The Indiana Whig, Volume 1, Number 4, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 10 May 1834 — Page 2

Lords,who before had differed iu opiuiou witb the Coin mans on the subject of the prerogative yes, sir, those Peers who had before

considered the doc twee which denied tbe authority to press the free born subject as " new, and contrary to the usage and custom of all times," as many now declare our denial of the President s right to resaore even a Marshal who ihall not refine, at bis bidding, to exacute a decisaion of one of our Courts, if the President choose to consider it unconstitutional, as new and contrary to all former usage those very Peers, 1 ay, roted, with the Commons, that the Kine' Protest was a MANIFEST kIaCH OF THE PRIVILEGES OF PARLIAMENT. Clarendon informs us,that, as soon as the King's proposition was received, the divided Lords and Commons immediately united themselves in a petition to the King, declar ing tbat, amongst the privileges of Parliament, it was their ancient and undoubted right, that his . Majesty ought not to lake notice o.f any matter in agination of debate, iu either House of Parliament,' but by their information and agreement; and that his Majesty ought not to propound any condition, prof isJon or limitation, to any hill, or act in 4eale or prepa$n,in either House of Parliament ; oe to declare ms consent OR WSSEHT, HIS AFf KOBATIOK OR HlM.lkK Ot XHE S,VIJE,Ei OET BE PRE1JS rjiU TO Bl M IN JMTfl COURSE OF PARWAausjiT. They declarcd-tliat aU (those jytyuegei had been lately broken, to their great sorrow and grief, in that Speech which his Majesly hud made to them, wherein be took notice of a bill for pressing of soldiers, and offered a salvo jure and nvisienal clause to be added it before it was presented to him; and therefore they besought him, by fcisrwal power, to protect them in those nd otbeprivileges of his high court of Parliament; and that he would for the time to come, break interrupt them; and that, for the reparation of them in that their grievance and complaint, he would declare and

make known the name of such person, by whose misinformation and evil counael, his Majesty waft induced to the same, that he might receive condign punishment." 'And having delivered this petition," says the royal historian," they no more considered Ireland, till this manifest breach should be repaired which they resolved nothing should dohutthe passing of the bill" and so, in the end, alter a long controversy between the whigs and toriesof thatday, between the people or Parliament on the one side, and thejKingontheother,the King, he adds, "jra compelled to pass the bill for pressing, which theCommons had prepared." Yes, sir, the whigs of 1611 refused to transact any other business, under these circumstances, until the breach of their

privileges was repaired. The object of

the 'salvo jure," or protest of the monarch, was to gain all thesupplies for his

army without a surrender ol his prerogative the object of the President now is. to obtain our consent to all his ap

pointments, and to (rain all the appro

priations for the salaries of all his office rs,

as he terms them, not only without a

surrender of his asserted prerogative of

unlimited power over them all, but in

defiance of the Senate, and while he

compels us to admit his claim on our own

records. Sir, I desire to imitate at least

apart of the example set me in the illustrious precedent of 1641. 1 will not fall

below the standard of opposition to king

Iv prerogative and executive encroach

ment, established by that Parliament,

which brought a British monarch to

teims, and to which we are indebted for

the first light of civil liberty. Ims act

of Charles, in 1641, was one of that se

ries of aggressions which eventually

brought the English tvrant to the block

It remains for the American Senate to say, whether it will prjeced to consider the other business of the session, before its pwncharacterand its ownjust claims and privileges have been vindicated and

re-asserted, by the proper disposition of this protest. But, for myself, I repeat that, vie wing this act as a flagrant breach ejf pririiegc, and an attempt to lecture and intimidate the Senate, because it has dared to discuss and declare the limits of lli prerogative and power of one who has extended his claims far beyond those of any British monarch since the English Revolution,! shall vote against the motion of the honorable member bom Pennsylvania, and every other motion to proceed to any other important business, before this paper has been disposed of. , Mr. CALHOUN followed on the same side, expressing his hearty concur

rence in the views taken by the Senator from Delaware, and his earnest hope that the Senate would refuse to proceed to any other business. Mr. WILKINS replied that be only wished the Senate toconsider a trea tj. JMr. SPRAGUE said the treaty was unimportant at this time, and concurred fully in the views of Mr. Clayton, Ofi Motion of Mr. EW1NG. The Senate tho aaurned.

MR. WEBSTER'S REMARKS, Mowav, Aran. 21, The Explanatory Message &pm the Pkeate having boeu received and read, and Mr. Pomdexter having moved to include the suid Message in the motion which lie had made upon the original Message, viz: that it be not received . Mr. WEBSTER rose. He said he had arrived hi the City, and resumed Ins seat since the debate began, and he rose to say that he thought the transmission ot this Pro-, teat to be one of the must important and ominous occurrences of these extraordinary times. It is, said Mr. W , a communication of so anomalous a character, in the first place, that it perplexed the discrimination of the Senate to know what preliminary dispo sition to make of it. Same "ire lor receiving it, others are against receiving it, although it fias bceu read, and its contents commented on. It seems to hang, at present, in a pendulous condition, between reception and rejection. It has no resting ptace. It is like the coffin of Mahomet, suspended between Heaven and cartli, as untit to go higher, and finding no proper abiding place below. But I am unwilling that the discussion of this groat and grave topic should he cmbarrasjsed by questions of form. I am obliged to the member from Mississippi for the strong grasp which he laid on the principles of this Paper, at its first, appearance, but as to the form of proceeding with it, 1 confess I should have preferred to have passod over the question of reception, and gone at oace to the substantial character of the

protest itself, it is too interesting, and will

prove so 'too exciting, ana win prov e so, io go from the Senate, till it shall have received such discussion and such reply as it is euti tied to. It is said that the paper is indccorous,and justly offensive to the self-respect of the Senate": but there is much more in it than iudc-

corum, or want of respect to the Senate ; and

I th.nk we shall best consult ttie cliaractcr oi

this body, and better fulfil the expectation of the country, by going at once to the dangerous assertions of pow er which the paper sots up, and fully exposing those claims of power to the People. The President denies thai this House, or indeed either House of Congress has any right to express any opinion

upon his conduct, except py way oi mipeacumont. This is, indeed, new and startling. That in a popular Representative Govern ment, the Representatives of the People may

not express their opinions upon measures

of the Executive power, is a doctrine, 1 uc-

ieve, now, for the very first lime put lortti.

Who has ever heard ot it before I 1 bougii

this right is denied to either House, the President's reasons are urged mainly agaiustthe

ht of the Senate, and the chiol reason is,

that the Senate are judges in cases ot impeachment, and that, therefore, until im

peachment come, it should be silent. isui this objection, it is obvious, would stop the mouth of the Senate, w ith respect to every other officer of the Government, as well as the President, because till officers arc equally impeachable, and the Senate must try all

impeachments-

1 know not, sir, who arewims rroiusi,uui whoever he was instead of looking for sound

constitutional principles in the history office Governments, in the practice of Legislatures

in the United Slates, or elsewhere, he has contented himself with an ancient truism from the black letter law books, that the House of Lords cannot institute an impeach

ment, or frame articles, and then try it themselves. But do not the Lords, as well as the Commons, express their opinions, by votes and resolutions, of the conduct of Ministers of the Crown? Yet they have the power,

and the sole power, of trying impeachments. The Senate has an undoubted right, iu my opinion, to express its opinions on the public conduct of Executive officers. The contingency, that it may be called on to try an imneachmeut. is no bar to the exercise of this

right. Doubtless there may

thing before altogether unheard of. I heste not to sav that this course is derogatory

to she right tit the Senate, and inconsistent with the intent and spirit of the Constitution.

Lis altogether without precedent. Other Presidents have felt it their duty, when they have made appointments in the recess, to send thorn to the Senate immediately upon its assembling. Usually such nominations come to us the first ten or twelve days of the session. It has rarely happened that they have been delayed as long as a month. But near tive months have now clapsed,and yet these nominations are nut seat to us. When they do come, 1 hope we shall know who has approved the sending of this Proteat. I hope we shall learn who has made himself partaker in it, by positive sanction, or silent acquiescence. Sir, J will not now discuss the assertions, the pretensions, the dangers, of this Protest. Others are in possession of the debate. I do not see that the case is altered by this codicil. The whole measure is of an alarming character. It attempts otic great stride towards the accumulation of all power in Executive hands; a stride which J doubt not the Senate will resist with firmness and constancy ; and in that resistance they will he supported by the country.

SPEECH OF MB. KENT, On presenting a Memorial from Prince

George's county, Maryland. Mr. President, there is another circumstance connected with the removal of the deposites, of which those memorialists complainThey ascribe the act to the President, and not to the Secretary of the Treasury ; and let us see how far they are sustained in this opinion by what Mr. Duane says, and by what has occurred on this floor. " Mr. Duane in his third letter, addressed to the People of the United States, says that "On the 30th of May I reached Washington. After waiting upon the President, on the next day, 1 went to the Treasury Department, and took the oath of office on the 1st of June. On the evening of that day, Mr. Reuben M. Whitney called upon me at my

lodgings, at the desire, as he said, of the Presidcut, to make known to me what had been done, and what was to be done, in relation to the United States Bank. He stated, that the President had concluded to take upon himself the responsibilit y of directing the Secretary of the Treasury to remove the public deposites from the Bank, and to transfer them to State Banks ; that he had asked the members of the Cabinet to give him their opinions on the subject ; that the Presi

dent had said, " Mr. Taney and Mr. Barry had come out like men for the removal;'1 that Mr. MeLanc had given a long opinion against it ; that Mr. Cass was supposed to be against it, but hud given no written opinion;

and that Mr. Woodbury had given an opin

ion, which was " Yes" and No;" that the President would make the act his own, by

addressing a paper or order to the Secretary of the Treasury ; that Mr. AmosKendalhwho I was high in the President's confidence, f now preparing that paper; thatthejr been delay, owing to the affair p4 Una ; but lio duutt u... o....u speak to me on the subject; that i. referred to would be put forth as the -nation had been, and would be made ara.

iiiir point; that he Mr. wiutney) naa, aiuie

desire of the President, drawn a memoir, or

exposition, showing that the measure might be safely adoptod, and that the State Banks would be fully adequate to all the purposes of Government. He then read the exposition to me ; and, as 1 desired to understand matters so important and so singularly presented to me, 1 asked him to f leave the papers with me, which he accordingly did He also read tome divers letters from individuals connected with Staie Banks. The drift of his further observations was to satisfy me that the Executive arm alone could be relied on to prevent a renewal of the United States Bank charter"!! Mr. Luane could not be otherwise than mortified and disgusted at this open attempt to degrade him, but listened attentively to the disclosures made to him, as the plot opened. On the next evening, Mr. J), says, " Mr. Whitney called again on me, accompanied by Mr'. Kendall, 4th Auditor, a gentleman in the President's confidence, and who would give me any farther explanation that i might desire as to what was meditated in relation to the United States Bank, ant'

whocallcd on me because he was about to

uroccod to Baltimore." The next morn;

1 waited on the President, and communi

ed the representations Mr. Witney

made, and their corroctues siindi. Among other observations madettb

sident, he remarked that thefBatler consideration w as of vast consequence

couutrv : that unless the Bank was- broken

down it would break him down, and that, if the last Congress had remained a week longer in session, tmo thirite would lulte teen xtxvre' for the Ban, by corrupt means, and tliat the like result, might be appreliended at the next Congress.'1'' What a humiliating nicture is here drawn by the Chief Magis-

w " -r"x .... i .

trate, ot the .Legislative Qopanmeui oi uie

......,..,!,( i.... ..... ....., hiMoumiun

hMinir with the Bank of the United

Stats as the fiscal agent of the Government, unlss he had committed himself prevwualy to Jte appointment, or it bad been made the

eomtion upon wmcu he was w now u- - JW bun occupy the Treasury Department for tie raquth, and acquire any degree ofexperdifc in the financial .txansaouons of the tSHEm be would sever voluntarily r.,m'rofttiandan the facihties which the

Ban) of the United States bas invariably af-

fordd in the collection, sate-Koapmg, ana transnisHion of the public revenue. In confirmaion of my opinion, the Senate will recn, ,.,:ti, tSLt ((inne.itv the fiscal agency ot

WUUV triW g .Trr.-... - - the tank of the Unitod States was adhered to Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Dallas,

Mr o.i fiird. and Mr. Duane.

Tlose gifted and disinterested men knew

the wlue of suub a public lusuiuuuu, lhrhhd to ohoriah it. The moment we ahan

don it, the public interest suffers. Mr. 1 aney itands alone opposed to it, whilst acting as Stcrotary of the Treasury. Bit, Mr President, there are some cucumrtances connected with the removal of the uhliej deposites, which must and will forevar have a severe bearing upoa whomsoever posterity and the future historian shal1 fix the deed. Wo be unto him on

whosidiead shall fall the execration oJ a ruiaedcommunity! Mr. Duane, who appears to have viewed the act with a keen and scrutiuizng eye, in all its relations to the public inteieat, informs us, in his first letter, that the part of his insUuctions prepared for the ageit who was to negotiate with the banks, whuh directed him to ascertain " the effect of tie removal of the deposites upon the mu

tual relations of banks and upon socieiy, if faithfollv collected, would disabuse

the President's mind," was stricken out ; and

thus "the President would not permit his own agent to collect information thaynigbt have disabused his own mind, or instructed his Cabinet, whom he affected to consultIf the information, called for by the instructions as at first proposed, had been collected, 1 feel satisfied, says Mr. Duane, that it would have indicated the evil consequences which followed the measures of the President. Mr. Duane further remarks, " that whether ihuse measures, thus wantonly executed, ev inced, on the part ol the President, patriotism and magnanimity, or a subserviency to a selfish cabal, the public is competent to de-

tnrminp" What is still worse, Mr. Presi

dent, those instructions, mutilated as they were, robbed of their most essential feature,

to-wit: an inquiry into the effect and bearing which this vital measure would likely have upon the general transactions of the

country, were thrown aside, the agent informs us, in his report to the Secretary of the Treasury, dated the 4th Sept. 1883, and another sot prepared, more congenial to his

own views. Gracious God! Mr. President, v. as there ever before such a state of tilings, mv aae or country? Were ever the in-

4 of a great and growing Republic thus ' "ith? Was ever a generous, grater people thus cajoled, thus im--losui ee one ajYalliug fcot .ent, that there are men behind

who control the highest officers of

. ernment, and who are unknown to the

iw and irresponsible to the People. Your

public agents are forcibly deprived of any control over their respective departments. Amos Kendall thrWs aside the instructions prepared for him by the Secretary of the

Treasury, relative to the inquiries relating to the removal of the public deposites ; R. M.

Whitney had, at the desire of the President, drawn a memoir, or exposition, showing that the removal of the deposites might be safely made, and that the State banks would be fully adequate to all the purposes of Government. Mr. President can this possibly be the same R. M. Whitney who makes such a sorry figure before the Bank Committee, while sitting in Philadelphia. At that time

still threatened witb baakruptoy by ferffaer acts of vsttkucc. Mr puhnt. the Bank bas been repre

sented to be dangerous to itbe liberties of tbe country. When gentlemen make this asser

tion, I do not doubt mitar smcery ; w

fore I can concur in this opinion, must re

lieve every Douartmeat ol the Oovernmeui,

Legislative, Juaiai,.aua kkw, corrupt, to each of which the Bank is amenable. At one tune, the foreign stockholders were to destroy the Uberties ol tbe country, i L. it the Manhattan Bank was selected

UUl DUIVV rm-m " - Tfii RnnlfK. ft arve Dortiuii N

the stock of which is owned by a foreign nobleman, it bas put a stop to that preposterous apprehension. Now, it is the money of the Bank with which the hbertics of the country are to be purchased -when divided mr.rai our oresent .oopulation.it would

amount to about two dollars suty-two and one-half cents each. Tbe people of the

United States must be easily bribed, indeed, to sell their bbcrties for such a contemptible sum. Mr. President, it is generally admitted that the late measure of tbe Executive bas been an unfortuuate one; that it wiU prove disastrous to those who suggested it, I have

no dou bl ; uuu wn - - -

ry throughout the country, the records me Senate furnish lamentable evidence. Then let the Executive retrace his steps, it cannot restore those to their former condition who have already been ruined, hut it may save hundreds of thousands who are on the brink of ruin. Besides, it will make some atonement to the violatod laws, to an outraged Constitut ion'. If there is a member of the Senate who doubts the reality of that distress, which, we are inlormod, pervades the whole country, let him mingle among the worthy eit.ize.ns of this District lot him learn from

that portion of theiu who are not fed out of the public crib, the ruin of their Banks, the want

of a cuxulatiua medium, me oesirucuon u

confidence, and the entire loss of business.

TWEWTY-THXBD

FIB ST SKSSION. IN -SENATE.

be cases in

vhich the propriety of its exercise might be

much influenced by the consideration that the Senate held the power of judging on impeachment. But this is matter ofdiscretion. in every case, the Senate must proceed upon its own sense of propriety andjustice. There may be, sometimes, good reason to re

frain from expressing opinions, and sometimes there may be the highest propriety in exoressuur such opinions in the strongest

manner. The right of doing so is clear, and is not to bedisputetl. The possession of judicial power does nut abridge the legislative power of the Senate. It does not take away any of its rights as a representative

body. Sir, the President of the United States has been misled. He is uninformed, or misinformed, as to the real state of opinion in the country. 1 fear there are those who share his confidence, and who present to his view only one side of things. The slate of the country is alarming. Members of the Senate, who have not been out of this city for tive mouths, are not aware of the depth and utronirttt nflSli OllbllC t'c.t'l i IILr I kIuiuIH like

to know what adviser have recommended to ! Government! So much for Mr. Duane's let-

the President to send us this protest Its cir- ter. It fully sustains the apprehension of eulation through the country will add fuel to the memorialists. Mr. Duane finally retusfeelings already sufficiently enkindled. The ed to perform the act at the President's bidPresident has around him "the Heads of De-1 ding. For this refusal he assigned his reapartments. Can any body tell us whether ; sons to the President, in a letter since pubany of those heads, and "if any, which of j lished to the world, as a part of his fourth letthem, advised to send this paper to the Sen- ter to the People of the United States, and

ate? Of which of them, if any, sat by, nei- j which does equal credit to his heart and his ther assenting or dissenting, afraid to speak j head. It is unanswerable.

J he ground taken by mm, ne sajs, was

their minds, or unwilling to liazard their

places I Sir, it is not without some color of reason

that the President, in this paper, speaks of

the Heads ot departments as his Secretaries

enforced by a representation from the Secretary of State with unusual ability. This paper, J hope, we shall see hereafter. Ru

mour savs there were two other papers pre

One half of them have never been confirmed , seated in fevor of the removal of the depos-

by the Senate Three of them, usually cal , ites, so remarkable for rashness, parUssan led members of the Cabinet, being one half zeal, and ignorance of the subject of which of the whole, were appointed last year, in they treated, that they would be considered tbe recess of Congress, and now- when we ! curiosities if they could be brought to light

are near the ond of tbe fifth month of the i perhaps it would be loiter for the reputation session, their appointtnente have not been ! of the country that they never liould. eont to the Swat for rotoa. Thks Tbelustory of tie stry suateiw m u

his testimony was entirely discredited, and he made to admit that he had been a resident in Canada from 1898 to 1816, and had taken the oath of allegiance to the British Government. His icsidence in Canada cmbraced the whole period of the War, as well as tbe five years during which the first experiment to dispense with a National Bank was going on. He was, therefore, not only exempt from the perils of the war, but free

from those sacrifices which would unavoida-

roduced by a depreciated paper cur-

d very probably, during all that pe-

ng by the unstortunes ot thai

ich gave kirn birth. Mr. Preei-

ch an individual be a fit adviser

lideutofthe United States? Will

e ever consent that the destinies of

tms great and growing republic shall be placed in buch hands ? He to have an active

agency in involving us in our present mis-

tortunes It is enough to bring down the

vongeauce of Heaven upon us. If the President of tbe United States wants additional advisars, do lot him resort to high-minded,

honorable, mtelhgent men. lhe country

abounds iu them. But the Bank is a monster, and must be put down ! It was created

by law, after ample discussion and mature

deliberation, through the exertions of pure and able men, witb powers sufficient, and no more, to achieve a groat and important benefit to the community, to-wit s the restoration of specie payments by the banks.

It accomplished its object at great cost and expense ; ..nd gave us a currency inferior to none that ever existed. Every interest prospered in consequence of this new condition of the currency, and the Bank would have continued to shed its beneficial influence on all tbe transactions of the country, if it had been permitted to pursue its course to tbe end of the charter. In a moment of blind infatuation , the Executive Department of tbe Government took a perverted view of the interests of the country, and determined to ar

rest its progress. Its chartered rights were violated; tin public money removed from its vaults, where, but a short time before, the House of Rooreson'atii'tif hail ckiprmiiinri H

The Senate seems to have been chiefly

engaged, for some time past iu discussion concerning tbe President's Protest . On the 21st iust. the President sent to the Senate

a second message, in explanation of tbe Protest Message. Resolutiens were offered by Mr. Poindexter against receiving those papers. The resolutions were as follows. Resolved) That the President in transmitting the paper which he did, to tbe Benate, on the 17th inst, which he requested to be placed on its journals, as an Executive Protest, against a resolution passed by the Senate, made a communication not authorized by the constitution, nor warranted by

that mutual interchange ol communications which the discharge of official duties renders

necessary and proper between the Legis lative and Executive Departments.

2. Resolved, That the President in the

paper Uove referred to, assumes powers in relation to the Senate, not authorized by the

constitution, and calculated in its conse

quences to destroy that harmony which

ought to exist between the co-ordinate De

partments of the General Government; to

interfere with the Senate, in the discharge

of its duties; to degrade it in the public o

pinion, and finally to destroy its indepen

dence, bv subjecting its rights and duties tc

the determination and control of tbe Chief

Magistrate.

3. Resolved, That the communication of

a paper of such a character w'lth the deck

ration that accompanied it, is a plain ai d open breach of the constitutional rights and

privileges of the Senate; and that it cannot be received by this body, without a surrender of the just pow ers coufided to it by the constitution, in trust, to secure the lilierty, and promote the prosperity of these States, and which the members are bound to maintain under the sacred obligations of an oath. 4. Resolved, therefore, That the paper be not received by the Senate.

tbe Execuuve depai-uuiejut to discontinue a arfiwHd Sunk, only in case it snail Oui to comply witb its enpgemeniU, or becomes in the opinion of the. Secretary of the Treasury, unsafe ; in wbkb case be is to report bis reasons to Cortgrpw, at tiieir nest ses

sion for their consideration. line But also contains provision that tbe Banks selected as public Depositories, shall not, after a gn eu day, issue notes oi' less nomination tban five dollars . These are the leading features of the Bill reported by thsfeoaemittee , as far as we can judge of them by ibeir report, not yet having seen tbe Bill. MAJOR DOWNING'S CORRESPONDENCE. FCKATE CHAMBER. Washiugtxm, April 17, 1884. To my old Friend Mr. Dwigbt, of the NewYork Daily Advertiser. Mv last letter telil'd vou a-bout mv havia

loft tbe White House, and come up bere ; an that. I wns waiting for Mie tfenale to decide

my application, and so tortu. wu

x. webster went on next nay aown east,

to attend to some taw business; and Mr.

Clay was compelled to take bis ikdy into Virginia, on account of ber being very sick; and two or three other Senators went off too; and tbere was jist enuf left to keep business goia, and 1 have been hungia on waiun tin they all git back. The Guioral seeiu tbat a good many of tbe leadin Senators w as away, tbought it was a good time to fire a shot at the Senate, and so be sprung to it and hateb'd out another egg ia no time, and sent Major Donaldson right up with it. I met him cormn in, and says f Major, w hat's coining now is tbat another proclamation, or a veto, or w hat is it? O, says be, its nary one on 'em; and so in I weotjfor I was plagy curius to see what new name this bird was called by, and tbe first thing I beard was "protest." Well, thinks I, if this don't beat all natur ; and jist then one of the Spectators spoke to nic,and says he, Major, can you tell me how is it that the Gineral bas got a new name for this document? Well, says I, I was jist thinking about it; iu the first place, says I, the Gineral has got tired of " proclamations," and " vetoes," and " cabinet papers," and he had heajo so much lately about " protests," iu these hard times,

he wants to lot folks see he is tMiuUXod with the same kind ofcriturs himself, and so he bas sent one on 'em up here to the Senate, to see what they think about it.

In my last letter 1 telrd you the Gineral

was boppin mad at the Senate for passin those resolutions, and I sec how things was going, and I thought the best place I could go to right off was the Senate Chamber, for

this is the only body now that stands in tbe way of the Gineral' w alkin rght over all creation, jist as be did over the Secretary of the Treasury, and Squire Bibblc's Bank, for there is no stoppin on him when be gets a notion. He was plagily put out wlien be come to hear how the New-York elections went ; and Mr. White, from your city, tell'd him if it

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Much lime has been spent on Mr. Vance's proposed amendment to the Appropriation Bill, for the reduction of salaries of certain officers of the Federal Government, but we believe the amendments have all been re

jected.

On the 17th ult. the house on motion of

Mr. Clayton, addopted the follownig resolution : Resolved, That a special committee be appointed for the purpose of inquiring into the expediency of equalizing and reducing the salaries of officers and all other expenses of government, in every department thereof, where the same can be constitutionally done ; and also to abolish such offices as may be unnecessary, and that they have power to report by bill oj otherwise. April 22. A resolution was offered for the appointment of a committee to investigate the situation of the Bunk of Washington, the Bank of Georgetown, the Patriotic Bank and the Bank of Alexandria, and enquire into the causes which have led them to suspend specie payments. Mr. Hardin, of Kentucky, moved as an amendment that tbe committee also inauire

into the condition of tbe Bank of the Metro

polis (the deposit: Bank) and the amount of

its obligations and its means to redeem them but before tbe question was taken, tbe house, on motion of Mr. Boone, proceeded to tbe Oideus of the day. Mr. Polk, from the Committee of Ways and Means, made a Report, and introduced a Bill, prescribim?

tbe manner io which the Banks hereaf ter to

be used as Depositories of tbe public monev

shall be selected the conditions on which rbey snail be employed the duties they shall be required to perform and the secuntiee they stall gins. The Bill punsit

had'nt been for him and some of tbe Members of the Legislature from Albany, the anti-Jackson party would'nt got a mojority over MOO. 1 send you a copy of this " Protest the Gineral has jest hatched out ; and he' want the Senate to take care on't, and put it along side their resolutions. 1 hope the Senate will do so, and then there won't be no mistake when the time comes for overhaulmg matters, and let folks see what a curius critur die Gineral is. And I mean to try and get the Senate to hitch on a copy of this letter to the tail on't, so folks hereafter ma be able to understand the hull matter. This " protest" is prittv cute written ; and some things are dovetail'd in so smooth, that

a good many folks won't be able to see die

jmts; there aint not bin in it v ou haint seen

wore in speeches, and proclamations, and veto, and messages, only the GirV)rt lias found out there aint one attorn of dtefcrence

between dollars and drums, bank notes and

blankets, gold and guns ; its aU one, he sav s, for its all the property of the Government,

and he is the Governmeu', and its all htsen,

jest as much as his horses and Hickory.

there is two or three things among the Gineral's notions puzzles me considerable. He says the Senate haint got no right to say nothing agin him or pass resolutions blaniin no way ; because the time may come when tbe Senate may be called on according to the constitution to try him. Now the consUtution says that "the President, Vice President and Civil officers of tbe United States shall be remo' ed from office on impeachment for, and convicted of treason, bribing, and other high crimes, and misdemenors," and the Senate is the oiily court to by such folks and such cases, according to the constitution. Now according to the Gineral's notions, the Senate has no right to notice any thing that is going w rong by any officer under the Government, because the time may corns when he may be brought before them for trial. Now suppose the President nominated some chap who wanted to have his office renewed and the Senate found out soinetaing wrong about him, and would'nt confirm it and tell the President all about and write it all down too in their Jarnel of preceeding, as tliey always dc and when it comes to be known, this officer was impeached well, could'nt the Senate try him because it could be shown they had already expressed an opinion about biro? The constitution sawthis and says when the Senats becomes a court for ti ki of impeachments every member must be sworn over agin. The Gineral saw be was savin too much agm tbe right of the senate, as a Senate and Legislative body, and so lie tries to get round this corner in the Protest, by saying thers a great difference between the proceedings of tbe Senate when the doors are open, and when they are iu secret session, now I cant seen mite of difference as it regard this pintand my notion is, if the Stoats hatche! a chap for bad conduct with the doors closed, (and the Gmemi says they have rbt to do it then) rt w.-ukJ boj' ss bd