might V 'it f n.. har ds of those who then held ntt.d rcw il i ff?rrr? or no sfaicrv" to li!.m;agc of gov. Troup and oth1 -it to be the rallying word in the F-'S- It U t o more intended to diMurb
Mtt !.;,rt
it was to destroy the former
(jrv bodv disavows a riLTht in
I z 'Urs.ir.e! t, and there is no dipoysU in the people, to interfere with I "-Live -jUf.t ion, "as it now stand unless .I'K1 w;y of friendly suggestior; and disind iulvirt" and et this black subject x rr.ar h ri to au-e an agitation, which, heritors beyond fulminatiig words, M r or,ly to .the swift destruction of the ppcrate authors of it. (may, hereafter. examine, the pretences iw itb thi. r bimor is attcrnpied to be ''d and endeavor to point out the object '' j'Uat pre sent, prefer the demonstrafhvofirt 1st, that the people ofthe . l tf., cannot he jeabms of the
, . - i I ------- - - - -
"dfilf;' with them, for the acquisition
'" Hal power, because they have all
i ' lilOV l!rl lrwlt- ir rrficf rrc-
:t'dhoutanv effort : and 2ndlv.shcw
IX-
"'c tui unnuostionable pecuxiauy
(E"T of the former that the latter shall Mill as they are. If these are estaldish-
'a:illhat tliey will be I have no man01 drubt, wo shall be at a loss to find 'Y other motive to operate on the pl5 of free states" and justify the susP'ofwhatisso broadlv and foojshly,if
i, M-t lorui, dv pojuicai
.a uie SOUIII. to Oistorn ttir raih.
1
;on the consideration ofthe general government by the legislature of Virginia! and ; its principle is the same as that on which the American Colonization society is now acting!! and this society is a great favorite with many of the cnief slave-holders in the United States!!! And, as to expending the public money for such purposes, it
is now really done in the protection alforded by the navy to the colony at Liberia. This has never been objected to, but, I bejlieve, universally approved of. The a- ; mount of the costs or of the services ren
dered to the colonists, does not affect the!
principle. If the arm of the United States can be rightfully extended one inch, or a 1 cent ofthe public money he expended, for , the protection and support of this colony , j the whole military force ofthe nation, and all its surplus funds, mav he devoted to a j similar object, under the direction of conI gress. Dut congress has no right to intei- ! fere with property in slaves; and the men that would ceriouslv think of it, ought to I be ranked in the same class of agitators jthat I am reproving, except that the mo-
tivc might be more praise-worthy .t And
if it objected, that Mr. King believes the public funds may be rightfully used to pur chase, emancipate and remove the slave-, u rely the "free states,' which have a muc h deeper intercut ii those funds ll.un tlo"slave stale's," (on account of their superior population and excess of contributions to the public purse),ought to be the first to complain of it and especially so, when, I shall shew it to be the pecuniary interest of the people of the "free states"' that slavery should exist in the south as at present it
; does. 1 am not myself lavoranie 10 iur. j King's project on several accounts but it j will be time enough to consider it when ; the public debt is paid oil", and We are at
a loss to know what to do with our money! As to the second, it is most clearly shewn that Mr. Wirt hot only did not use the words imputed to him; but he expressly declared, that as to the case before the court, he had no instruction from the government whatever! Not being of those who have abused the people of the south, on account of their -laves, or one ofthe few that wildly have talked of a general emancipation, as prop-
1 er to be brought suddenly about, I hope
that they, for w hom I feel most interested, will patiently read and carefully consider the momcntuous facts which I shall respectively submit to them; being conscious that 1 have not intended, in the least, to misrepresent or distort any thing connected with the matters under examination; nor, on a cautious review of the subject, do I see a ny reason to believe that I am mistaken.
I It is perfectly known to every reader of the j Register, that I am entirely opposed to j slavery and the slave system, whether of j white men,under the ordinances of the ulo!ly alliance,' orof black men,by virtueof the j laws of England, Fiance and many other ! European nations, and those ofthe United
States yet, that I have never agitated or disturbed "the question" as it now rests. On the contrary to the best of my abilities, I have vindicated and defended this class ot my fellow-citizens, against the unprincipled attacks ofthe British writers,whose ancestors it was thatyorfcrf this curse on their southern colonies in America, which, it is the glory of Virginia, that she resisted before the revolution. And as to a general or sudden emancipation, in the present condition ofthe slaves, without the removal
rr
1 fy m'y he well, however, just to mention Prt-tences on vvLirh thU rlnmnr is
if foundation it can bu said to
That is f to the aid of the general government, in removing the emancipated. fThe effect on the welfare of the people of this union is the same, whether the inscription, the Porni the boundary the negro states to thems Ives," be again pet up by 11 mad-fool and traitor in the ast or some other like madman and traitor in the' eolith, were now to rry out, the Potomac the boundary the commercial and manufacturing elates by themselves.
with the amount of the white populatioi
in these cities, or the few slaves that may be in them, or such as arc located elsewhere. Those matters, however, do not come up for discussion at this time, and 1 only refer to them to express my opinion, that any scheme for a general emancipation which does not, also, take in a project for colonization, or at least of removal, is hostile to the safety ofthe free population, a d must needs abridge the duration cf the lives of those on whom it is intended to confer a benefit. It is possible, that "a man had better be dead than alive," but the surest and best proof of comfortable living is the duration of life; and comfort depends as much on particular construction ofthe mind as in pcsonal convenience the value of the last is more determined by the action ofthe mind than by the en-
I joy ment ofthe body.
Population of what are called the ,free tate8," in 17!0 to wit, Massachusetts, (including Maine,) New-Hampshire, Rhode-Ishtiid, Connecticut, Vermont, New-York, New-Jersey, Pemi?vlvania and Mc law-are, 2,027,W3 Deduct for the slaves then in these states, 49,54 Free inhabitants in I7f0, 1,977,904 P pulation ofthe fame ftatei in 1820, with that of the new Mree states" of Ohio, In
diana, Illinois, Maine and the territory
of Michigan,
5,225,107
Wht.le rrobable population ofthe 4free
ftt.v in 10-, 7.250,000
"Federal number" for le tinj reprcsenta--
tivea toconcrep, after .8:i0,
the same
Population of the "!ave holding tnte" in 1790 1 wit, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, 1,893,078 Deduct slaves, o48,437
Free population in 1790, 1,244,641 Population of the same states in 1820, with that of the new "slave holding states" of Louisiana. Mississippi, Alabama, Missouri, and the territory of Arkansas, 4v3f7,588 Deduct slaves, 1,528,452
Free population in 1820, 2,839, l3o Whole probable population f the tlslave holding states" in 1830, 5,500,000 Of whom almost two millions will be slaves ! "Federal number" for electing representatives to congress after 1830, 4,700,000 Gros? excess of population in the "free states," in 1790, only 134,170 The same, in 1820, 857,519 The same, (probable,) in 1830, 1,750,000 Kxcess of free population in the "free states," in 1790, 733,353 The same, in 1820, 2,:88,000 The same, (probable.) ir 1830 about 3,000,000 Majority of "federal i.umbcrs" in the "free state?," in 1790, 375,000 The same, in 1820, 2,470,000 The same, ( probable,) in 1830, 2,500,000
Now let us look at the progress of the
power of representation, in those different
classes of states: Bv the Whole From the From Majority
ceiisus of No. in free states, the slave in favor of
holding the free
congress.
1790 1800 1810 1820 UUOt
105 142 I8G 212 225
52 78 106 123 136
states. 47 64 80 89 89
slates. 5 14 26 34 45
As to the power of the states in the seiintcrTheWree states" are Maine, NewHampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New-York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, 13 shewing a present
majority of two states. Michigan will.
probably, be added before 1UJU, to trns The "probable population" ns taken from wme calculations made in this paper see vol. XXII, pnge34l : and considerable faith is placed in their nearness to what the result ofthe census will shew as the amount and location ofthe people ofthe U. States in 1830, from the success that attended similar calculation-, prospectively made, as to the population in 1820. If any thing unexpected has happened since these facts were presumed, (July, 1822,) it is decidedly in favor of a greater augmentation of persons in the "free state?" because in them it i, that nil, or nearly all, the great internal improvements are making, new manufactories establishes, &c. which, it is need less to say, mightily increase a people, by furnishing the means of their subsistence, which encourages marriage, and does away the fear of having families to support. iThe ratio being fixed a 1.50,000. Seo Weekly Jleistcr, vol. XXII, page 31 1 , kc.
class cf states, and Arkansas or Florida may be so to the other. After these, no? additions can be made to the "slave states but several nevr "free states," fronting on both banks ofthe Mississippi, north of Illinois and Missouri, may be expected to ri:o up in a few years. It is not woith while, however, to loo!x forward beyond 1830 fortheufree states" will then have a positive majority in tho house of representatives of the U. States, equal to one halfbf the whole force ofthe 'slave-holding states" in that body. What greater degree of political power can be asked than this when backed by such 1 superiority of physical strength, if itC : be thought proper to disturb the slave quc tion, or determine any other matter by considerations growing out of real or supposed oppositions of interest between the two classes of states? It is idlenay, it is wicked, to encourage the idea that the4 free, states" are jealous of the political power of the "slave states." They may have been, but cannot now be; Yet there ate other and very important matters to be seriously considered, as having direct relation to the imposing facts above presented to s.hcw the march of political, as well as of moral and physical power, if either shall ever be brought to bear upon the 'slave question," which Heaven forbid ! except in the way of friend ly counsel and generous assistance, if the first be decided acceptable or the second is required. Missouri, Kentucky and Maryland cannot long have a deep interest in slaves as property, and, in general, they are unprofitable in these states, as they must necessarily be in any section of our c untry that is manufacturing, commercial or grain-growing; for slavery is directly opposed to the common prosperity of a people engaged in either of those pursuits. This is easily demonstrated by the ii'ls fact, that free labor can be hired,in the "tree states," by the year, for the interest ofthe money vested in slaves, (at the high prices whic h they have brought for cultivation of cotton and sui;ar), and the cost of clothing and taking en're of them! And if to this plain matter of fact, we i'dd the "tear and wear' of slaves, tbe losses in them by diseases and death, end the subsistence of those necessary to keep up the stock and wlio are not fitted for the field, we shall easily arrive at the conclusion, that any given quantity of labor, suited to the constitution and habits ofthe free whites, can be performed at a less expense by them than by slavesand besides, when a farmer does not want his free laborers, he may discharge them; but the slaves must be kept and maintained all the year round. These remarks are applicable to cxery business in which the white man labors for himself, either on his own farm or in his own manufactory or work-shop; and it is presumed that no one will venture to question the force of the proposition, because it is nakedly and plainly an absolute truth. If, therefore, the four great interests of our country, the farming, the planting, the manufacturing, and the commercial all prosper, slave labor will be perpetually pressing into Mr second and excluding from the other three, as surely as men shall pursue that which is most profitable to them. What irresistable proof of this momentous fact do we need? Look at the world! the freest nations arc the most prosperous and po7icrful; they always have been so. Place Greece against Asia in old times, & Great Britain against Russia in the present day! What were, or are, herds of dronish slaves compared with bee-like communities of freemen ? And, for a more familiar example, what is the production of enslaved Ireland, compared with the freer mistress kingdom, England? Yet the Irish are not less industrious nor les3 capable of labor than the English but they want those stimulants to industry which the hope of bettering one's condition so abundantly supplies. The slave is only a laboring machine, not to be moved by a zeal to excel, for to excel will i.ot benefit him any thing. 'Tis sufficient that he does his day's Work, and has no thought for the morrow. He has no hope. His opinion is settled that he will always be a slave to be continued.
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