Paoli Weekly News, Volume 7, Number 34, Paoli, Orange County, 7 May 1879 — Page 1

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jt.,!:i 00 ihe h'i farm. 4f; S - rc Path-r4 1.1 the fo'.-i, iv air is oft tara. - 2 7S 1 M 1.1 I t..f sir LeaifU of ptM. ix-Hs ir heard . 1 ' ' rf -elf 1 irk asd dim, t Itiirl " I t J! ) I t Jul r li j tea. I .tar. Ww j-n are full cf itara; I u, Urap ia the LKIkM tdooras. 1-1' : t

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kr ;.. i red t Hirs; p- -nAf i witl faint ptrfamw, At ia tS:9 I'"'1 fc00' ' (bponfirk the wiJ, o!4 room I jr w ihu't lamp; "d not mourn iTjtirrixsf. Loudly, to and fro, Xlse eld tl''k tii;l,, ntl -,u'r!y 'n-f a.-i'-ot window open high: U- ki? waken me, W.tii bird MB? wellies up t: e fciy.

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cf President Hayes Vetoths Army Appropriation Bill.

TO THE HOCSB OF R EP RESENT ATI VES : I Lave .,;reir considered tlie important questions rrest'iiieJ ia a till entitled " An act making aprT0'T"r'i'VJ9 for the nrrort of the array for th -a vearecuing Jane 3 ), 1SS0, and for other ftrpoW-s," an J I bow return it to the House of KcTireinfa'.iTCf, in which it originated, with ray tbVehons to its approvaL Tie bill provides, in the usual form, for the r --ro'irutsou required for the support of. the an'sy during the next fiscal year. If it contained no other provisions it would receive my rn-ir.pi approval It includes, however, further Pxislatirm which, attached as it is to sppropriai' which are requisite for the efficient performance of some of the moat necessary duties of the Government, involves questions of too j. ; .! -t character. The mvJi a ction cf the t ill ia amendatory of a statute ! .w in force in regard to the authority

, f . . j-..; - i:i the civil, nahury ana naval serv

ice of the L ::i'e l Mates at me piace wnere any (,-rn ral or special election ia held in any State. ti.i .tjuntft was adonted Feb. 25. 18T.r). after a

I To'rac'fil i: are m i:h- oeuaie, nruj maiov without opposition in the Iloaso of KepreeentAtjvc, brili ennenrrent votes of both of the 1 tt hn poUiical parties of the country, and bec.imo a iaw ty tLo approval of rreti'dent Lincoln. Sf.-)ion 5."i?. EvTry cfTleer of the araiy or nvy. cr o(h r p-rsi'!i in l!;e civil, military or naval serot tiifi Visited Staf s. who orders, briuys. k"-ier !i-imi!i'ler his authority or control any tr-.f i f.r ariii-i.l "ten at any place where a general - v-.-ia! i h ction is held ia any 8tate, titilesa such f.-r. el- m-osary to reiicl armed enemies of the t t:,u- States, or to keep peace at the polls, shall I !:;'. 1 it. t r.iore than $5,(:i 0 aud suffer impriaonmi t.t at hu t ialior not less than three luontts nor i . ri' i;...:: live yoars, v. i- r- r ! !! in 171, iu the Iieri?eJ Statutes of the I'tii'c I States. S i-tii'ii S.it 2. No military or naval officer or other jt. n eniras-'d in civil, military or naval service i i ;. V'.iit. u Suif Fhall order, bring, keep or I'ave mi.frr his authority or control any troops or

r:;i'd intn at the place where any general or - ial election is lield in any State, unless it be ri- raTy to repel armed euenuus o the C'r.ited S' v t. The ar.itr.draent propesed in this statute in the Mil lef. re me omits from both of the forepoir.K sections the words "or to keep the peace Hi the polls." The effect of the adoption of this amendment may he considered First, upon the ripht of the United Btatcs Goverument to use military force to keep peace at elections for im-mlfrs of Congress; and, second, npor; the rifiht cf the Government by civil authority to protect these elections from violence and fraud In addition to the sections df the etatute above quoted, tLo following provisions of tho law relating to the use of the military power at '. rj,-i,s are now ia force: StriitflS.li1:. NoofScerof the army or navy ot the Vuitr.t states shall prrsctibe or fix, or attempt to pret-enbe or fix, hy proclamation, order or oth-r-wi. the (j-ialitieatinns of voters la acy State; or in any maiicur lntertere w ith the freedom of any r'.e.rtion. iu any State, or with the exercise of the rithf.s of stitfraite in any State. s- nou 5 Sl.t. Every officer or other person in the tv.iHtry or naval service, w ho, bv force, throat, ttii.latwn, order, advice or otherwise, prevents, or attempts tt prevent, any qualified Toter of acy Mafo :ren fre. ty exercisiiii? the riftht of suftrape at any sr-TKral or special election in such State shall t. iir,e. not more than 5.X, and imprisoned at br.r.l !.r,H-,r rv.t more thsti five years. Sectic-ti 5.S"0. Every ofiicer of the army or navy who rrt.-ruies. or fixes, or attempts to prescribe er fit, whether by proclamation, order or otherthe q-iatirtcationa of Toters at any election in r.yt-'hMe, sha'il bo punished as provided in tho Irredin? section. t.. ii n. Every officer or other person In t ie military or naval service, who. by force, threat, intimidation or otherwise, compels, or attempts to ".""' i"-'. ar!V officer holdiBR an eleeUon in any Mate M receive the vote from a person not letrally qualified to vote, or who imposes or attempts to impose any recnlatioua for condnctincr any general er p. -inl election in any State different from those pn scribed hy law, or who interferes in any manlier with a-ty ofUoer cf election in the diseharpo cf nis c.uty, mall be punhshLdas prescribed in section tV.s'.tl. Nvtion5.r '2. Every person convicted ef any of ttie oiTensrs pecifie.l in the precedini? sections ln ',;1"!'-.n to the punishments therein severst.y prewribi-d. be db-fjUidifSed from holdiniranv of-

i nonor. prontor trust under tlio :..

1 i'l h.1se tlT.f shuil tie raniriril

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electtoBs; but the last Congress, to remove all jpprehensma of such interference, added to .,-iT 0 ue,cu 15 cf t'of t fu1 M 1 a tiuk n i i u f r t s Ji'i'V'is f"1',1; I!-' t-l year it 1. j il ' l i U. 1 en J 1 1T n rrt of t e l ,,n aeU eases. and nnderr.rh .vn,..'

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VOLUME VII.

PAOLI, ORANGE CO., INDIANA WEDNESDAY, MAY 7, 1879.

NUMBER 34.

tre Conimoiia ? h peni ile."

cot the strnj-le of 2'"0 years fc of Ecglancl to secure for !!:-.'! Dri

From this brief review of the euWecfc. it eaf-

IScienUy appears that under the existing Jaws titers can be no military interference with elections. No case of sncli interference has, in fact, occurred einee the paseape of the act last referred to. No officer of the tinted Bttes has appeared under orders at any p!ace of election ia any State. No complaint "even of the presence of United States troops bu been made in any quarter. It may, therefore, be confidently stated that there is no necessity for the enactment of section 6 of the bill bef ire me to prevent military inter;' ttrer.ee at elections. The laws already in force are all that is required for that end. But that part of section 6 of this bill which ia significant atid vitally important is the clause w hioh, if adopted, will deprive the civil authorities of the United States of all power to keep peace st CongresMonal elections. Congressional elections, in every district, ia & very important sense, are justly a matter of political interest and concern throughout the whole country. Each State every political party is entitled to a share of the power which ia coaferrei by legal and constitutional suffrage. It is the right of every citizen pofseas-ing the necessary qualifications prescriled by law to castonennintimidatcrl ballot, and to have his ballot honestly, counted. So long as the exercise of this rxwi r and the enjoyment of this right are commoa and equal, practically as welt as formally, submission to

sum-ago wui Deaccoraeaioyaiiy anacneeriuuv, and the departments of the Government will feel the true vigor of the popular will thus expressed. Two provisions of the constitution authorize legislation by Congress for the regulation of Congressional elections. Section 4 of Article L of the constitution declares: The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall bo prescribed in each State, by the Legislature thereof; but Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the iplaces of cboosine Senators, The Fifteenth amendment to the constitution is as follows: Section 1. The richt of citizens cf the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. Sec. 9. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. The Supreme Court has held tha t this amendment invests citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right, which is within the protect insr power of Congress. That right the court declares to bo the exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color or previous

condition of servitude. The power of Congress to protect this right by appropriate legislation ia expressly aCirmed by the court of national legislation; to provide safeguards for free and honest elections, is necessary, as experience has shown, not only to secure the right to vote to the enfranchised race at the South, but also to prevent fraudulent voting in the large cities of the North, Congress has, therefore exercised the power conferred by the constitution, and has enacted certain laws to prevent discrimination on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude, and to punish fraud, violence and intimidation of Federal elections. Attention is called to the following eeciion of the Iicvised Statutes of the United States viz. : Section 2.1)04, which guarantees all citizens the right to vote w ithout distinction on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. Sections 2,005 and 2,006, which guarantee to all citizens an equal opportunity, without discrimination, to perform all the acts required by law as a prerequisite or qualification for voting. Section L'.f., which authorizes the United States i'arshal and his deputies to keep peace and preserve order at Federal elections: Section 2,024, which, authorizes the United Slates Marshal and his deputies to summon a posse comttatus whenever they, or any of them, are forcibly resisted in the execution of their duties under the law and are prevented from executing their du'ies by violence. Section 5,522, which provides for the punishment of the crime of interfering w;ith8npervisors of Election and Deputy Marshals in the discharge of their duties at elections of Representatives ia Congress. Theeo are some of the laws on this subject, which it is the duty of tho Executive Department of the Government to enforce. Tho intent and effect of the sixth section of this bill i3 to prohibit all civil ofiicers of the United States, under a penalty of fine and imprisonment, from employing any adequate civil forco for this purpose" at the place where their enforcement is most necessary, namely: At Ttlaces where Consreseional elections are

held. Among the most valuable enactments to which I have referred are those which protect

the Sur-ervtf'vs of Federal elections in the dig.

charge cf their duties atthepolis. If the pending legislation should become alaw.tUere is no power vested in any officer of the Government to protect from violence tho officers of the United

States encased in the discharge of their duties.

Their rishta and duties under the law will

remain, but the National Government will be

powerltss to enforce its own statutes. The

states may employ both mmtarv and civii power

to keen the neace and enforce the laws at State

elections. It is now proposed to deny to the Unld SS een ho ensssnry ctvil ai-thnritv 1 1 rr Mi t i il c c 1: pi' t

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tradictj this aasnmption. A majotify of the UotiE'Sof Iv:;prei;er,tativet5 in the lit Corgress was ia favor of this section to this bid. It" was known that a majority of the Senate -was opP'oaed to it, and tnat as a separate measure it could not be adopted. It was attached to hte Army Appropriation bill to compel the Seu.-te to assent to it. It was plainly announced to the Senate that the Army Appropriation bill would not be allowed to pass unless the proposed amendments cf the Lleetioa law s were adopted with it. The Senate refused to assent to the bill on account of this irrelevant section. Congress thereupon adjourned without passing the Appropriation bill for the army, and the present extra session of the Forty-sixth Congress became necessary to carry on the Government. The ground upon which the action of the House of Representatives is defended has been distinctly stated by many of its advocates. A week before the close of the last session of Congress the doctrine in question w-as stated by one of ita ablest defenders, as follows: "It is our duty to repeal these; it is not worth whila to attempt to repeal except upon an appropriation bilL The Republican Seuate would not agree to, nor the Republican President sign, the bill for such repeal. Whatever objection to legislation upon appropriation bills may be made in an ordinary case does not apply where free elections and the liberty of citizens are concerned. We have power to vote

the money. Let us annex conditions to it and insist upon a redress of the grievance. The Senate represents States. We represent the tax-payers of the repiubiie. We, therefore, by the very terms of the constitution, are charged with the duty of originating the bills 'hich grant ihe money of the people. We claim the right which the House of Commons ia England established after two centuries of contest, to say that we will not grant the money of the peoplo unless there is a redress of grievances.

By another distinguished member of the

House it was Eaid: "The right of therepresentativea of the people to withhold supplies ia as old as English liberty. History records numerous instances where "the Commons, feeling that the people were oppressed by a law that the

Etoras w on a not consent to repeal by the ordinary methods of legislation, obtained redress at

last by refusing appropriations unless accom

panied Dy relief measures."

1 hat question of gravest magnitude, and new

m tins country, was raised by this course of proceeding, and was fully recognized also by its defenders in ihe Senate, It was eaid by a distinguished Senator: "Ferhaps no greater question, in the form in which we are brought

to consider it, wraa ever considered by an Amer

ican Congress, in time of peace, for it involves not only the merits and demerits of laws which the House bill proposes to repeal, but involves the rights, the privileges, the powers, the duties, of the two branches of Concresa and of the

President of the United States." Upon the assembling of this Congress, in piursuance of the call for an extra session, which was made necessary by the failure of the Forty-fifth Congress to make the needful appropriations tor the support of the Government, the question was presented whether the attempt made in the last Congress to engraft, by construction, a new principle upon the constitution should be persisted in or not This Congress has ample opportunity and time to pass the appropriation bills and also to enact any political measures which may be determined upon in separate bills aud by the visual aud orderly methods of procedure. Rut the majority of both houses have deemed it wise to adhere to the principle asserted and maintained in the last Congress by the majority of the House of Representatives. That principle is that the House of Itepresentatives has the sole right to originate bills for tho raising of revenue, and, therefore, has the right to withhold the appropriations upon which the existence of the Government may depend, unless the Senate and Presid nt shad give their assent to any legislation which the House mysee fit to attach to appropriation bills. To establish this principle is to make a radical, dangerous and unconstitutional change in the character of our institutions.

The various departments of the Government and army and navy are established by the constitution, or by laws passed ia pursuance thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, aud their support is careful1' provided for by law. Tho money required for this purpose has been collected from tho people and ia now in the treasury, ready to be paid out as the appropriation Lids are passed. Whether the appropriations are made or not, tho collection of taxes will go on. The public money wiil accumulate in the treasury. It was not the iaten'.ion of the f : amors of the constitution that any single branch cf the Government should have power to dictate the conditions upon which this treasure should ba applied to the purposes for which it was collected. Any such intention, if it, had been entertained, would have been plainly expressed ia tho constitution. That a majority of the Senate now concurs in the claim of the House acids to the gravity of the Bitnation, but does not alter the question at issue. The new doctrine, if maintained, will result in a consolidation of unchecked and despotic power in the House of representatives. A hare majority of the House will become the Government The Executive wiil no longer be what the framers of the constitution intended, an equal and independent branch of the Government It is clearly the constitutional duty of the Fresident to exercise his discretion and

judgment upon all bills presented to him, without constraint or redress from any other brunch of the Government To p" v t' a! a r- -J - rity of either or both hous sr"i -T' c vax' insist on the approval of a r j . " " penalty of etorpiug all of tho c c " c f t e li-iverrimect, io'r want of the nC' j i , is to deny to the Executive 1v at e1 te of tl e 1 rislative "power which is plain' v con 'erre 1 I y te second section of the seventh art 'ncf t 3 constitution. It strikes from V ci it e qnttliaed negative of tho Frf -xd nt It i e .id that this should be done Iwc-i e it 13 tli peculiar function of the House of Representatives to represent the will of the people; but no single branch or department of the Government haa exclusive a utiiority to eneak for tho American people. The mofct authentic and solemn expression cf their will is contained ia the confutation cf the United

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and security and repose which are so essential to the prosperity of all our fellow-citizens, (Signed) Ruthsefobd B. Hates.

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Soaking timber in lime-vrater has been recommended for preserving it from dry rot and the effects of tlie weather. A steer is found in the mines, rivers and sea-coast3 of Prussia. It is used in varnish and for mouth-pieces of pipes. A machine for catting stone of all kinds rapidly, and capable of striking 6,000 blows per minute, has been patented. A serifs of experiments has established the fact that chloroform neutralizes the action of strychnine upon the human system. A German chemist says frozen cabbages or plants lose none of their nutritive qualities, because the frost transforms the starch in the vegetable into sugar. To TELii a diamond from a gem, look through the stone at the point ol a needle or a small hole in a card, and if there are two points or two holes the stone is not a diamond. The. black sulphate of silver, which forms on plated and silver wares, may be removed at once by wiping the sur

face with a rag wet with aqua ammoniaj and without the trouble of rubbing. Milk is found to be an antidote to lead poisoning. The Journal de Medicine states that after each operator at some white-lead works received a quart a day, no colic or harm to health occurred. - Artificial ebony is made in Europe, by an ingenious process, from seaweed. After treating it with diluted sulphuric acid, it is dried and ground, mixed with glue, gutta-percha and india-rubber, the two latter substances dissolved in naphtha, coal-tar, sulphur, alum and resin. It is then heated so 300 degrees Fahrenheit, and on cooling it is said to be in every respect equal to ebony. An account is giving in La Patrie of a new invention in railway signals. The description ia very vague, but gives the general idea that mirrors are to be so set as to reflect 100 miles of road to a mirror at a central station, wrhich in the present set of experiments is at Marseilles. The statement is made that in the central mirror all the movements of trains on 100 miles of road can be

seen, and any danger of collision will be perceived in time to prevent accident. The mirrors to be used are spoken of as " telegraphic mirrors " whatever they may mean. It is quite obvious that the purpose could not be subserved by ordinary mirrors. A.T THE HEaiyiflMG". Nothing is learr ed without a certain amount of drudgery, and boys who undertake to learn a trade must be prepared for work of all kinds. A boy from a wealthy family was received into a large establishment, but found no royal road to business advancement, lie had to begin at the bottom of the ladder just as the poorest in the store did. Lie often wondered why his employers kept him two long years assorting shoes and handling great sides of leather. But when he became a salesman all was plain, for he was able at a glance to tell almost the exact worth of a pair of shoes, or the quality of a side of leather. Thorough knowledge only cones by practice. Repetition makes the most dillicult matters easy and seems almost to add a sixth sense. The old tellers in banks can count off with

the greatest rapidity vast piles of coin, casting aside, as if by intuition, all the light pieces. Their fingers have learned to weigh like the nicest balance. Hard and constant work is needful before perf..;lk:i c. :i be rc.-.hrd.

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BEE AIIO FISH ELECTIONS.

Able and Candid Speech of Senator David Davis.

Senator Garland on tlie Charge cf "Coercion."

had x.iri:nA.TiriiiT. J.-ii-.rvio'v v ith J. II. t' r.rt, I'linc's : : cf L :: :i a: " VLtt i. the chief ,'"-"' y In ths C.r.:r..-.:iv.n of o".r yov.:.j 1 .:.;!?, .o far as it occurs ? w "Awl, Is!., I f ..y f it 1 !I Lh ai to ii V. C .? iu -. t p v '. : ..1 e . ; . :i Ii in eT :i i.-: "." a f-c.1 J .1-. f. th 1 tl' i- :i " i..1 tLu . f -i . i ..'v. ii t Y c r, C . r I i i - . n r. Z.t- . : v 7 ' 'IV : -ci a c ".V 1 ' 1 - - - t 3 tv l v ' ; h t-

Speech of Jmlge Davis. Mr. Fresident, the -caucus ia an important factor in American politics, and both the great parties of the country employ ita agency. This is done on the theory that party action ia most easily perfected by this method. I do not complain of the mode- adopted to reach results, but, as I have been for many years viewing public affairs from an independent standpoint, it does not help me to decide any question that may come before the Senate. Although usually preferring to give a s'lent vote, I canriot Buffer this measure to be passed on without saying something on the subject The heat that has been manifested cn the occasion of this debate has surprised me, if anything can surprise me in politics. A stranger unaccustomed to our modes of debate would suppose that the Union was in danger, and that the old questions, passions, prejudices and purposes which it had been thought wero laid asido forever wero again revived. And this, too, fourteen years after the Rebellion was conquered, and when there is no complaint from any quarter that the Federal compact presses too hard upon one section at the expense of an otlier, and when the Federal Government is obeyed throughout the entire South. There does not seem to be the least ground for the excitement and bitterness that have characterized tno discussions in Congress at this session, aud 1 should be amazed were it not that the records of all parties prove that majorities invariably commit legislative wrongs and n.inorities invariably protest against them. If it be truo as charged that the success of one of the great parties of the country means revolution and ruin to constitutional liberty, of what value would be the securities of the Government, or indeed any other species of property? In the nature of" things, if a revolution was impending or there was atjy danger apprehended to free government or popular liberty, the Government wrouldnot be aide to sell bouds at 4 per cent interest, nor the stock market t& Mew York maintain its present high rate. This charge, Mr. President, is mere fiction and has no foundation to rest on, but it produces infinite mischief and tends to demoralize the country and every material interest in it; alarms the thoughtless and timid, unsettles business and values, and produces a state of unrest in every community. It may succeed in winning elections, but it cannot restore prosperity. That great object can never be accomplished through a continuance of sectional strife and the violence that accompanies it, nor do I believe the people are in the mood for this kind of politics. They have had more than five years of harsh experience and they want to find some mode of relief from their present sufferings and impoverished condition. And they will honor the statesman who contributes to tlie Btock of knowledge on this eubject rather than tne political leader who will not let the past alone. I have no personal concern, Mr. President, in the rise and fall of parties, but I am deeply solicitous that the affairs of Government shall be so administered that labor seeking employment can obtain it; that all industrial pursuits will be suitably rewarded, and that heart be given to the people, North and South, to work out of their present embarrassments. We are one peopleof the same blood and with the same destiny, and nnity of feeliDg is essential to lift us out of the mire and to help us on the road to prosperity. The different parts of our common country are so intimately connected in trade and commerce that, aa a general rule, whatever injuriously affects one part has a corresponding effect on the other, and whatever benefits the one benefits the other. It is, Mr. President, ia my judgment, thfc imperative duty of the hour, instead of turning the attention of the people back into history with its animosities, to direct it to the troubled business interests of the country and the way to relieve them. With the past buried and discussions on living issues, the people would soon regain the confidence which is essential in any plan for relieving the present hard times. It may be that such a course would affect the fortunes of parties for both parties in Congress on any question of practical legislation fail to pieces but it would have the most beneficial effect upon the fortunes of the country. Without intending to reflect upon the patriotism of either party, it does appear to mo that the speeches on the pending bill do not representthe wishes or opinions of the masses of the people of either section. Experience has taught ttiem that legitimate business principle! which lead to wealth, and social happiness require a cessation from agitation on past subjects, and that sound policy dictates ihe cultivation of peace and good wiil between the sections. The country, Mr. FreKident, cannot be prosperous eo long as the old contact between the Isorth and South is used at each recurring Presidential election as an instrumentality of party success, and the statesman who shall rise equal to the occasion and put it at rest wiil receive the gratitude of a suffering people. The hillbcf ore us i3 for the support of the army for the ensuing fiscal year. It is attacked becwise the eixui section alters two provisions of the Revised Statutes. Section 2,(XK2 of these statutes reads as follows: Ko military or naval officer, or other pewm entrusted in the civil, military, or naval service of ""the United States, shall order, bring, keep, or have nder hie authority or control, any troops or armed men at the place vhere any general or special election Lell ia any State, nnless it be itecenearv to repel the armed ene

mies of tho United States, or to keep the peace at the polls." And ext.-1 5,LJ5 is ia tl, .-a vtr "v. "Etc -y r,;.cer of t',te at riy or navy, or o h r 7-.-a-u i i 4" ? v.fA, r. .;. irv," cr r til cert, e tf fU' U i - w 1 - cr t : . t . or 1 is t:t :er 1 h aut' ori!T cr ro.rul. any tro, - or 81T.H-1 Men 1 1 any 1 hi wl.ern ny f reri i cr f". . d L. -n u Li . ' i u-v ' 1 1 6 '' f --.- 1 v - - -it-y to 1 .-''I 1 arm- 1 :.' ef t, ' Ui.fel t k h rr ktep ' : ; . e

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tolerate except on great emergencies IHre a war waped for the maintenance of toe Union the interference of the military ia civic concerns. And they were men cf principle and did not wish it to be otherwise. It is no ne-w thing in time of pwtee to repeal a law passed in tenia of war. Indeed, no w i a talesman will hesitate to do it if tho law be unsuitable to the changed condition of things. It is a part of the very nature of every mm of our race to rebel against anything which interferes wih the freedom of elections, and the days of the republic are numbered if the people ever consent to place the ballot-box under tho protection of the bayonet Rut, Mr. Fresident, this consent will never be obtained until they have forgotten the principles of constitutional liberty and the precedents set by tlie Commons of England These precedents"! refrain from referring to at length, but the preamble to an act passed in the time of George IL (17-T) forbidding the presence of troops at elections is eo appropriate that I beg le-e to read it: "Whereas by the ancient common law of this land all elections ought to bo free; and whereas by an act passed m the third year of the reign of King Edward I., of famous memory, it is commanded, upon great forfeiture, that no man, by force of arms, nor by malice or menacing, shall disturb any to make free election; and forasmuch as tho freedom of elections of members to serve in Parliament ia of the utmost consequence to the preservation of the rights and liberties of this kingdom ; and w hereas it has been tlie usage and practice to cause any regiment, troop or company, or any number of soldiers which hath been quartered in any city, borough, town, or place where any election of members to serve in Parliament hath been appointed to be made, to remove and continue out of the same during tho time of such election, except iu such particular cases as arc hereinafter specified." Pickering's Statutes, volume 16. And the "History of Parliament" contains this incident: "The military having been called in to quell an alleged riot at Westminster election in 1741, it was resolved Dec. 22 'that tho presence of a regular bo ly of armed soldiers at an election of'members'to serve in Parliament is a high infringement of the liberties of the subject, a manifest violation of tho freedom of elections, and an open defiance of the laws and constitution of this kingdom.' The persons concerned in this, having been ordered to attend the House, received, on their knees, a very sevcro reprimand from the Speaker." Parliament llistory, IX., Z'H Can it bo pos?ible that a principle of common law the right of the people to have an election free from tho presence of troops so dear to Englishmen 100 years ago is not equally dear to their descendants at the present day? Mr. Pt csident, it will require some one now living to write accurately the history of these times, for the future historian will be slow to believe that there was any basis on which to rest such an inquiry in the Congress of the United States during tho latter part of the nineteenth century. Why, then, should not the law of 1 S5 be altered in the manner proposed by this bill? It is said that Mr.. Lincoln signed it, and the inference ia that it would reflect on hia memory to change it To say the least, this is a pretty strong presumption .from such a predicate. No man loved Mr. Lincoln better or honors his memory more than I do, nor had any -one greater opportunities to learn the constitution of his mind and character and his habits of thought He was large-hearted, wiser than those associated with him. fnfl of sympathy for struggling humanity, without malice, with charity for erring man, loving his whole country with a deep devotion, and intensely anxious to save it Believing aa I do that he was raised up by Providence for the great crisis of the war of the Reielhon, I havo equal belief, had he lived, we would have been spared much of the strife of these latter days, and that we now would be on the high road to prosperity. Such a man, hating all forms of oppression, and deeply imbued with the principle that induced the men of 177ii to resist tho stamp tax, would never have willingly intrusted power to any cne, unless war was flagrant, to seud troops to oversee an election. Why, then, I repeat, should not the proposed measure pass? There is no rebellion, nor any threatened, nor any domestic uproar anywhere. The Union is cemented by the blood that was shed in defense of its integrity; the laws are obeyed North and South, East and Wc, and our only real differences relate to the adminiat ration of tho internal a fTaira of tho Government Ry the constitution of the human mind, there will of necessity be diverse opinions among the people on the best way to manage their internal affairs, and Congress meets periodically to legislate for tho peonle and to represent their views on the questions dividing them. But surely these differences, be they great cr Rmail, afford no justification for a departure from any of the principles that underlie republican government If they do, the charter of our liberties will be soon frittered away. The charge that this is "revolutionary " legislation has no force. It might bo called a partisan device. Congress has power under the constitution to raise and equip armies, and the House cf Representatives holds the puree strings. Ia the pending Army bill, nothing is proposed but to strike out a -single clause forbidding the presence of troops at tho

polls. In ro respect is of the President to answer

invasion, or to suppress msn-rec!ion, m any way abridged. The amendment is germane to the bill, and is simply a condition as to the use of the army, which the people's representatives had a perfect right to impose. It ia not in any proper sense general legislation, and, if it was, the statute Loiks are full of precedents that the friends of the present measure might cite against their opponent!. "'Whether the "clause in question ought to be repealed is a fair subject for di-vngeiori, but the form of presenting it is ot liable to jnat criticism. Personally," I should have preferred to vote on the proposition as Rrt indiendent bill, hecatifee the practice cf bnti parties of legislating on apnropriatioa bills ia more to be honored "ia the bresVh ttm in the observanm If this course had been ptiretied it is probable the whole debate would imve been Je-u arriraonioup, and the exciTTnent which has followed tt c"'.llr.tvor Lave L :a w ,rkt-d cp to eo ti'a a piscii.

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hand. 1 will not gay all these acts were parsed wi'h a view to coercive purposes, but all theea acta tended to this and let the student cf the philosophy of the history of our Government "and its caters think of that a moment tended to make what I believe Mr. Thaddeus Stevens claimed cpenly in the other House, that this was a OotgrctisioBfU Government as distinguished from a constitutional Government; that Congress was the Government of this country as Parliament was of England Rut soon after tho pass .go of thet-e acts, of conrr.o not for tho purpose cf coercing Andrew Johnson nobody would say that failing to secure what they thought was in hand through. Congress, Ca-sar came, and with tho coming of Caisar they supposed ail things else would come that it was desirable should come, and it wa? believed that through the rresid.-nt, Gen. Grant, all these thine, could be accomplished with or without legifht,tion of this character. notwithsUnding t:o grand letter ho hd written ia ISlkl when ho was Gcneral-in-Chicf of tho Army. If such statutes as this csn find themselves "on an impropriation bill, let no man, woman or child ia this country complain of that m.-ula of proceeding so that we take care that there fhali not bo unconstitutional provisions incorporated. But further, whenwemetin December under the law, our term was limited to tho 4th of March. In the great clash of hnsiuci-s requiring the passage of bills and the pressure for investigating different measures, these provisions of the statute which the couutry demands shall be repealed had little or no opportunity for consideration in separate bills. "They wind 4 have perished either ia one.honsa or "the other, cr between the two, as it turned out thy did at tho last hours of the session. Now mark. Immediately upon that the Congress is called together, for what purpose? For tho purpose of considering appropriation hills alone. How else are you to get off tbee provisions that, if I atu not mistaken, the country is loudly clamoring for tho repeal of? The President's message is not longer than the blade of an ordinary penknife, calling vn together, Ho er.hs us tor two appropriation hills. He says virtually, "consider them, and go homo." We propose to consider thora w UK all other tueamrea' necessary ii protect tho rights of citizens ia this country. The Senator from Maine the oilier day undertook to frighten us by telling r.s this fine Capitol weul 1 have to go down end not tie kept op, and our commerce would La suspended, anil our Supreme Court and other courts. That there may be no miauitdcratanding on that proposition, eo far as I am coiiecned, I fcavo to say that i would see this hnildi.'g cramlli and given up to the owls and bats and rat-", and every sl pof or-s iu it monr t,-, , 1 t j- 1pien,o( .tla!J tl .1 1 1.1 .t ,- 1 f !., : 1 ? -- perdei Ltfote It; ull kp, v,,;' ,ut a t u u,- g td pro'e t t'icTT), tne nnti of tl 1 "1.1L! 4t fi'i,'if ifklul Iv 1 ' Iff (' i, ur the hnmMest citizen of th country ii'-rrivod of his ri-'h'-j 111 t nv way. 'Hi huia ( - t-4

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