Pike County Democrat, Volume 31, Number 25, Petersburg, Pike County, 26 October 1900 — Page 3

® ki §Hbt €ountg Jcmoctat K. MeC. 8TOOP8, Editor and Proprietor* PETERSBURG^ : INDIANA. ] A Lazy Pike County Man ;’ 4 Hiram Lantnaon'a Attempt to Qeta < *

TP HE intelligence of Pike ooun1 ty animals being famous all over . the country/’ said Deacon Todgers, “no one was surprised when 4 the agent for a big curcus came up here early this spring trying to collect five animals in general, but with a special yearning for wild^ cats and bears. He offered good prices, but the boys, knowing the difficulties of the case, didn’t take much interest 1n his scheme. So everyone was surprised when Hiram Lampson, who has the reputation of being the laziest man in the whole county, 6poke up and allowed he would furnish the agent with bears and wildcats enough to meet the demands of any ten feircuses. ■_ “‘I ain’t so foolish as I look.* said Hiram, when I remonstrated with him, ‘Who is the best ventriloquist in this county?’ “ ‘You are/ I responded. “‘And who is the best mimic?’ he asked. “ ‘You are, Hiram Lampson,’ I answered him. impatient like. ‘And you are the biggest fool, too. Do you propose to give an entertainment foi the benefit of Pike county bears, and charm them so that they will be willing to let you sell them to any circus agent who happens to be in the vicinity? Your undoubted talents may amuse a Sunday school class, but they won’t carry you far along the Pike county bear and wildcat theatrical circuit, which seems to be your intention to organize.’ Hiram looked hurt at my flow of sarcasm. “ ‘It’s no wild animal vaudevi^e entertainment I’m going to get up. deacon/ he said, earnestly. ‘My plan is based on, the understanding of wild animal nature I acquired sittiug around inthe woods on warm summer days when prejudiced observers thought I aught to be plowing. My muscles weren’t very busy then, to be sure, but my intellect was working overtime.’ “1 was clean puzzled to see how Hiram was going to catch either bears or wildcats by means of ventriloquism or mimicry. • After making me promise not to give his plan away, he unfolded his scheme. “‘During these spring months what are Pike county animals busiest about?’ he asked. “ ‘Most of them- are devoting their energies to looking after promising families,’ said I. “ ‘To be sure, deacon, to be sure/ answered Hiram, with the air of a man who has gained an important point in an argument. ‘Now take the case^ with bears. Will an old bear, an experienced bear, wander into anj’ trap devised for the catching alive of unsuspecting bruins? But if a bear thinks its cub is in the trap it will blunder right ahead and so be trapped and exchanged for good money for the benefit of an intelligent but over-modest hunter.’ “Even then I didn’t see through Hiram’s plan. ‘1 don’t see/ I argued, ‘how you are going to get your cubs. Even the youngest and least suspicious of bear wives or mothers will look with doubt on your plan of.starting a bear creche with her cubs. And it’s certain no wildcat is going to commit her kittens to the tender mercies of Hiram Lampson, Day schools and nurseries are all right in their way, but I don't believe you can ever make them popular with Pike county wildcats.’

‘Nonsense. deacon,’ said Hiram, impatiently. ‘It's not a training school for teaching the bear cub or wildcat kitten idea to shoot that I’m after. I mean to bring my active intellect and justly famed powers of mimicry into play. Down at thr epd of the big gulch I will build a pen wdth a little door to it. Then I will get up a tree and imitate the crying of a bear cup in distress. The call will seem to come from the pen. Any mother bear that b ars it will hike for that pgn, and won’t rest until she has explored the inside. Once inside, that bear will stay until she is exchanged for shekels for the ‘benefit of Hiram Lampson. And the same scheme will work all right with wildcats. Once let me get my plan in. working order and any famine in the wild animal supply can promptly be averted by applying to your Uncle Hiram.’ “I was more than shocked at the moral callousness of the man and the way he gloated over the prospective breaking up of happy, if belligerent, families. ’Hiram Lampson,’ I said to him, solemnly, it’s playing on the tenderest emotions of mother bears that you are proposing. It’s using the mother love of unwary wildcats to draw them into captivity. You may prosper in your ungodly scheme for •While, but in the end fate will reach out and grab you by the neck and twist it.* “But did my solemn and well-chosen words of warning turn Hiram from his evil ways? Not a bit. Within three days he had his trap fixed. Then he •limbed a nearby tree, sort of hid in the branches, and sent out a cry like \ a baby bear that has been caught in a trap. There’s no denying Hiram had talent in his unsanctified way, for that call was the most natural-sounding thing I ever heard. And before Hiram had repeated it half a dozen times a big she bear came crashing through the bushes, hiked over to where the 4oor was and then stooped. Hiram

gevo another call, which seemed to | some from, the corner of the pen. In rushed the old bear. Hiram pulled a string, and down fell the door of the pen. Hiram climbed down from the tree as pleased and happy as if he had done something to be proud of. “ ‘It’s only rescuing that old bear from the wild woods and hills,* he said, sort of exultant like, 'and giving her the benefits of civilization. When 4h« circus agent carts her off he will show her what life in great cities is like Blamed if I don’t feel as if I was the original white man’s burden bearer.* And he swelled out bis chest, like a man who has done all kinds of a chart* table deed. “Hiram sold the bear to the circus agent for more money than he could have earned in three months. The next day he imitated the cry of a wildcat kitten in distressful circumstances, with the result that in less than an hour he had a small, but indignant, fe« male wildcat in the pen. Hiram was the happiest man in Pike county, and began planning what he would do with all the money he saw coming. “ ‘You’ve made a good bundle now, I told him, ‘and it’s time to cash in and get out of the game. Animals with the intelligence of Pike county bears and wildcats won’t be made the victims of a perennial goldbrick game. And I’ve noticed both bears and wildcats prowling around, as if they suspected that pen of yours wasn’t entirely a charitable institution.’ & “But Hiram declared he wouldn’* stop while he was fairly coining money. The next day he started after bear. Sure enough, as soon as he gave th«* bear cub cry. down from the hills cams a big bear. But instead of going ints the pen. the bear kept nosing about as if she suspected something was wrong, About a minute later she spied Hiram You could fairly hear her brains working, she waj|. thinking 50 hard. Being an old and experienced bear, it didn’1 take her long to figure out that tht bear cub cry had come from Hiram. Talk about an angry bear. She star* ed up the tree with the air of a beai who was determined to give at least on* person a lesson on the evil of trifling with the affections of respectable mother bears. Hiram didn’t wait for explanations, but hunted for a higher limb. Pretty soon he found one which would hold him, being a light mai^ but wasn’t strong enough for an ex* tra-sized angry bear. For a minute Hiram seemed safe, though far from happy. The bear was puzzled, but gave every indication of being willing to wait for Hiram aa long at he found it convenient to stay at the end of that limb. “Just then a big wildcat, evidently

■▲VINO AN ARGUMENT WITH HIRAM, ft female, came loping along. Mi% Bear alid down from the tree, waddleft over to the wildcat, and a man didn't need to be an expert in wild animal nature to see that an impromptu mothers* congress was in session. Mrs, Bear evidently explained to Mrs. Wildcat the manner in which Hiram was trying to play on their affections. Then the old bear planted herself at the foot of the tree and waited developments, while the wildcat went up the tree with the evident intention of having an argument with Hiram. “And it was plain that Hiram was about to collide with the real thing. The branch he was on was plenty strong enough for the wildcat, and she wasn’t wasting any time. Hiram waited until the wildcat was within a couple of feet of him. Then he let out a yell, slid off his branch and came crashing to the ground. For fear he might be lonely the wildcat came with him, leaping on his shoulders, and doing her best with her claws to keep him from getting blase. “Mrs. Bear was waiting for the couple, but, although I hadn’t approved of Hiram’s scheme, I didn’t want him to furnish a meal for a justly enraged mother bear. So I fired my gun. I didn’t hurt the bear, but she took alarm ! and shuffled off in a reluctant sort of way. The wildcat gave Hiram • couple of parting digs, and ducked, too, leaving Hiram a saddened and battered man. But was he ashamed of his plan for betraying the affections of confiding bears and wildcats? No! s bit. "S “ ‘My plan was UU right,’ he snarled, between his groans\‘but who would have guessed I woularun up agains! i Pike County Bear and Wildcat tective association?’H—N. Y. Sun.

Thm Pica of i*eaeo. A man may like to apeak of Ml Brat bullet, but tbe more of tetlie service be bas aeeu tbe lets <b«Hbi4 lie it to talk about bit eb&re in it. An officer wbo wore tbe Victoria Cross, and wbo bad distinguished binv lelf at tbe battle of tbe Alma, where tie bad two horses killed under him, was once entreated by Chaplain Har3y, of tbe British army, to tell something as to bis feelings and experiences in an engagement. All the sbaplain could get from him was: ‘A battle is a very disagreeable place to be in. Come, and 1*11 show you ■ur nisrs.”—Youth’s Companion.

■*- Lesson for the People in the Piratical Methods of the Coal Trust. MEANING OF M’KINLEY'S REELECTION. Bubi’i Rud in the Settlement ot the Coni Miners’ Strike—Effort* ot Repnbllemno to Mislead Voters —Some Pacts Regarding Trust Legislation. [Special Correspondence.] Hark Hanna, in his recent Chicago speech, confirmed the democratic corn tention that the ten per cent, advance in wages offered to the coal miners was a republican campaign scheme. With his usual crass stupidity, he assumed that the starving miners would jump at the bait and fail to see the trap which it concealed. Hanna hastened to take the credit of the offer to himself before he knew the result of the employes’ conference. How disappointed he must have been when he found that the miners had detached the cheese from the hook and refused to walk into the trap. If the strike is prolonged ijntil it causes suffering to poor people unable to pay advanced prices, the responsibility of such expense and inconvenience to the public rests 6olely with the coal combine. The miners waived recognition of their union, and merely asked that the ten per cent, advance be guaranteed to them for six months, until April 1, 1901. They offered to leave the other grievances to arbitration and abide by the decision. Nothing could be fairer than that. As a matter of fact, the operators could afford to guarantee the six mofiths’ advance in wages purely as a campaign investment if they had any idea of the popular resentment that is growing against their piratical proced*ure and1 the protection and encouragement which it receives from the McKinley administration. There are various reasons why the coal combine has not been too anxious to end the strike at once. They are purely business considerations, and these weigh more heavily with the trust than any political advantage, even of the party which stands for its

aggressions. i While the coal operators and the railroad combine have reaped a profit of | more than $8,000,000 while the strike ! has been in progress, this is not because there has been *any scarcity of coal. On the contrary, there was mote than a million tons piled up at various points in New Jersey in anticipation of this strike. It gave a splendid excuse to reap an extra profit from the helpless consuming public. Mark Hanna may persuade the operators to accede to the very moderate demands of the miners, and settle the strike, but the country Ws had its lesson. It has seen how unlimited is trust dominion in the coal fields, and how the trusts oppress and degrade the workmen on one hand and rob the consuming public on the other. The voters have already made up their minds that this piratical method of doing business is dangerous to the liberties of the people. The reeleation of McKinley means the extension of coal trust methods to every industry in the roumtTy controlled by trusts—and they already number 400 and over. Restraint of Trusts. The republicans are taking much pains to confuse and mislead the voters on the trust issue. Bryan is held up as the bugaboo who will interfere with legitimate business when he brings the guerrilla trusts under the operation of legal remedies. No person should be in doubt as to the result of trust restraint. In indi

vicinal cases tne arresting ana punishment of a thief means more security for all honest men. In the business world the same principle applies. The arrest and punishment of lawless trusts and combinations means more security and better opportunities for all sorts of honest and legitimate business. To permit the trusts to go unpunished and unrestrained, as they are doing now, is to introduce a condition of anarchy and disregard of law wherein no citizen will feel sure of employment or of being able to cast c free vote. Republican Trmt Legislation. Roosevelt grows more quiet as he progresses eastward. By the time he struck Illinois hfe had exchanged vituperation of the democrats for barefaced misrepresentation. In relation to trusts he made several untrue and misleading statements. One was to this effect: “It was the democrats who refused to vote for the constitutional amendment proposed by our party during the last session, thus they made it impossible for the republican majority to apply an effective remedy.” It is true that the democrats refused to join with the republicans and give the necessary two-thirds* vote to pass the amendment in the house. But why? Here is the real status of the case: The proposed amendment would never have restrained trusts nor interfered with them in any way, even if it had passed and received the sanction of the necessary number of states. It was not intended to apply to trusts. It was intended to crush out all organizations among farmers and laborers. It proposed to prosecute them out of existence under the general head of “combinations.” No less an authority on practical economics than President Samuel Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, declares that the amendment proposed by the republicans was the most dangerous to organised labor of

any piece of legislation ever offered la congress. The republicans pretended that the amendment would not apply to associations of fanners and laborers, but they absolutely refused to accept a section exempting such organizations from the operation of the trust amendment. That was one of the reasons why the democrats voted against the amendment. The democratic party proposes to assist the farmer and the workingman to protect their interests, not to fasten hostile legislation upon them in addition to the many unjust burdens which they already bear. , The republicans propose to crush industrial associations was again seen clearly when the amendments to the so-called' Sherman antitrust law were brought in. The democrats insisted that the amendments be defined so that they should not apply to labor organizations. The house republicans very reluctantly accepted the amendment, passed the bill, and saw to it that their colleagues in the senate buried the measure beyond hope of resurrection. Roosevelt is treading on dangerous ground when he refers to the record of the recent congress in relation to trust legislation. That record will insure a democratic majority in the next house. Roosevelt might know, if he were well informed, that the only application the Sherman trust law has ever had in the District of Columbia has been for the purpose of indicting seven members of the Carriage Workers’ union because they called the attention of the public to the fact that a certain carriage making firm was not employing union labor. Great are the uses of alleged trust legislation under a republican administration. ADOLPH PATTERSON. CLEVELAND NOT DRAWN OUT. Former PreildlcBt’i Recent Communication Doea Not Worry Democrats.

A Kentucky admirer of Grove* Cleveland attempted to draw him out un the subject of the present political campaign. He did not proceed directly. He only asked the former democratic president if he had changed his financial views since the publication of his letter on that subject to a number of Chicago business men written in 1895. In reply to the attempt to draw him out Mr. Cleveland said that his opinions had not changed. He had not seen the letter of 1895 since it was published in that year, but on looking over it now he had no reason to amend it in any way. That is all there is of it in any way. It is not a political sensation. A great many men who four or five years ago expressed views similar to those of Mr. Cleveland at the time are as firm as he is in their old beliefs, They are honest money men still. There are hundreds of this class in Chicago. Their names appear on the recent registration lists in every ward. This year they are supporting the national democratic candidates. Their principles have not changed. They believe that the dangers to be apprehended through the reelection of Mr. McKinley are greater than any possible danger which could come through the election of Mr. Brj-an. The fact is that ex-President Cleveland’s letter does not distress democrats half as much as ex-President Harrison’s half-hearted deliverance distresses republicans-r-Ohicago Chronicle. • THE SULTJ QUESTION. Secretary MelUeJokn’i Letter to Bryan Evades the Real Qsestlos.

“Acting Secretary of War Meiklejohn, saysn, Washington dispatch, “has written to Mr. Buyan” denying the truth of the latter’s statement that the McKinley administration has recognized slavery in the Solo islands. Mr. Miklejohn “calls Br. Bryian’s attention,” the dispatch goes on to say, “to the tact that the president approved Gen. Bates’ agreement with the Sulu sultan with the understanding and reservation that this agreement was not to be deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu archipelago, a thing made impossible by the thirteenth amendment to the constitution of the United States.” That is all very well, Secretary Meiklejohn. But the sultan and dolos of Sulu continue to hold their slaves and keep their harems just the same. And the United States authorities in the Philippines—acting under the order* of President McKinley—have made not the least attempt to interfere with either of these practices. The constitution declares that slavery “shall not exist in any place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States.” It does exist fn the Sulus in direct violation of the constitution, and Secretary Meiklejohn well knows, too, that President McKinley,* despite his paper disapproval—which may or may not have been communicated to the polygamous slave-driving sultan—has mftde no attempt to suppress it. -It is provided in the thirteenth amendment to the constitution of the United States that “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, exeept as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction.” Does slavery exist in the Sulu archipelago? Is the Sulu archipelago subject to the jurisdiction of the United States? The first question must be ^answered, as a matter of fact, yes. The second also is answered, as a matter of diplomatic agreement, yes. Then what has become of tne constitution?—Philadelphia Time*.

WELCOMED IN OHIO, Bryan Speaks at Several Points is the Buckeye State. PvcatieBiial Mom s*ee Strenuously Vtgci Election <*( Entire Party Ticket to Pi tierrc the Republic. William J. Brya.i dosed the first day of his Ohio tour by an address be* fore a larg^and em husiastic audience at Portsmouth Frit ay night, October 12. Mr. Bryan-started out from Toledo early in the morning, but before he left that city a great crowd gathered at the depot/and demanded a speech. Finally the national candidate was compelled to hurriedly dress himself and make his appearance. It had not been plann> d to make a spech at that point Friday. Mr. Bryan's route during the day took him to Bowling Green, Findlay, Kenton, Springfield, Xenia, (Vashington Courthouse, Greenfield, Waverly and Dayton. When Mr. Bryan was introduced at Springfield some erthusiastic admirer I in the crowd shoured: “Hurrah for the armer president!^’ The exclamation Attracted Mr. Bry- | an's attention and he said: “I do not want to be* elected under j false pretenses. I am pot a farmer; ! I am an agriculturist. You know the difference between them. A farmer is a’man who makes his money on the farm and spends it in town, while an agriculturist is a n an who makes his money in town and spends it on the farm.” This definition of the farmer pleased the audience and all listened attentively to his speech throughout. Speaks (or the Entire Ticket. Trusts and imperialism formed the basis of Mr. Bryan's speeches, and he also touched upon the importance of electing the whole democratic ticket. He said in part: “If I am elected pr esident I do not want to be In the white nouse merely to distribute patronage. It I am there I want to have a chance to sl„rn my name to bills, and 1 cannot sign a bill as president until it comes to me, and a bill cannot„reach the president until It passes the house and the senate. ‘/You have a chanqq to help secure a majority in the hous 3 and It may be that the house will be sc close that one vote In the house of representatives will determine the majority and one vote in this district may determ ne the election of a congressman, and ii you believe in the doctrines for which re stand I want you. to work from now intll election day to send a congressman down to Washington who will carry out t lese ideas. If we are right in the positior. taken you ought to be interested In tur.tng over the control of the government tc those who believe as we do.

Telia of Trust Dangtn. “Possibly It Is not necessary to speak long on the trust question, for people learn more by appearanct than they do by speeches and a speech can only point out the lessons of experience. It used to be that If a mill closed down under a demo* cratlc administration every republican pa* per and editor point d to the mill and to its smokeless chimne. s as an evidence that democratic policies were destroying tha industries of the cot. itry. But now when a trust buys a plane and closes it down no republican says s. word about it “Bowling Green, i; this state, has four trusts. I went to West Superior, Wis., bthe other day and I found that they had six there. The flour mill trust had closed down six flour mil It,. You will find that the trust will close more mills than any policy that any other party ever stood for. When a republican tells you that those who fight the trusts ure fighting industries you tell him that when an industry is independent it cannot close down ‘without loss. Its laboring nen scatter, its trade Is lost and not only ;he industry Itself but the community suffer—all these are interested in keeping it going. But when you put all the industries of one line under one management the management can close a factory here or there and carry on the work somewhere else. S»y« Public OHirer Is a Servant. “According to my idea a public officer Is a public servant. He is chosen by the people to do for tl.em what they want : lone, not what may be best for himself I as an Individual ne pessary, but what is best for the people, and they are entitled to know, first, that he stands for things that they believe in; and. second, that he will carry out the tlings which he promises to carry out. Y ou know my platform and you know whetl er you like it or not. If you like the platform you need not have any fear but that i ; will be carried out if I am elected. I relieve that even the republicans now will give me credit for meaning what I say. In fact, I believe the greatest argument that is now used against my election *is that I am an honest man and therefore dange rous. This argument cannot be brought against many'republicans whom I might mention. “You will find that the republican party to-day is insisting that a standard of money is more important than a question of government; that it is more Important that a man shall have a gold dollar in his pocket than that he shall have a republic in which to live. You will hear them say that every laboring raan ought to be satisfied as long as he is not hungry and you will hear them say that the farmers are prosperous. You will hear them claim credit for the farmers* prosperity without showing any connection between any prosperity a farmer may enjoy this year or any other year and the republican party. We Insist that a money question is more important than a question of taxation, and because we believed that in 1896 we declared the money question to be the paramount Issue. Questions of taxation come up every year, ques cions of money come up every few years, but a question of ! government is a question of a century.** , Denounces Imperial Policy. In speaking of the increase In the standing army and also the wisdom of a colonial policy Mr. Bryan declared that the people had never voted for a, large army and did not want one, and that the only reason for the demand for an increase which had been made by tne administration in addition to suppressing discontent in the United States was found in the cesire to maintain a colonial policy and establish an empire. Discussing his plan to give protection to the Philippines as an independent republic Mr. Bryan said: “Do you think that we are going to have difficulty? Let me tell you that there is not a nation In Europe that wouldM&e willing to let any other nation in Europe ha vs the Philippine islands ; "If you believe wita us make this your fight from now until election day and see that the majority is uo large that neither corruption nor intimi lation can defeat the triumph of the ideas o: a republic, and show the people of the United States that Ohio, the home of presidents, is also the home of the principles of the early presidents and the men who gave ua our liberty and out ins tit u tic ba **

COUNTET’S DANGER John P. Altgeld Talks to College Men in Connecticut. i’ --—&— , Tie Admiaiitratloa’i Attltade og Tr»U and Imperialism Denoanced—Koaala Repabllcan Ranter*. Ex-Gov. John P. Altgeld, of Illinois, was the chief speaker at the Yale Democratic club’s first rally of the Nu&paign.&tNew Haven, Conn., October 10. The meeting was most successful. Music hall, with a capacity of 2,500, was thronged and hundreds were unable to gain admission. He spoke in part as follows: “Liberal ideas have given the world its progress and constitute the hope of humanity. All institutions are the product of Ideas—some temporary, some permanent— and justice is the recognition of human rights. Justice stands for equality, and trom it comes democracy, evolution, growth, life, progress and happiness. "Brute force asserts that might gives right, that the strong may control tho weak, that the strong may give the weak so much of liberty as they think best, , From this source comes kingcraft, aristocracy. oligarchy, monopoly, privilege. It is reactionary and repressive. It arrests progress. It leads to decay and death. Trusts Rule by Force. "The monopolies that are devouring tbs substance of our people all rest on ths doctrine of might. They stand on advantage. 0 c “Has it occurred' to you that monopoly ■ lowers the social status; of the American people and lessens their ability to educate their children? Equal opportunity made possible the thousands of educational institutions in this country. With the destruction of equal opportunities they must fade from the land, and many professors must fade with them, because the people will not be able to educate their children as they do now. “The mere fact that some trust magnate may give a few millions of stole n money to some college cannot keep the people who are doing the work of America from sinking down to a lower plane if monopolies continue. “The law looks upon monopolies as criminal. In addition we have on our statute book what is called the Sherman antitrust law, which fixes severe penalties for forming a monopoly. But It is a dead letter because the administration will not enforce It. “The trusts have absolutely controlled this administration. At present we are in this situation: We must repeal such legislation as breeds monopoly and we must have an honest enforcement of the law* against monopoly.

Trusts Take « Hand ia Politics. "But the trusts take a hand in politics. They furnish Mark Hanna the millions of corruption funds with which to debauch the elections and continue this administration in power. So far as I can learn, every great monopoly in America is supporting this administration. Even the alleged democratic stockholders in the republican ice trust of |>Jew York city Were against our platform and did not like our candidate. The men who debauch legislation—who pollute the streams of Justice—are shouting for McKinley. “Let me ask this question: Is there an Intelligent man in the land who believee that if the trusts succeed in carrying this election the trusts will be destroyed? “It is not a partisan question. It is % t question of self-preservation. Shall the syndicate run the government at Washington. or shall the people who dO'The work of this country again take charge of it? “Let me remind you that amid all the vilification, amidall the misrepresentation, no man has yet arisen who has had the hardihood to assert that the trusts and the syndicates could control William JF. Bryan. Talk* of “Destiny.”

Turning' to the subject of “Imperialism” with the introductory remark that he would next sav a word about “duty jaid destiny and the mission at our flag,” Mr. Altgeld reviewed the history of cur war with Spain, telling how the democratic spirit of the countryforced the republican administrsrUcm_» to go to the rescue of Cuba. After tracing, step by step, the course of events in the West Indies and in the Philippines down to the point of the forcibl® acquisition of the eastern islands of the United States, Mr. Altgeld said: "We are told that Providence is doing thi3, that destiny has done it. and that we are simply marching in the line of our duty. This cant and hypocrisy become wearisome. - “Was the British ambassador the agent of Divine Providence when he went to Mr. McKinley and urged him to keep all of the islands and go into the colonial business, so as to prevent Germany from getting the islands? Were the greedy syndicates of America that wanted opportunities to make money at the expense of the government, were they commissioned by destiny to urge the president to embark in this anti-American policy? Did Providence want information about coal and mineral wealth? Did Providence so far forget himself as to demand of the Philippine people the recognition of American sovereignty on December 21, 1898, before we had any treaty rights or any other right* there? “Was it the Lord that issued the order to Gen. Otis on December 21, 1898, practically commanding him to begin a war against those people who had been our allies down to that time; practically commanding him to burn their towns, lay waste their country and shoot down their men. their women and their children?. ^ *■ Issue Is Kon^Partlsai One. “Why attempt to shoulder on the Lord these indefensible acts of William McKinley, who was guided^ not by destiny, not by Providence, but by the greed of American syndicates? Does the Lord change with the seasons so that what is a crime in the spring becomes a virtue in the fall? “This is not a partisan question. It Is an American question. Shall we preserve republican institutions or shall we abandon them? The principles of liberty, the principles of equality, the vigor of liberal ideas have triumphed in every' contest for the last 130 years. Now they are again in death struggle, in a struggle with the spirit of monopoly at home, and in a struggle with the spirit of despotism abroad. Shall we surrender and start on a retrograde movement? Shall it be written that the sons of the revolutionary sires were incapable of maintaing free government, and that in one short century the corruptions of trade and the corrosions of greed bad destroyed their vitality? Shall the great American republic lie down on the lusty plains of despotism to die?“ Mr. Atigeld also referred briefly to the postal scandals in Cuba, growing out of republican mismanagement of the islands, and closed with an appeal to the young men to vote with the party that is seeking to maintain the ideals of liberty and freedom which have heretofore controlled this repub