Pike County Democrat, Volume 31, Number 24, Petersburg, Pike County, 19 October 1900 — Page 6

SUPPLEMENT TO ®kf f ike bounty Jrmocrat X. XeC. 8TOOP8. Editor and Proprietor. PETERSBURG, : INDIANA. Friday, October 19, 1900. 1800-1900. Borne Historical Parallels Be* tween Jefferson and Bryan. First hear now Mr. Henry Adams' summing up of the tirades against Jefferson by the Federalists of New England and New , York in 1800: '"Every dissolute intriguer, loose-liver, forger, false-coiner, and prison-bird; every hair-brained, loud-talking demagogue; every speculator, scoffer and atheist, was a follower of Jefferson; and Jefferson was himself the incarnation of their theories.’’ TTHAT ROOSEVELT SAYS OF THE FOLLOWERS OF JEFFERSON "Study the Kansas City platform and you cannot help realizing that their policy is the policy of infamy, that their triumph would mean misery so widespread that it is almost unthinkable and a disgrace so lasting that more than a generation would have to pass before it could be wjped out. "They stand for lawlessness and disorder, for dishonesty and dishonor, for license and disaster at home and cowardly shrinking from duty abroad.”

'WHAT HISTORIANS SAY. OF JEFFERSON’S ADMINISTRATION. And what followed all this hysteria and malice, Invocation of dread spectres and prediction of the mob? What was the sequel? “An administration,” as Schouler justly describes it, "peaceful, progressive and popular beyond all precedent,”— especially strong and successful just where the direst disaster had been foreboded, in the management of the finances of the country. “The, policy of this remarkable administration,” writes this admirer of Jefferson, “w£s at once and steadily successful in winning the people; and the prestige of enthusiasm became irresistible when conjoined with the prestige of success. An executive, neither the instrument of others nor a betrayer of trusts, we may regard Jefferson as the genuine personator of that to which France’s First Consul presented contemporaneously the counterfeit,—a leader of We common people in the direction of their best desires.” This verdict is not simply that of Jefferson’s admirers, The historians are harmonious. Mr. Morse, in his volume on Jefferson, in the American Start ameu series,—and neither the series as a whole, nor Mr. Morse’s volume in particular, will ever be accused of making admiration of Jefferson its forte—uses terms almost identical. Mr. Schouler, id the passage quoted, is writing of a time midway in Jefferson’s second administration, just before the troubles with England. Mr. Morse is writing of the dose of his first administration, when the campaign for his re-election approached. Everything, he says, “redounded to his good fame and popularity.’,’ The nation felt “comfortable \nnfl good natured amid the broad visible facts of the passing time. . . . Were not expenses curtailed and taxes reduced, an.d debts being rapidly diminished? . . . Had the country been for many years past so free from irritation and anxiety growing out of foreign affairs? . . . Had political t kindliness ever before permeated the nation as it did today? Four years of prosperity and tranquility left little room for discontent with the government. Amid such influences political •opposition pined and almost died.” The verdict of history on the administration of the latter day Jefferson, William Jennings Bryan, who has been more bitterly abused than even his great prototype, will closely follow out the parallel.

TO SUPPLANT WHITES American Workmen Will Be Put in Competition with Chinamen by 'Conquest of the Philippines. PLAIT ALREADY OPERATING.

Never in the history of this government has the labor of this country been so menaced by the threatened influx of the Mongolian and Malay cheap labor of the far east as seems probable under the McKinley policy of imperialism, should that dangerous policy be ratified by the American people. Without the labor vote that policy cannot be approved. It behooves the laboring people, therefore, to look out for breakers ahead. What does the conquest of the Philippine islands mean? It means that they shall become American territory. What rights does that proposition carry with it to the people of the Philippines? The McKinley policy to make the Philippine islands American territory by conquest, and subject to American jurisdiction, carries with it the right of the people of those islands to free locomotion to travel whither they will from one part of American territory to another without let or hindrance. What has happened in the Hawaiian islands under the McKinley administration since those islands have been annexed to the United States will take place in this country. ‘ Fourteen to twenty thousand Japanese coolie laborers have been imported into the Hawaiian islands by the rich sugar planters, under contract, since the annexation of those islands; and this too, in violation of the contract labor law. Why did not McKinley as the chief executive of this nation whose duty it was to enforce the law, prevent this influx of Japanese coolie labor? Simply because he Is bound hand and foot in the clutches of the syndicates and trust combines of the country. What have we in store for the Philippine islands should the McKinley war of conquest be endorsed? The influx of Chinese coolie labor into those islands under the sanction of the McKinley administration! General Wesley Merritt and General Charles A. Whittier, U. S. V., and other land and naval officers went to Paris from Manila to testify before the Paris peace commissioners as to the Philippine people, their Wants, needs, capabilities and government. General Whittier said; Then the question of the admission of Chinese, with the strong argument on both sides. The merchants of Manila are unanimous in their representations of the necessity for more cooley labor. They, and many others, require it in Manila, and think that it will be necessary in railroad building, and in the development of the country, saying, “There is no question of competing with American labor here, there being no such in the country, nor can there be. the climate prohibiting that. Cheap labor and plenty of it is the life blood of the Philippines. There is room for three millions of Chinese comfortably, while 90,000 is the present estimate.” The Omaha Bee (Republican) said editorially Oct. 14, 1898, if we absorb the Philippines, with their millions of cheap laborers, and proceed to the development of those islands industrially and commercially by the utilization of this cheap labor, NOTHING CAN BE MORE CERTAIN THAN THAT IN TIME OUR HOME LABOR WILL SUFFER FROM THE COMPETITION. WE SHALL NOT BE ABLE TO PERPETUALLY SAFEGUARD IT BY THE SYSTEM OF PROTECTION NOW IN OPERATION. . . . . “Tsrritorlal expansion as now proposed is a very serious matter for American labor and the opposition of that labor to expansion should have more vigorous expression than has been given.” This was when the Omaha was opposing the conquest of the^^lippines and endeavoring to shape the course of the administration.

LINCOLN (May 30, 18S6. f State.—Arnold, p. 93.) u* uuurnug our new party Declaration of Independence and the against us.” [Republicans now declare the Declaration Its fundamental principle that governmei consent of the governed.] ormatlon of party In plant ourselves on the rock of the not be able to prevail opeuaence obsolete and deny their just powers from the

“The Republican party has accepted the European Idea and planted Itself upon ground taken by George 111 aad by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denlee them a voice In their own a (fa Ira*'—William J. Bryan** Letter of Acceptance. Thla la what Prealdent William McKinley baa done, aav* Jonathan B. Taylor: He haa exercised the autocratic and nnconatltutlonal power of denying the right of representation and suffrage; of trial by jury; of writ of habeas corpus: of the right to bear arms; of all rights guaranteed by the constitution to the lnhabltants of newly recognised Islands. He has recognised slavery and polygamy In Sulu. He has made war upon the non-slave holding non-polygamous Inhabitants of Luson. lie baa consented to the taxation without representation of the Inhabitants of Porto Rico. He has withheld Independence from the Inhabitants of Cuba. This Is Imperialism I

In his message President McKinley said: “Forcible annexation is criminal aggression.” He then proceeded to “forcibly annex*’ the Philippine archipelago with its 8,000,000 unwilling people. In 1899 President McKinley said: “It is our plain duty to give free trade to the people of Porto Rico.” He immediately proceeded to importune and coerce a Republican congress into passing a tariff bill against Porto Rico in accordance with the demand of the sugar trust. He gave pledges to Spain and Cuba that Cuba should be free and independent. He has created a military governments in Cuba, which has thwarts? every step toward island autonomy and vjhich reeks with theft and corruption of every kind. Record In the Philippine*. President McKinley paid Spain $29,000,000 for something which Spain did not possess and had not power to deliver. The president has since that tinre spent of the American people’s money $200,000,000 trying to obtain that for which he had paid $20,000,000. In this attempt he has only succeeded in filling graves, hospitals, insane asylums and fat insular jobs. The end is not yet. He has appointed more commissions to carry out his unconstitutional policy than all other presidents have legally created. He is paying these commissions in violation of the constitution. (See article 1, section 9, clause 7). These commissions have never done anything beyond administering coats of whitewash to the autocracy at Washington. McKinley’* Appointee*. President McKinley is responsible for General Alger of canned beef notoriety; for General Eagan, who was suspended for blackguardism, on full pay; for Rathbone and Neely, the CuiJan postal thieves; for Gage, the banker, who turned the treasury over to Morgan and his Wall street conspirators, and for Griggs,. whose sole duty is “^o shield the robber trusts from prosecution. . He is responsible for Hay, the British toady. He sent Hay’s son to Pretoria to be the administration agent at the death of the South African re

publics. Under the same Hay McKinley surrendered American territory in Alaska to Great Britain and denied the right of American miners to protest. Eo«mr of Labor. At the request of the Standard Oil i trust President McKinley sent Its regular army into Idaho to shoot down and imprison miners who had rebelled against Standard oil tyranny in Coeur d’ Alene. These men were thrown into a stockade and kept there without right of trial until many of. them became raving maniacs. These facts are a part of current history. He placed a horse doctor in charge of the medical department of Cuba. He pliced Gen. Miles incommunicado and sent to Cuba in charge of the army Shatter, who rode to battle in a litter and who wanted to surrender when the first shot was fired. Crooked All Through. Mr. McKinley was a free silver man in 1893, a bi-metallist in 1896 and a single gold standard advocate in 1898. He was a champion of civil service in 1896, and two years later he discharged 8,000 civil service appointees to make place for political pets of Hanna and Platt Through hi- iro-British secretary of state he ehUred into a treaty with Great Britain whereby the American people were to dig a Nicaraguan canal and leave it defenseless to be used at pleasure by John Bull. He permitted the opening of special mail matter to our consul at Pretoria by British agents and called our consul home because that oflleial complained. He makes constant declaration that the institutions of this country are in the hands of providence and then demands a large standing army, as If providence were not equal to the task. Behold the Man of Destiny. Secretary Root in a recent speech in New York said: “Oh for one hour of Grant!’* Why Grant, if McKinley is such a Napoleon? Why Grant, when the man of destiny and of providence, is at the helm? Look at the man! He has been on every side of every question—always landing on the side opposed to the people, on the side of oppression, on the side of national shame.

LET THE PEOPLE ELECT THE SENATORS President Johnson, in 1868, recommended a constitutional amendment providing for the election of United States senator by direct vote of the people, but his recommendation met with no response. About twelve years later General Weaver, then a member of congress, tried to secure the passage of a resolution submitting an amendment, but his efforts were futile. In 1892, the resolution recommended by President Johnson and urged by Congressman Weaver finally passed the house of representatives, but it has not yet reached a vbte in the senate. And now after eight years more of public djj^ussion, the proposition for the first time receives the endorsement of the national convention of one of the great parties. / If the fusion forces win a victory this fall, we shall see this reform accomplished before the next presid ential election, and with its accomplishment, the people will find it easier to secure any remedial legislation which they may desire. Great problems are solved slowly, but struggling humanity marches on, step by step, content if at each nightfall it can pitch its tent on a little higher ground. WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.

WANTS A MONARCHY McKinley Organ in Iowa Voices \j«i Beal Sentiments of the Bepublican Party. coHSTmrrioN is obsolete,

The following article is from he Des Moines (la.) Globe, a Republican farmers’ paper. It voices in plain 1. jj.guage the spirit of McKinley Rep it» licanism. What the Globe frankly ■peaks the imperialist- secretly thk fc*. It is brutally plain, and for this i 'dason Republican organs have affected to discredit its sentiments; but it speaks out of the fullness of a h< art saturated with Hamiltonianism, w) ic h is the inspiration of President Mcl liialey; and there is in it that toucl of sincerity that gives it weight as an utterance, a little rash perhaps and possibly a little premature, but slgnifi ant of me trend of modern Republican ,s oa. The article deserves the very w dost publicity as showing the direction of the McKinley drift: _ “For a long time thinking ptopie who have large commercial inte ests have felt unsafe with our present orm of government-from the fact tha: we are controlled by the little cl eapJohn politicians anu ward-helers. NO*. IS A GOOD TIME TO DO AW AT WITH OUR OBSOLETE CONSTITUTION and adopt a form of government mat will be logical with expansion ideas and will give AMPLE PROTECTION TO CAPITAL. “A CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY is probably the most desiraole plan that we could now adopt Everj thing is ripe for the change. We take it that the great farming interests uf our land will readily adapt themselves to the change. The tarmer is a great lover ofo law and order, and * ,NTIMONARCHY IS LARGELY THU EXPRESSION OF FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY IDEAS SuuGESTEI BY HOT-HEADED THEORISTS. . "We believe that history and ;xperience have proven beyond cavil ~at A REPUBLICAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT CANNOT SUBSIST beyond a certain stage. That as soon as t great PEOPLE BECOME RICH, STRONG AND GREAT, THE REP JBLto DROOPS AND DIES. We believe this is so, of necessity and not by t hance. We believe that there is not a single case of record where the masses of a great nation possessed the intelligence to initiate laws, and were int< lligent enough to compel tne enforcer lent of such good laws as they might lass. “It would seem as if science :eaches that men are created to follow r their masters—-the inspired minds if the world. HISTORY SHOWS THAT A KING MUST BE AND IS FOl ND IN EVERY NATION to guide its people in every great crisis. Neithei is the change to be dreaded or look ed forward to with foreboding. Waile we are in fact largely under the conditions of a monarchy, we have the evi.s without the benefits of the same.” Bryan and tha Income fax At present the government ca.n draft .the citizen, but cannot dra ft; the pocketbook. Slowly bnt aurily the dollar la b^ng exalted and the man debased. Justice In taxation unit be reatored. The sentiment prevailing among those who advocate an Inco'une tax juatlQea the prediction that th t Bemocrats, Pnpullata and Silver Republicans will in their next campaign i drocate an amendment to the constitution specifically authorizing an Ino >me tax. and no one who has faith In he final triumph of every righteous,c; use will doubt the ultimate aucceaa of t ao effort to make au Income tax a permanent part of the revenue system of the federal government. W. J. B! IVAN. NQ FREEDOM NOW FOR FUPINOSf “1 have alwaya thought tha all men ahould be free, but If any tiiould be slaves, It ahould be first those who desire It for themselves and secondly those who desire It for others ” ABRAHAM Lll COLN. From an address to an Indi .na Regiment, March 17, 1866.

BENEVOLENT ASSIMILATION. A Republican Newspaper Ao* count of a Philippine Battle.

Just past this a few hundred yards we caw a solitary body lying in th* road. The body was almost stripped of clothing, and there were no marks of rank left on the blood-soaked coax. But the face of the dead man had a look I had never noticed on the face of other dead men I had found in in- >■ surgent uniform on the field of battle, in the wake of an American firing line. The features were clear cut and forehead high and shapely. I decided the man must have been an insurgent officer. A soldier came running down the trail. "That’s old Pilar,” he said. "We got the old rascal. I guess he’s sorry he ever went up against the Thirtythird.” "There ain’t no doubt about Its being Pilar,” rattled on the young soldier. "We got hia diary, and his letters, and all his papers, and Sulifv&a of our company’s got his pants, ar.d Snider’s got his shoes, but.he cant wear them because they’re too small, and a sergeant in G company got one of his silver spurs, and a lieutenant got, the other, and somebody swiped the .cuff buttons before % got here or I would have swiped them, and all I got was a stud button and his collar with blood on it.” So this was the end of Gregorio del Pilar. Only 22 years cdjJ, he managed to make himself a leader /bf men when he was hardly more than a ,boy, and at last had laid down his life for his convictions. Major Marsh had tho diary. In it he had written under the date of December 2, me day be was killed: “The general has given me the pick of all the men that can be spared and ordered*me to defend the pass. I realize what a terrible task is given me. And yet I feel that this is the most glorious moment of my life. What ls do is done for my beloved country. No sacrifice can he too great” A private, sitting by the .camp fire, was exhibiting a handkerchief. “It’s old Pilar’s. It’s got ’Dolores Hosea* on the corner. I' guess that was his girl. Well, it's all off with Gregorio. ‘ Anyhow,” said Private Sullivan, “£ got his pants. He won’t need ’em any more.” The man who had the general’s shoes strode proudly past, refusing with scorn a Mexican dollar and a pair of shoes taken from one of the private insurgent soldiers. A private sitting on a rock was examining a golden locket containing a curl of a woman’s hair. "Got the locket'off Ins neck,” said the soldier. . ’ . . As the main column started on its march for the summit of the mountain a turn in the trail brought us again in sight of the insurgent general far down below' us. There ^ad been no time to bury hiip. Not? even a blanket or a poncho had been thrown over^ him. *4^ A crow sat on the dead man’s feet. Another perched on his head. The fog settled down upon us. 5 We could sea the body no longer. We carved not a line, and we raised not a stone. But we left him alone in his glory. And when Private Sullivan went by ip his trousers, and Snider with his shoes, and the other man who had the cuff buttons, and the sergeant who had the spur, and the lieutenant who had the other spur, and the map that had the handkerchief, and another . man that had his shoulder straps, it suddenly occurred to me that his glory was about all we had left him.—Richard Henry Little in Chicago Tribune. . Rights never conflict; duties never clash. Can it be our duty to use np political rights which belong to others? Can it be onr duty to' klU these who, following the example of onr forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for It? W. J. BRYAN. ’WVWUWWWWWWVWWWVW;

The Children of the Coal ... i Do yon hear the children weeping. O my Ere the sorrow- comes with years? They are leaning uhelr young heads And that ca.uiot stop their tears. The young lamb, are bleating In the The young birds are chirping In the young fa we it are playing with the The young lowers are blowing the young, young children, O, my They are weeping bitterly! y are weeping In the playtime of the In the com- ay of the free.

Of all the humbug and false pretense of the McKinley administration there is nothing more hollow than the cry of “prosperity.” The suppressed rotten beef scandal, which is sought to be covered by pleas of patriotism; the Cuban frauds, whose authors are pretended to be prosecuted; the boodlefurnishing trusts, which are held up as enemies while licensed to tax the people, are all palpable evidences of the miserable hypocrisy of Mark Hanna’s regime, but far cool audacity nothing has equaled the clamor about “prosperity.” Dr. O. J. Perkins, of Chicago, has made a study of a certified report signed by A. H. Gleason, Chief Clerk of the Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics of Nebraska. Under his analysis this report tells a widely different story from that daily proclaimed by Republican speakers and press. “Using the round numbers,” he says, “the mortgages * satisfied’ during the three and a half years ending June 13, 1900, amount to $99,000,000, as against $77,000,000 *filed,’ or a difference of $22,000,000 in favor of * prosperity.’ This applies to real estate mortgages only and would bear out the claim of the Republicans provided there was nothing further. When, however, •we pass to the next column we find that $238,000,000 in chattel mortgages have been filed as against $77,000,000 satisfied—a difference of $161,000,000 against * prosperity.’ ” The difference between $161,000,000 and $22,000,000 is $139,000,000. This is the actual increase in the mortgage indebtedness of the state of Nebraska according to the sworn statement of the county clerk. These large figures-are not easily comprehended. Viewed from another standpoint it 1

may be easier. Allowing that the population of Nebraska has increased twenty per cent since the census of 1890, we find that the increased indebtedness is over $109 for each hum. woman and child in the state. If the people of the state of Nebraska with abundant ;rops are in this short time plunged $139,000,OOO more in debt than at the beginning of this period, how many years will it require under the same regime to place the property entirely in the lutnds of mortgage holders? Those not acquainted with the present methods of loaning money in the west and south will be astonished at the large it urease in chattel mortgages shown by the report'. This is explained by the tact that the lender prefers a short time loan at an increased rate of interest secured by a mortgage on growing live stock to one on real estate. An analysis of simitar reports made by other state officers in the west and southwest will show practically the same results. Instead of there being any decrease of mortgage cUbt in Indiana, the mortgage debt, real estate and chattel, has increased during every year of the Me Kinley administration, and the total increase for the three years completed is in excess of $50,000,000. In two years of McKinley prosperity the Chattel mortgages of Indiana have increased 255,151 in number, and $1,382,234 in amount, and the. total mortgage debt of the state in three years of McKin ey prosperity has increased $55,946,74$ over] what has been paid, not including the chattel nwrtaaaet and foreclosures of 1897m ^