Public Leger, Volume 1, Number 31, Richmond, Wayne County, 9 October 1824 — Page 1

fci FRIENDLY TO THE BEST PURSUITS OF MAN, FRIENDLY TO THOUGHT, TO FREEDOM, AND TO PEACE." Couper.

XUMBER 31.

RICHMOND, WAYNE COUNTY, INDIANA, SATURDAY, OCTOBER P, 1824.

VOLUME .

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From the Columbus Ohio Monitor. PRESIDENCY NO. VI. A negative qualification, of our candidate for the office of president, is that he be opposed to the slave holding policy. Our application of this qualification to persons, caa be done bv a simnie sentence. Among the candidates, Mr. Adams alone possesses it. We assert this fearlessly, and h -Id his calumniators in defiance. Let them prove by one act, or declaration of his, that he has ever given the least countenance to the principle of holding the Africa 'is in slavery. To describe the essence and character of slavery, vas not a part of our original design; but the importance of the theme willjustifv a short digression. It impresses us too strong! v to pass it bv. We feel the more impelled to this exposition, because of theapathy of manv citizens who as much oppose the principle, and abhor the practice, as ourselves ; who nevertheless content themselves with the indolent retlorhnn tint if in Iml r-n-m,l i lntv

A fc4VH Ik uu Lf llOMll I LIN . VJ IIV. .r , that those, who are mot deeply involved in the sin, will be its greatest sufferers; that slave holders themselves, ought to be the first to repent and reform. Such conclusions are anti-Chritian, anti-philan-tnropic and f.tlse. "Judgement must befind the how;e of God.'1 A general reformation in religion does, and must bcgiain the church, and spread thence among unbelievers. An imnulse to em ancipation must begin in the free states. Restriction to its extension and preference to the man whose hands are clear from it, must commence there. After we have touched on the vice of si ivf holding, with the-slight tinge we shall give it.if the people do not think it matter of sulhcent importance, to spend a thought, nor give a vote ia relation to it, we shall have the approbation of our conciences for our solace. Slavery of the Africans, presents a scene cf cruelty more appalling than ever disgraced the most barbarous aces. In a small measure mitigated, to be sure, at present, by preventing importation; but view it as prior to 1G03. "The dealer ia flesh and blood, and souls of men,'' thrust his ship into some place on the con-t of Guinea; seized the unsuspecting African, and thrust him into the hold of his ship. The negroes thus taken, are crowded together sometimes without room to li,or sit down; not unfrequentlv 200 out of a cargo of 500, die; thus murdered by degree. When arrived in, a port of the land of the free, they are exposed to sale. Sometimes whole families and neighbours are brought away together; and while thus traversing the trackless ocean, enjoj comparatively happy imprisonment. Lrp strps a purchaser; forsooth, a stripling, a pampered son, whose delicatchands have been no further polluted by labor, than by Quiring the skill of applying the whip dexterously to "his slaves." He purchase s perchance a female, who is enjoying a Melancholy solace with her parents, her brothers, sisters, husband and child rcn,from whose embrace, she is dragged with the greatest force and v iolence. Her shrieks are unavailing. Their united prayers that toe rrny be companions in slavery, are disregarded. The freemen bear her away ; drowning bcr cries by applying to her nearly naked back, the smacking of his w hip, -h r companions in blood, stand agbast,peti iii -rl with horror, and submit to their own m almost with ins-.'Msibility. Their in is ccimne.nci.d. They have an un-i-idirg earnest of their fate. All the ttseries that life can support is most fre'i'fiiitly their lo. In South Carolina, the warder of a slave is punished with a smal-l-r e,than is often assessed for killing a

to mother Britain. But did Britain impose

it on Kentucky, lennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and Missouri ; all which have derived their state existence since Great Britain acknowledged us free and independent? It is said that four out of five of our Presidents have been slave holders, and that they have been our best Presidents. Granted. They have had many excellent qualities for Presidents. But the very fact that we have had slave holding Presidents 32 years out of 36, is a sufficient reason why nothing efficient has been done, to abolish slavery; while the people have acquiesced and apparently prefered slave holders for Presidents, it well accounts why that 7 new slave holding states have been formed out of the eleven; it well accounts that the President issued his proclamation declaring the constitution of Missouri accepted on the "fundamental condition," when the Legislature, at the same time they assented to that "fundamental condition," said it was not binding on them; but was inoperative and void. One word on the impolicy as well as inhumanity of extending slavery, or continuing it, as at present, and by way of an-

j swer to those who think that the non-slave

holding states will not suffer, when the insurrection of the blacks shall spread desolation over the southern 6tates. We shall participate, by our constitution.

Turkey Buzzard w Wile for teaching a ne

gro slave to read or write, a person is publicly whipped at the whipping post. Some of the slave dealers have indeed boasted, in rny hearing, that "they did not seize, but only bought captive negroes." Miserable excuse. The same auri fames sacri, that would influence men, denominated christians, to go 5000 miles to purchase negroes, might quite naturally inspire the clannish tribes to fight and" capture each other. Some have attempted to shew that they violated no natural sympathy, because some Africans have even sold their own children. So have some Kentucky slave holders sold their own illegitemate mullato children, in the N. Orleans market. The former case no more proves the total want of sympathy in Africa, than the latter does in Kentucky. With a quotation from Mr. Jefferson, which people will do well to observe, and which shows that slave holding measurably disqualifies a man from the governmentof a state, as well as family, we will quitthe picture. Mr. Jefferson most forcibly paints the

i unhappy influence on the manners of the

people, produced by the existence of slavery among us. "The whole commerce between master and slave, says he, is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous pnssions,themost unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the othr. Our.children see this and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative aninrd. Tins quality is the germ of education in him. From his cradle to his gravv e i learning what he sees others do. If a pa

rent had no other motive either in his own jj Thursday the 16th Sept. 1824, acjeeab philanthropy or his self love, for restrain- H V'" f' fur ho purpoeof rmin- an ele. I . . J r . . ;i -t in favor of Andrew Jackson, for Presi

ing ine intemperance oi passion lowarnhi slave, it should always be a sufiieient one, that his child is present. The pa re a I storms, the child looks on,eatches the linea

ments of wrath; puts on the same airs iry the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose to his worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with whart execrations would the statesman be loadei, who permitting one-h?.lf the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms them into despots, and these into enemies; destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patriae of the other. For if a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labor for another in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his individual endeavors to the evanirdimcnt of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry also, is destroyed. For in a warm climate, no man will labor for himself that can make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves, a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labor. And can the liberties of a nation be ever thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people, that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated

but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever that considering numbers, nature and natural

means onlv, a revolution of the wheel of

fortune, an exchange or situation is among possible events; that it may become probable by supernatural interferenc! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest. But it is impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history, natural and civil. ' Wc must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, :incc the origin of the present revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave rising, from the dust; his condition mollifying; the waj, I hope, preparing, under the auspices of Heaven for a total emancipation, and that j

this is disposed in the order el events, to He with the consent of their matters, rather than by their extirpation." Some who admit to the fullest extent ihc injustice and impolicy of slavery, attempt to evade the obligation of freeing ourselves by saving that it was imposed on

us:

That we are indebted for the cune,

INDIANA JACKSON CONVENTION. Hit convention of Delegates from the counties of Faette, Gi!son, Orange. Jefferson, Clark, Law-

It rence, snelby, Switzerland, 11 mess, Knox; Ripley,

ncrton. Jrtmins"? and Monroe, at Salem, on

ible to public

ectoral tick-

sident of the

J. . rsarr.nel .Milroy of W rishinton, was appointed ebairm in, nnl Jacob Call secretary; when it was un-ni;:u;:ifely agreed to support the following ele tnr;il tukct: " Sannu 1 !ilrov, of Washington ; David Robb, of

(lib-o'i; Kliijg MW'amee, of Knox ; John Carr, of '"I irk; Jonathan M'Carty, of Fayette county. And ahu. Resolved, Tht Samuel Jndah, Eq Dr. Israel

T. Canbv and Henry S. Handy, EEq. of Jeffersnn, Samuel f'arr of Clark, and Wm. Ke!ey of LawrfiiT, he appointed to prepare and publish an ad-dre'-t to iho people of Indiana, on the approaching

f-Iertion. Which addreae 2.2 reported and adopted,

II s follows: Fellow Crrr" VmoC7 difitincuisheT individuals who;r

preten-ions to tJie highest office, the republican? of

America car hstow, have been presented to you, no one ha? been supported more warmly as having the strongest claims upon your judgment, your patriotism and your repunlicanism, and no one bas been opposed mere violently as bein? destitute of iill the qualification' of a statesman and dangerous to your civil rights than Andrew Jackson. In our estimation, a life devoted to the service of hi country, proves the patriotism of Gen. Jackson. In early youth with the soldiers of the revolution,

he fought and Up bled in his country's cause. In the strength of manhood the detined master spirit of the southern war, at the head of the yeomanry of the west, be met the veterans of Wellington, accustomed to danger, blood and to victorpin the ensanguined plain of the Peninsula, and at their hands redeemed his country's honor. In every nation man occasionally appears, fitted by nature to strive with equal lustre in the battle field, and in the Senate chamber. In every age we have had mn endowed with a univeisity of genius, a combination of talent, capacitating them to uphold their country's honor amid the storms ofwar,or to preside in the consultation of statesmen and to guide their fellow men in the paths of peace to happiness and prosperity. Our country ha3 produced many minds of this exalted greatness ; we will only name Washington, Hamilton, Monroe and Jackson. The history of Andrew Jackson presents every pledge deeds can give of his ability for all his country can require of him. His knowledge of war, his acquaintance with human nature, is evinced

most clearly in the exactness with which he has ever applied the proper means of execution to the end to be achieved. His greatnessof intellects his clearness of discrimination and accuracy of judg

ment, is proved by the correctness with which he has ever distinguished the possible in achievements

from the impossible. & by the uniform success which has attended every undertaking His conception is always bold, but ever correct. His execution is cool and prudent but ever attended by an energy constant in the pursuit, determined in the action, and consequently successful in the result. The continued tenor of his life, his conduct as a man, a oi t i-

zn, a statesman and a soldier, demonstrate his pa

triotic devotion to his country, and to republican-

ism. in an nis vanen pursnus, ai ine oar, upon lite bench, in the councils of the nation, ami at the head

of the armies of his country, the plaudits of his countrymen, the respect of the wise and the esteem of the good, have ever attended Andrew Jackson. His political principles undoubted, his integrity without a stain and above suspicion, his greatness of intellect .roved by the ever successful result of all his enterprises, we confide in him, and we deem him most worthy the Presidency of the nation. Bat although the life of Andrew Jackson evinces the highest intellectual endowments, undoubted republicanism, spotIes integrity, and the brightest

honor; yet he is unlearned in the wnys of political intrit'iif , and he 'Irnietj th light and he rebels the authority cf c'riTcs.Mnul cauous, and it h protended he h mt, he c anri'it be a ctateirnnn Btdieve you t!,ie, frilow-ojtizons? Have you forgotten thus soon your Washington, and your hosts of revolutionary worthies, who conducted your falters thro' the dangers and the difficulties of a seven year? war, taught them to exchange the sword for the ploimhshare,nnd then blessed them with that glorious frame of civil government, our constitutions. The hardships, the adversities and vicisitmlci of the revolu

tion invigorated and chasteued the minds of your fathers and of their leaders. Th lov. nf ;.if ir in

spired their hearts, and the spirit of freedom fired their souls. Washington and his compatriots firt acquired fame as soldiers. First exhibited their capacity, evinced their zeal, and proved their integrity as 6oldiers. Convinced of their capacity, their zeal and their integrity as soldiers, your fathers confided in them as statesmen. Were they disappointed ? To those soldiers, to those statesmen, you ura indebted for your liberty, your prosperity and your happiness. Nevertheless, then as now, much stress was placed on the necessity of experience, to make the safe statesman, and much importance was attached to the dangers to be apprehended by republics, from military influence. Tour fathers trusted to the capacity and the intelligence, the patriotism.

me integrity and the love of freedom, which the deeds of a seven years war had developed and tested, in preference to the boasted acquireoients of tho closet. They were not disappointed. Nor wili you in putting your trust in Andrew Jackson, in the hero of two wars, in the saviour of New Orleans, in hira who retrieved his country's honor at the hands of the laureled veterans of his country's enemy, will not, cannot be disappointed. The ghots of Agacothles and of Philip of Macedon, of Caesar and of the victim of St. Helena, are summoned from the shades, to deter you from the elevation of General Jacksontothe Presidency, to deter you from th course pointed out not only by the judgment of your own unsophisticated minds, but by the honest dictates of your uncorrupted hearts. It is true that ia many instances, military power has been the immediate means by which the downfall of republics has been effected. But although military power may hare been the means, private vice and public corruption has ever been the cause. The history of philosophy, the legislation of Slon arid the genius of her sons, have immortalized Athens. The time v. as when the spirit of Minerva inspired her councils. Neptune bowed his trident hefore hei, and the commerce of the world poured the wealth of nations at her feet. But corruption sealed the destiny of the Athenians. Pericles had expended the spoils of the public treasury in bribing his fellow-citizens, virtue had ceased to exist at Athens, the brightness of her glory w as stained, venality pervaded every department of the state, and every class of ment the meretricious charms of wealth had inspired every bosom, and luxury had enfeebled every mind before Philip triumphed at Choeronea. When the foundation of Rome's greatness was laid, the seeds of her destruction were planted. Spurning at philosophy commerce and the arts, war was the profession, plunder was the pursuit of every Roman. While we view w ith. astonishment, the perseverance of the republic, in moulding the manners and tho opinions of her sons to this system, every enlightened or liberal mind can feel ordy disgust at her improvident domestic policy. When the plunder of the world had flittered in the triumphs of her chiefs, when her Senate adjudicated the fate of kings, when the destiny of nations awaittd

her nod, the people of Rome had become a nation of beggars, destitute of morality arid intelligence, property and industry. Not the ambition of Caesar, but the general practice of every vice, which could corrupt the heart, vitiate the mind, or enfeeble the body of man. produced the destruction of Roman liberty. If the Romans had been capable of liberty, if a spark of the magnanimity of their ancestors had remained, if public virtue had not uc2.': p" tinguished by the flow of every vice which could dishonor the magistrate or disgrace the citizen,Csesar woulcrhave mettiie fate ofCataline. When virtue had lost its influence, when honor had ceased to attract, when patriotism had become the cloak of knavery and disguise of selfishness, despotism became the only refuge from universal anarchy. Nature gifted Caesar with talents: chance excited his ambition, his

army demoralised by the plunder of Spain and of Gaul, afforded the instrument and the vice of the times bestowed on him the mastery of the world. Despotism was the uthanasia of Roman liberty. These fellow-citizens, these are the sort ofexamples produced from history to deter you from the course dictated by every sentiment that can ennoble the mind or dignify the heart of man. These were the sort of examples produced to deter your fathers from the elevation of Washingt to the Presidency. B it they denied L inalogy. Do you admit it? Do you in the ' infancy of your national existence, confess yourselves so demoralised by public corruption, so vitiated by private vices, that virtue and goodness, the love of liberty and of your country's glory is extinct

among you, that moral excellence has Mst

its attractions for you; that honor has ceas

ed to influence you, and that patriotism has become only a name to disguise your debasement. Can this be? If it is then despotism is your only refuge, from yourselves, and speedily must environ you. Dut if as your glorious fathers, you stand see last pace.

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