Public Leger, Volume 1, Number 9, Richmond, Wayne County, 8 May 1824 — Page 1

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" FRIENDLY TO THE BEST PURSUITS OF MAN, FRIENDLY TO THOUGHT, TO FREEDOM, AND TO PEACE." Covper.

XUMBER 9.

RICHMOND, WAYNE COUNTY, INDIANA, SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1824,

VOLUME .

fFRIXTED AND PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY f EDMUND S. BUXTON, fr the Uirhmnnd Hotel.

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From iUt Ger.iu of Universal Emancipation. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. The elation of executive officers is a subject in which the people of the United Suites must always fee la deep and lively ir.terest. An important influence will ever centre in the cabinet, w hich cannot fail to extend in every direction, even to the remotest bounds of the Republic. It may, i'vKd. be traced, by the discriminating eye of observation, through all the ramifications of government; and well may w e tremble for the fate of our country, if the people become careless and inattentive to niatters so momentous both to themselves and their po-teritv. Nothing can ever

t have a in re deleterious effect upon the ; w elfare and prosperity of a free state, than ignorance, superstition and inactivity, a- ; mong its citizens. It mav safely be said, that O-ar had never "passed the Rubii con." as the enemy of Rome, if corruption and iistle s ap.athy had net enervated and enfeebled tbe rex puii of that Common- ' wealth. We must, therefore, consider it as a matter of course, that a great decree of anxiety w ill be manifested anions the people in tiie di tie rent parts of this Union. ' upon the eve of a presidential election. This is one of the most important oth es in i their gift; and that the person selected to - fill it, may have the disposition, and be fulj ly competent, to a faithful discharge of the 1 various duties that will devolve upon him, is certainly a desideratum. It must, upon I eerv occasion, or whenever it mav occur.

be with them a question of the greatest magnitude. In one of my late Numbers, I briefly stated that it was my intention to throw out a ts.w hints, relative to certain particular tj'i'dificatiojiS of candidates fur the chief

I n Piracy (,f this Republic; and that I -,:J endeavour to shew to my fellow cit-

5Z n the impn priety of advancing any

p- i -o.'! to that exalted station who may be i ! the least decree favourable to the extension or perpetuation of slaverv, in any part '! our r niir.try. Since then, I have received a letter upon the subject, from a gentlon.an waVm I -steem vcrv highlv. asau hon-

e-t. int. liiLnt, and virtuous man, though 1 1 on -urrv to say that our opinions widely Ivan m thi particularcase. Mv friend did jnot authorise me to notice his "sentiments ln :i VnhUv way, hut I cannot fbr a moment .tdoubt that he ill excuse tin libertv I have taken. nj(.ri lf, r(Jflcrts on lne pU,iir im portanee o tie question before us his ;fi''ie shall not he known, as connected j, tlu, subject, without his permission. J alter making some excellent remarks, ci a general nature, he observes as follows: j " our feelingsof benevolence, I have no

viuu hate caused us to entertain a differ

ence of opinio;! on the great question, ! r mr(" t!,an an tiicr, now agitates he feelings, and calls forth the reflection li peojde of t,U nation. Rut permit n-'to say, that I do not think slavery has ": connexion with this great political subJf t; so far from it, that a distinction hewt',:f tIl,; "tTeits of slave holding and jiwi-lavc holding states should be carefulavoided. I View slavery as an evil, delnousunueirecte; one that has been -trouueed bv lhc avaric5 of man ns a '"U;v lo thi country; hut as is was no thing at the institution of our m.vcrn--f ent, and as experience has shown that -'ihvidual cxerii;Ils ,Crve more to reve it than public legation, I am of the that it should not nw have anv -nig to do with the nolitir ,rr

i aboiisli the tralhe in slaves U m

!lf' P'wer el the government, which has " ti-'ettiailv done; hutrvc-n ir, ll.U tl,r

r,,Ment could (lo nolliing more than ' i.ai reccmmeiid. Reii:- ohy an ( .

ecu live otiiccr he could not say to any man, unbind the fetters of your oppressed and enslaved fellow, and let him be free. Viewing things, therefore, in this light, I think it proper to support that man whose elevation would be productive of the greatest good to us as a natioti" I will now give a few of my sentiments on the interesting subject before us, and the objections, above stated, will be answered in the course of my remarks. The qtiestion of the abolition of personal slavery, in America, yields to none in importance. It is intimately connected with the internal policy, the welfare, and even the existence of our Republic. There is not a more complete and perfect system of tyranny upon earth, than that which is yet tolerated in some of the states of the Union. It is exercised and upheld by individuals, it is true, but it loses nothing of its odious peculiarity on that account. We cannot form an idea of a" better school for training of despots than this ailords. Many an infant Marius, Nero, Caligula and Bonaparte are now looking up among us; and nothing w ill prevent them from acting over the tragedies in which those celebrated monsters took so conspicuous a part, save the timely interference of the people at large. It is in vain that w e hope for honesty among the sons of ambition. It is in vain that we search for virtue in a tyrant's bosom. We must have such regulations in the several departments of our government as w ill tend to discourage the undue exercise of authority in any case whatever. Then, and not till then, may we expect that bounds will be set to the restless and insatiable spirit of usurpation, whose rapid strides are now visible, even to the weakest optics. The power vested in the President of the U. S. is very threat, and his influence may

be considered as co-extensive therewith. True, he can only recommend the adoption of measures w hich may a-uine the f rm, and have the elfect of law ; but it is his duty thus to call the attention of the legislators of the tuition to subjects which he may consider of sudicient importance lo act upit 'nd this circumstance implies a necessity, on then p. nt, tu take particular notice of whatever he may sugct. Should he propo-e the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, to the members of Congress, for instance, they could not reject it without a consideration. It must he referred to a committee, and that committee must report on it. This would afford the friends of the measure in that body, an opportunity to display their talents in advocating it, and the people would thus he able to ascertain w ho am oni: them w ere deserving oi their confidence. Not so, if the subject w ere introduced by a member of either house of Congress. It might, in that case, be dismissed, laid on the table, or even kicked under it. And, further, the president has the appointment of many officers in the various departments of the government; and here he would have it in his power to discourage the practice of slavery iti an eminent degree. Instead of placing such in the custom houses, in certain parts of the Union, as connive at the smuggling of slaves into the country from ahroad,t he would endeavour to fill those olhccs with persons who would use their exertions to detect the murderers of human libertv, and bring them to justice. Rut his influence would not end here. His example would be very powerful. Instead of being surrounded with miserable, ragged, fdthy domestics, hut one remove from the beasts of the field, his attendants, or his hired servants, would have the appearance of rationality, and would rank with free men. Gentlemen from every section of the country who might visit the seat of guwrnmont, would profit from the wisdom of wholesome regulations in this respect, and the c fleet could not fail to be both powerful and salutary. It is not probable that the system of slavery would nave been extinguished in our sister republic of Colombia, perhaps for centuries to come, had it not been "recommended"

.1 ;

'I his v. :" the fate of a petition -for the nl.olition nfl,iiry in T niii'si rt which wa pre-f nteil to the It ci-hiturr ly n im n.b. r, a few y ur (iice, t A c-tilleiiaii who n-Htic Hear thi place, informed me a schorl time a to, that he tooV passage in a vi 1 at N. Orleans tor I'.urtii e in the year lT.I; and that otfthe Ualize a large vlavr nhip had t veral n.alh r vi els employ cd in latxlin? its erago of human plunder. They "appisan d to i nt rtainery little appr hi-riMon ofdetertion by the officer of govt mm nt ftationcd in that quarter. Their can he ex t!t ubt that the vate of human life by the cow'kin, n.rv.ition, aiid exposure of ilitft rent kinds, in Lo iiMana, is a regulaily kupulicd by importation

as vcr it win.

by the president of that government; and it wag by the same means, that it was also abolished in Chili. It may safely be asserted that, had a Simon Bolivar presided in the executive branch of our government, 20 years ago, we should not hear the pitiful question asked by our citizens at this time, "What shall we do with the slazes among us?" That true patriot and friend of his country first set an example,

and then 44 recommended" the practice of

consistent republicanism: and it was at

tended to. To me it appears that tbe right

or the duty, of recommending, in this case,

implies a necessity, as I have said before,

ot acting, to a certain extent; and I have shewn that it is to be viewed as highly important in its hearings, of course, it be

comes our duty to place such persons in

tiie chair of state as will be likely to re

commend the adoption of measures that may secure the permanence of our republic and happiness of the people of every

class.

The question is not a sectional one. If

a person could he found in a slaveholding state who would make a firm stand against the system of individual oppression, he

would be as likely to receive the support

ot the advocates of such a measure as any

other; and, indeed, his influence would

undoubtedly be greater, as relates to that

particular subject, than that of an officer

selected irom any other quarter. I have

no desire that the proposition to abolish

the system of slavery shall ever assume' a sectional character, unless it come from a

section where that system be tolerated: but, on the contrary, I have ever maintain

ed that it is a matter of national concern-

that the states of this Union, in which it

j has been abolished, are in duty bound to

assist in effecting- its extinguishment, as

well as the others, seeing it was introduc ed by the folly or the cupidity of our an

cestors, in general those to the north and

the south having equally participated in

the nelanous business.

fn my v iew, the subject of Universal Emaneipation is a political one, in the most

cmphatical sense of the word; and as I

i..io heretofore shewn, It Is exceedingly

important. Why then, hall we not bring it to bear upon the question of an election

of chief magistrate, as well as any other? It was thought, some years since,that a candidate for the Presidency favoured the legal supremacy of a certain religions sect. This was sutlicient to call forth the exertions of many in opposition to his election. And I trust that if one of the candidates for that station, at the present day, were sii-pected of a design to irnpesc the chains of unconditional bondage on any free man, it would operate materially against him in every part of the country. And where is the difference between introducing a system of wrong, and suffering it toexist,when discovered, after it has been introduced by ignorant or wicked men? the two cases appear to me quite analogous; indeed, they are strictly parallel with each other, and equally demand the attention of the public. I do not believe that it is the true in

terest of any individual to uphold the sys

tem of slavery of course, it cannot become the interest of a state to do so. Ail virtuous men admit that it can he viewed in no other light than as a cum upon any nation. It is then a fit subject for the attention of the people in a political collective capacity, and should he operated against in the most effective manner that may he practicable. That it was no nczc thing at the time our government was formed, does not in the least change its nature. The system of monarchy was "no new thimj" at that time among us; out it was found to be inconsistent w ith the welfare of the people (a "curse") and it was abolished. We might have retained that feature in our government, when we set up for ourselves and still have; been as completely independent of the British crown as we are at this

moment. But, in that case, the system of oppression would have been felt by us; and this was stiflh icnt to awaken us to a sense of its impropriety, impolicy and injustice. From the Lexington (Ky.) Reporter. POLYGAMY. In Ocfrbr last, a young man by the nam'; of William M. Chick, came from Wood vi lie, Mississippi, lo this place, for the purpose of attending a course of Medical Lecture. Five or six weeks after his arrival 1 became acquainted withhim,and on the same day was informed that he was the husband of two wives, one living in

South Carolina, and tbe other in Missouri. As he was attempting to palm himself upon the good people of this place for a single man, I felt it a duty which I owed to society (and particularly the better half) to unmask and exhibit him in his real character.

For this purpose I made known to himself and my acquaintances all the information

which I had been able to obtain on the sub

ject. He denied the charge, and left this

place (as he said) for the purpose of getting certificates to establisb his innocence but has not yet returned, and I presume never will, I have now in my possession letters which prove his guilt so conclusively, that even the most sceptical can no longer entertain the shadow of a doubt. Letters received from the father and sister of the lady whom our hero married in Missouri, state, that a man named William M. Chick arrived at his uncle's (William M. Chick who lives in their neighborhood) some time in the fall 1 822, and that he was married on the 17th or 18th of December following; and left that place three weeks afterwards for the purpose of disposing of some property which he owned in Alabama. His wife's father went w ith him as far as

Nashville, where he was informed (after Chick left that place) that he had been previously married in South Carolina, and left his wife a few days after marriage. The old gentleman returned to Missouri, and on his arrival was informed that William M. Chick of Missouri had received a letter (an extract cf which is now in my possession) from his brother (who is the father of the young man whose villainy I am attempting to make known) in w hich he informed him that his son had married while in South

I Carolina, and requested him to take charge

of four negroes, the proceeds of w hose lahour he desired should be appropriated to use of his son; the reason he assigned for wishing his brother to take the negroes in possession, was to prevent his wife from getting them. Chick returned to Missouri, and after many fruitless attempts to induce his wife to live With him, he left that country for Woodville, Mississippi. Add to ail this tiie evidence contained in two letters (which are now in my hands) written by Chick himself (and addressed to his uncle in Missouri) otic written at Woodville the day he left there for this place, the other after his arrival in Lexington; in which he informs his uncle tl ;t it is probable he will get a divorce from bis wife in South Carolina, and entreats him to inform him whether or not his wife in Missouri might be induced to live w ith him again; and we can no longer doubt but what William M. Chick, wh was in Lexington last winter, is the identical individual who has thus wantonly broken asunder the most sacred bonds which bind society together, &: from which we derive all those tender and soothing pleasures which elevate and ennoble the human character, ar.d strew w ith flowers the thorny pafh of life. William M. Chick is a son of Mr. Burnwell Chick of South Caroli -a, and as he graduated at Columbia College, which, from his inaccuracy both in w riting and speaking I am much disposed to doubt. He has lived in South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Missouri, Mississippi, and I believe Virginia. Chick is about five feet nine inches high, has a bold impudent carriage, is square built, inclined to be corpulent, grey eyes, light hair and beard, no w hiskers, wears his hair somewhat bushy below his hat and on his temples, has an affected motion of the head in conversation, particularly w hen laughing, and makes use of several little awkward words in conversation, such as tuck for took, kin for can, git for get, &c. Having been informed that Mr. Chick's parents are worthy and respectable, I feel a considerable degree of regret that a combination of events has rendered it a duty incumbent on me to become the instrument through which the vices of their son are to be made known to the world; and I have adopted this course of procedure not because I take pleasure in corroding the feelings of any high-minded and virtuous individual, who may be so unfortunate s to be connected to the viper (who has thus infused his poison into society) by the ties of consanguinity; hut from a wish to guard the innocent and unsuspecting from the insidious and wily stratagems of a designing villain. WILLIS M. GKEEN. Lexington, March 19th, 1C21. Editors throughout the Western and Southern country arc requested to give the

above an insertion.