Plymouth Journal, Volume 1, Number 1, Plymouth, Marshall County, 13 November 1844 — Page 1

PLYMOUTH JOURNAL. ERROR MAY BE TOLERATED WHILE TRUTH IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT. -Jefferson VOL. I. PLYMOUTH, MARSHALL COUNTY, IND., NOVEMBER 13, 1844 NO. 1.

The Plymouth Journal

is published every Wednesday, BY H. J. KEELER. TERMS. Two Dollars per year if paid within six months; TWO DOLLARS and FIFTY CENTS if not paid till the expiration of the year. A failure to notify a discontinuance at the end of the time subscribed for will be considered as a new engagement. Produce taken in part payment. ADVERTISEMENTS. Twelve lines or less, 3 insertions, $1 00 Every additional insertion, 0 25 The number ot insertions for advertisements must be marked on the tnanuscripttwhen handed in; otherwise they will be ccuiiiuued till ordered out, and charged accordingly. Those who wish to advertise by the year or half year wiil be charged in accordance with the prices established by the Printers' Association. Letters on business must be post-paid. THE JOURNAL. H. J. KEELER, Editor. Wednesday, November 13. 1811. TO THE PATRONS OF THE PLYMOUTH JOURNAL. The long-lamented desideratum to the people of Marshall and her neighboring counties, is at length supplied. Permit us to congratulate you upon this last, though not least, accession to your wealth, your industry, virtue, intelligence and repulsion of your county. May this Press ever faithfully reflect the virtue, intelligence, and spirit which so justly characterize the peoplo of Kosciusko, Pulaski, Fulton and Marshall. You have now in the very heart of your territory, the lever that moves a nation; that hurls the despot from his throne, and elevates oppressed humanity. "Knowledge is power." The Press is the great disseminator of that knowledge which is the means of power. Every nation is prosperous, happy, strong and harmoniously balanced, just in proportion to the equal distribution of intelligence. The moral power resulting from intelligence, must place forever beyond a hope one portion of the human race oppressing another equally intelligent. We congratulate you, therefore, in having the means at your command of holding a just balance of power in your own hands. And here permit us to say, that it shall ever be the faithful endeavor of this press to preserve and maintain those rights. But in the discharge of that imperative duty, and in the maintenance of that high responsibility imposed on us by the promises and general tenor of those principles contained in our Prospectus, we shall do it in our own way, alike regardless of the frowns or applause of individuals or of party. We have our own notions of conducting a public press, and shall not suffer ourself to deviate from them. Suggestions may be listened to, but must rest with our decision. We have taken upon ourself the task of conducting this Press with fairness and justice to all parties; of presenting faithfully and impartially the true principies and doctrines of either party, with the arguments supporting those principles. This we intend to do promptly and fearlessly. In the discharge of this duty it would be singular indeed if all the readers of .the Plymouth Journal should coincide witn us in all we may say. We do not expect it. While human nature remains the same; while men are fallible, difference of opinion may be expected. Such are the diversity of circumstances surrounding us,of education, and of nature's endowments, (differing in quality and de

gree from various known and unknownfrt jtartyism. To bring back this Gov

causes,) that harmony of opinion can never be effected. Perfect, universal harmony is the offspring of infallibility,they never exist sep erately. It is not, therefore, strange that men differ on any and every subject. It is this difference

of opinion (and a honest difference too)

that gives rise to political parties, religious sects, and the numberless castes in society. The three political parties in this country embrace in their support its whole population - an embodiment of the virtue, intelligence and patriotism of the American people. And notwithstanding the material difference in the nature and tendency of their principles, it is to be hoped they are striving to promote the same great object: to place the institutions of our country upon a basis most congenial to the interest, happiness, freedom and independence of our people, and to ensure the perpetuity of our government. Political freedom is worth contending for. Our fathers shed the best blood of noble hearts to attain it. We, their sons, are reaping the fruits of that hallowed sacrifice; but it is greatly to be feared that, in the unholy strife for party ascendancy, we lose sight of those great principles and virtues which animated the bosoms of our revered ancestry, and forget, in our rage for personal emolument and personal and party political elevation, the most salutary lessons of experience, and stifle, without remorse, the whisperings of our better nature, and the voice of enlightened patriotism. We have ever looked upon high party excitements with intense regret. Of all the sources rife with anarchy, and with tendencies subversive of our liberties, party mania is the most fruitful. In our mad strife for power we overleap the barriers to evil, alike forgetful and regardlesss of the claims of justice, of religion and of patriotism, fostering in our bosoms the worst passions of our nature; alienating our feelings of kindness to our neighbor, our love of kindred and our reverence of age; poisoning the pure streams of social and domestic enjoyment, and stab to the very heart the genius of our freedom. The barbaric and despotic maxim of that blood-thirsty mistress of political abomination?, that, "the end justifies the means," is the basest lie that ever disgraced the family of nations. That man, or set of men, or party, or administration that would resort to low a cunning and intrigue: that would estrange families and friends nay, that would sacrifice public and private interests to advance their own peculiar tenets, are unworthy the confidence of a virtuous and free people and we devoutly pray that the time may soon come when the moderation, virtue and intelligence of our citizens will discountenance the mad demagogues of party, nad elect to public service those who love their country more than party. This unhallowed devotion to party should be deprecated by every lover of this government. Tho great Father of his Country, whose moderation and judgment wreathed his brow with fame's most imperishable laurels, warned us of its evils. And from the days of that good man to this, undue party feeling has received the rebuke of every true patriot heart. The language of judge McLean is the language of the true patriot; and justly entitled him to the confidence and esteem of the American people. He says, '1 do not desire and would not receive the Presidency, if within my reach, as the instrument of a party. Indeed I should count it no honor, to have my name associated with the downward course of government; and such a course is accelerated, and only accelerated, by ul-tra patryism. To bring back this Government to its old foundations; to. restore its lost character, its former purity, energy and "elevation, would, be an achievrncnt second only to that of Washington's. An achievment which would make any individual the favourite son

of his country: Of this who would not be proud? and short this object, no honest man can desire the Fresidency." The sentiment of that Herculean intellect whose magic touch disrobes the constitution of its mystic meanings, and displays to the gaze of his admiring countrymen the immortal monument of our immortal fathers the proud pillar that supports the whole machinery of this government; and around which the votaries of freedom rally as their last hope; that great mind, too, has hurled its shafts at party madness. In his memorable speech at Valley Forge, Mr. Webster says: "I suppose that the existence of parties in a republican government cannot be avoided; and to a certain extent perhaps the existence of parties may exercise a wholesome, restraining, and necessary influence upon the rulers under such forms of government. But I still think that, when party spirit carries men so far, that they will not enquire into men and measures that are placed before them for their sanction and support, but only enquire to what party they belong that is a state of things which is dangerous to the stability, the perpetuity of a free government. It has been said that party is the madness of the many for the benefit of the few. And this is true. Because of all inventions dangerous to liberty - of all inventions calculated to subvert free institutions and popular forms of government of all institutions calculated to

supply a bandage to the eyes of man. The invention of party and party spirit is the most effectual." The only basis of free government, is the virtue and intelligence of its citizens, and confidence in the integrity of man. - The demon that would tear assuuder those sacred ties that bind the people of this Republic in holy bonds of political brotherhood, deserves the deep damnation of his race a more direful punishment than governments can inflict. If there is any one thing cheering to the heart of the good and true patriot, it is that the Presidential contest is past. Every one has had an opportunity of gouging and of being gouged, 'till, we should suppose, he would naturally desire to postpone the contest and take wind. The contest, so far as the people are concerned, is now ended. The Presidency rests with the Electors or with our Representatives in Congress. Until we hear from the "Empire State," it would be impossible to predict that the election would not full under the contingency. We all are anxious for the success of our candidate. This is natural and right. But all three cannot bo elected! What then is our duty? Why, as good citizens, we will all lay aside the bitter feelings of the war; unite in the support of the administration, so far as its policies promote the interests of the country; plant the banner of our freedom, as outposts of our territory, and mark the limits of foreign bloodhounds, and the home of freemen. We have enough to do to preserve our liberties from foreign invasion and monarchial intrigue, and hand them down unimpaired to our posterity, without fighting among ourselves. In the language of our lamented Howard: "I beseech you to lay aside all bitterness occasioned by party differences, and live and labor together in harmony and brotherly love." The political character of the Journal will be strictly neutral. A page will be devoted to oach of the three political parties for the discussion of their principles, notices of meetings proceedings of their parties, &c. &c, but will also contain a share of miscellaneous and instructive matter, and a general run of the busy world. The science of Agriculture, by far tho most important to mankind, will

receive a proper share of attention. It is our design to render the Journal worthy the patronage of any community, and we hesitate not to say, that no effort shall be wanting on our part, to make it such. We would assure our readers, that it is our sincere desire (as is our duty) to do justice to all parties in our selections. We shall select from such sources only as may be relied upon for TRUTH hoping that truth is what our readers seek. We

are aware that this will be a difficult task, but we shall do it to the best of our humble ability leaving our patrons to judge whether it is well, or ill done. We cast our anchor and embark our fortunes with you. We shall ever esteem it our highest pleasure to join our hand in the advancement of your various interests. We shall never let our own peculiar notions of political economy, of religion or any other matter, affect our personal friendship. Claiming ourself the privilege of freedom to thought, we shall award the same to others. As we are just starting our Press, the various embarrassments we necessarily labor under, wo trust will be apparent to you, and be responded to on your part, by as early remittances as practicable. The first page of this number is assigned to the Whig party. The word whig is said to be a corruption of the word whey, and was applied to the liberal or democratic party opposing the high church or strong crown party about the middle of the seventeenth century. It was used at that time as an approbrious epithet - whey being the principal beverage of its supporters, who were at first called tho Whey party, and afterwards the Whig party. The term Whig, was applied during the revolution, to those supporting the colonies in their resistence, and opposing the crown. It has been used some two or three times since, designating political parties and is so used at this time. The principles of the whig party are. that government should be instituted for the good of the governed; that the policy and legislation of a government should be to promote the highest welfare of its own citizens and to strengthen and perpetuate its own existence, and that to accomplish this, it is the duty of the government to aid in the developement of the resources of the country, by fostering and encouraging individual industry, as indispensable to individual happiness, and national independence; that an express power brings with it the power of carrying into execution that express power; that concentration of legislative power (whether positive or negative) in one man is, not only anti-republican, but destructive in theory and oppressive in practice; that the surplus of revenues accruing under government, should revert to the people; that to ensure a faithful, prompt, impartial and incorrupt administration of government, the executive of a nation should be checked, by limitation, from indulging the hope of undue personal political power. With this brief and imparted sketch, we close our remarks, promising, however, to take up at some future time the various political parties that have existed in this country since tho formation of this government, and give their respective principles and grounds of contention. VOICE OF A REVEREND PATRIOT. The following is an extract fiom a Dis conrse of the immortal and lamented Channirg a warning admonition against the Annexation of Texas to this Union: "The sum of what I have wished to say is, that the Union of these States should, if possible, be kept inviolate, on the ground of the immense difficulty of constructing new Confederacies and new Governments. Tho present state of men's minds is not favorable to this most arduous task. Other considerations

might be urged against Disunion. But in all this I do not mean that Union is to be held fast at whatever cost. Vast sacrifices should be made to it, but not the sacrifice of that duty. This measure, besides entailing on us evils of all sorts, would have for its chief end to bring the whole country under the Slave power, to make the General Government the agent of Slavery; and this we are bound to resist at all hazards. This act would be unconstitutional.

The authors of the Constitution never dreamed of conferring a power on Congress to attach a Foreign Nation to the Country, and so to destroy entirely the original balance of power. It is true that the People acquiesced in the admission of Louisiana to the Union by Treaty, but the necessity of the case reconciled them to that dangerous precedent. It was understood that by fair means or foul, by negociation or war, the West ern States would and must possess them-r selves of the Mississippi and Orleans. This was regarded as a matter of life o death; and therefore the People allowed this great inroad to take place in the fundamental conditions of the Union, without the appeal which ought to have been made to the several State sovereignties. But no such necessity now exists, and a like action of Congress ought to be repelted as gross usurpation. The Union of Texas to us must be an unmixed evil. We do not need it on a single account. We are already too large. The machine of Government hardly creeps on under the weight of so many diverse interests, and such complex functions as burden it now. Our own natural increase is already too rapid. New States are springing up too fast; for in these must exist, from the nature of the case, an excess of adventurous, daring spirits, whose influence over the Government cannot but be perilous for a time: and it is madness to add to us a new nation to increase the wild impulses, the half civilized forces, wich now mingle with our Natoinal Legislature. "To unite with Texas would be to identify ourselves with a mighty wrong; for such was the seizure of that Province by a horde of adventurers. It would be to insure the predominance of the Slave power; to make slavery a chief national interest, and to pledge us to the continually increasing prostitution, qf the National power to its support. It would be to begin a career of encroachments on Mexico which would corrupt and dishonor us, would complicate and disturb the movements of Government, would create a wastetul patronage; and enlarge our military establishment. It would be to plunge us into war, not only with Mexico, but with Foreign Powers, which will not quietly leave us to add tho Gulf of Mexico to our vast territory along the Atlantic Coast. "To unite Texas to ourselves would be to destroy our present unity as a People, to sow new seeds of jealousy. It would be to spread beyond bounds the space over which the National arm must ho extended; to present new points of attack and new reasons for assault, and at the same time to impair the energy to resist them. Can the Free States consent to pour out their treasure and blood like water, in order io defend against Mexico and her European Protectors the Slave-trodden fields of distant Texas? Would the South be prompt to exhaust itself for the annexation to this country of the vast British possessions of the North? It is ready to pledge itself to carry the Star Spangled Banner to the pole, in exchange for our readiness to carry Slavery to Darien? There must be some fixed limits to our country. We at the north do not ask for Canada. We do not, I hope, accept it as a gift; for we could not rule it well. And is the country to spread itself in one direction alone? Are we willing to place ourselves under the rule of adventurers, whom a resistless spirit or a dread of justice drives to Texas. What possible boon can we gain? The Free States are not only wanting to common wisdom, but in those instincts by which other communities shrink fom connections that diminish their importance and neutralize their power. We shall deserve to be put under guardianship if we receive Texas to our embrace. Such suicidial policy would place us among those whom "God infatuates before he destroys." "You are always in love," as the compositor said to the letter O.

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