Pike County Democrat, Volume 31, Number 18, Petersburg, Pike County, 7 September 1900 — Page 2

m m Crand Army of the Republic National Encampment Finishes Up Its Work. OFFICERS ELECTED BY ACCLAMATION. Lm RMiteiTt of St. Loih, u Vorenkadowed, Chosen I'stnSnosilr for Commsoder-Jo-Chiet —The New Commander's Addrens Accepting the Honor. Chicago, Aug. 31.—Commander-in-Chief—Leo Rassieur, St. Louis. Senior Vice-Commander—E. C. Milli- *• ken, Portland, Me. Junior Vice-Commander—Frank Sea■non, Knoxville, Tenn. Surgeon General—John A. Wilkins, Delta, 0. Chaplain-in-Chief—Rev. A* Drahms, Son Quentin, Cal.

\\\ W JUDGE LEO RASSIEUR, Kow Commander-in-chief Grand Army of ! the Republic. Practically at aa End. With the selection o£ the above o Steers and the choice of Denver for the national encampment of 1901, the ■thirty-fourth national encampment of ■the Grand Army of the Republic prac■tically came to a close yesterday. The programme, as mapped out hy the reception committee includes two days more before the veterans are supposed to return to their homes. Nothing in the way of business remains to be transacted—the two days j :being occupied entirely in excursions, patriotic concerts in the parks and •other affairs of a social character. < Commander-in-Clitef Approved. 1 'The convention was called to order at nine o’clock promptly by Conv-mander-in-chief Shaw. The committee appointed to consider the unnual report of the commauder-in-chief approved of it with the exception of hie Recommendation in favor of an effort to secure a change in the date of Memorial day from May 30 to the last Sunday in May1.

nvpun un rvuiiuns Auupirut The report was adopted, and ths delegates took up the vexed question of pensions. Over the report of this committee and over various amendments and substitutes Which memtiers had prepared to offer, a rather ■warm debate was anticipated, but the jreport as submitted by the committee •was adopted without amendment and practically without debate. Want a Court of Appeals. The main feature ol the somewhat lengthy report was the petition to congress to pass a bill providing for 4i court of appeals to ^fct immediately on the thousands ‘of pension applications now pending, and which court of appeals shall have final jbrisdic? tion. Practically Burled. Later in the day pension matters were again brought before the delegates by the report of the committee on resolutions on the subject of service pensions. Over this question the committee was divided,-and majority «nd minority reports were present ec^, The majority report, which was adopted after a somewhat lengthy discussion, recommended that the whqle matter .be referred to the committee on pensions, thus practically burying it, until the next annual ancampmenj. The minority report, presented by J’ast Commander Hurst, of Ohio, recommended the passage by the encampment of a resolution favoring service pensions based on length of •Orvice. MaJ. Rassieur Nominated. Pension matters being disposed of, •the election of officers was taken up «nd in an eloquent speech, Maj. William Warner, of Kansas City, placed Jfaj. Rassieur, of St. Louis, in nomination for the position of commander-in-chief. Elected by Acclamation. t v Judge-Advocate-General Eli Torrance made a brief seconding speech. There were no other nominations, and • motion to suspend the rules and declare Maj. Rassieur elected by acclamation was carried amid much applause. The new commander-in-chief was escorted to the platform amid liearty cheers from his comrades and returned his thanks for the honor, which he accepted in the following speech: The New Commander’s Speech. 'Commander and Comrades of the Thir-ty-fourth National Encampment: l am ®e\ rwhelmed by the manner In which you have manifested your favor for me on thir occasion. I would have to be untrue to myself If I did not* realise that the •compliment you have paid me has been tendered and will be accented as a compliment to the department of Missouri, which has seen fit to make me its representative Its asking for the high honor which has txen received. While I have no disposition *o take your time for the purpose of outlining the work which 4s to be done during the next year, .11 does seem to me proper that I should say to you that all the ability which f ^possess shall be devoted to the work of this grand organisation, In order that it *y nave an honest an<Vreliable adminration, so that every comrade may be ard In reference to any and every subPt that he deems of importance to the ml organisation. I appreciate that it way the best work can be perI also realise that in that

way justice is to be done to the humble* member of our order. I appreciate that this election confers upon me an honor second to none that can be siren in this country. It comes from an organisation that represents those who served this country in Its greatest peril. It represents those who were wilting to sacrifice all that they had in this world In order that this nation might live and prosper. 1 he past 35 years have sho^-n the wonderful results that followed from the sae» rl flees made by those who have passed away. I believe that we are still upon the threshold of a great destiny before us. However great the future may be; all will be owing to the old soldiers who fought that the country might he preserved one and Indivisible. Jt shall he my duty to have that fact brought home on every proper occasion, and. as long as I have the voice to prevent Its being lost sight of. that voice shall urge upon our people the beauty of being just and generous to those who did so much for this country. In the name of my own department and In my own name, I desire to thank you from the bottom of my heart for what you have done this day; and may the end of this administration and the work done during the coming year justify you and lean you to say that this day's work is not to be regretted, and is well done. The other officers were also elected by acclamation. Mia Clara Barton latroduced. Delegates from the Tarious women's organizations affiliated with the G. A. R. were then introduced. With the Women’s Relief corps was Miss Clara Barton, and the venerable lady was heartily cheered, as Commander-in-Chief Shaw led her to the front of the platform and introduced her to the standing delegates. Miss Barton made a brief talk in response to the greetings she had received, and an adjournment was then taken until afternoon.

Only One Auxiliary Association. When the delegates convened at 2:30 p. m., the report of the committee on resolutions in. regard to the various auxiliary associations was taken up. Over the recommendation of the committee that the Daughters of Veterans, the Women’s Belief corps and kindred associations be recog* bized, a debate, lengthy, and at times acrimonious, took place. A substitute offered by John E. Gillman, of Massachusetts, limiting all auxiliary associations recognized by the G. A. B. to the Woman’s Alliance, was adopted by an overwhelming vote. Miss Barton Indorsed. A resolution was then adopted eulogizing the work and character of Miss Clara Barton, and authorizing co-op-eration with the Bed Cross society. . A resolution was also adopted asking congress to make an appropriation for the purpose of erecting a suitable monument at Washington to commemorate the services of the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy in the civil war. Comrades McKinley, Chaffee, MaeArthnr. Adjt.-Gen. Stewart was directed to send telegrams to the president of the United States, Gen. Chaffee, at Pekin, and Gen. MacArthur, at Manila, expressive of the confidence and the admiration of the members of the Grand Army of the Bepublic for their distinguished and patriotic services to the country during the present trying times. These were prepared and read to the delegates a^»id much applause. About the Right Figure.

a resolution was• unanimously adopted asking the railroads centering at the point decided upon for the next encampment to grant a rate of one cent a mille. If this should be refused by the railroads, power was, by the resolution, vested in the commander to remove the encampment to some place where the rate could be secured, or to abandon the parade entirely. As the parade is the feature that draws large numbers to the annual encampments, none but delegates will attend unless a rate of one cent a mile is granted. Next Meeting' at Denver. The place for the next annual encampment was then taken up. There was no contest for the honor of entertaining the veterans in 1901, Denver apparently being the unanimous choice of the delegates, and the bid of the western city for the distinction met with no opposition. The installation of the new officers then took place, and shortly before six o’clock an adjournment sine die was take*. Will Announce Ills Staff Officers. Commander-in-Chief Rassieur said at the close-©f the meeting that he would probably announce his staff officers, including the quartermaster general, adjutant general, inspector general and judge advocate general, within the next 30 days. A Sham Battle. Besides the business meeting yesterday’s programme included a sham battle in which the First and Second Illinois infantry, First Illinois cavalry and a battery of artillery engaged in mimic warfare through the groves and over the grassy lawns of Washington park. An immense crowd of veterans enjoyed the spectacle. PICKETING DURING STRIKES. Striking English Hallway Employes Enjoined hy the High Court ot Justice. London, Aug. 31.—A verdict against picketing during strikes was rendered by Justice Farwell, of the high court of justice, who enjoined General Secretary Ball, of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants and enjoining Secretary Holmes from watching and besetting the Great Western railroad stations and approaches, with the view to inducing no-unionists to refrain from taking the places of Taff Yale railroad strikers. Declared to he Buboule Plague. Glasgow, Aug. 31.—The post mortem examination of the body of the person who died from the plague, August 27, established the disease as bubonic plague. This has been officially announced by Dr. Chalmers, the chief medical officer, and is supported by Prof. Muir and Dr. Brownlie. The foreign consuls are in communication with the medical authorities, and all Glasgow ships may be quarantined.

BBYAN TO POPULISTS Democratic Candidate Receives Ratification at Topeka. V AKvmmi la»tu« Gatkcriac m Ik* TarioM Iuaei 014 **4 New— Straag Arnifaaaeat of Republican Policies. From 20,000 to 30,000 people listened to William J. Bryan at Topeka, Kan„ Thursday, August 23, on the occasion •f his notification by the populists of Kansas of their nomination of him for the presidency, in responding to which he said:'. “Mr. Chairman and Members of the Notification Committee: In accepting the presidential nomination which you tender on behalf of the popullat party, t desire to give emphatic recognition j to the educational work done by your party. The populist party as an organisation, and the farmer alliances and the labor organisations from which they sprung, have done much to arouse the people to a study of economic and industrial questions. Believing, as I do, that truth grows, not In seclusion but In the open field, and that It thrives best In the sunlight of full and tree debate. I have confidence that the disrosston which your party has compelled artU aid in reaching that true solution of pending problems toward which all honest citizens aim.

*1 desire also to express my deep appreciation of the liberality of opinion and devotion to principle which have lead the members of your party to enter the ranks of another party In the selection of a candidate. “While I am grateful for the confidence which the populists have expressed In me. I am not vain enough to regard as personal their extraordinary manifestations of good wilt The ties which bind together those Who believe In the same great fundamental principles are stronger than ties of affection—stronger even than the ties of blood; and cooperation between the reform forces Is due to the fact that democrats, populists and silver republicans take the side of the people in their contest against greed, and agree in the application of Jeffersonian principles to the question immediately before us. The Currency Question. “In 1896 the money question was of paramount importance and the allies in that campaign united in the demand for the immediate restoration of silver by the independent action of this country at sixteen to one. the ratio which has existed since 1834. They were defeated, but that did not end the discussion. The democrats were defeated in 1888. but that did not put an end to tariff reform. The republicans were defeated In 1892. but that did not permanently overthrow the protective tariff. Defeat at the polls does not necessarily decide a great problem. Experience and experience alone settles questions. If an Increase in the volume of the currency since 1896, although unpromised by the republicans and unexpected, has brought improvement in Industrial conditions, this Improvement, intsead of answering the arguments put forth In favor of bimetallism, only confirms the contention of those who insisted that more money would make better times. v “The republican party, however, while claiming credit for the increase In circulation, makes no permanent provision for an adequate supply of standard money. It denies the necessity for more real money, while It permits national banks to expand the volume of paper promises to pay money. “If the populists feel justified in opposing the republican party when it sought to conceal its gold standard tendencies under the mask of international bimetallism, the opposition should be more pronounced in proportion as the republican party more openly espouses gol i monometallism.. jj Greenbacks. .1 1

“In 18% the reform forces charged the republican pauty with intending to retire the greenbacks. This charge, denied at that time, has been confessed by the financial bill, which converts greenbacks, when once redeemed, into gold certificates, and extends- new privileges to banks of issue. If a populist opposed the republican party when its hostilities to greenbacks was only suspected, that opposition should be greater now since no one can longer doubt the purpose of the republican party to substitute bank notes for greenba&s. “It is true that the populists believe in an Irredeemable greenback, while the democrats believe in a greenback redeemable in coin; but the vital question at this time, so far as paper money is concerned, is whether government or banks shall issue it. There will be time enough to discuss the redeemability of the greenback when the greenback itself is saved from the annihilation which now threatens it. The republican party is now committed to a currency system which necessitates a perpetual debt, while the populist finds himself in agreement with the democrats, who believe in paying oft the national debt as rapidly as possible. , The InVbine Tax. “If belief in an income tax justified a populist in acting with the democratic party in M%, what excuse can we find for aiding the republican party now, when even the exigencies of war have not been sufficient to bring that party to the support of the income tax principle? ? “Populists believe in arbitration now as much as they did in 18%, and are as much opposed to government by injunction and the blacklist as they were then, and upon these subjects they have as much reason for cooperation with the democratic party to-day as they had four years ago. “Democrats and populists alike favor the principles of direct legislation. If any differences exist as to the extent to which the principle should be applied, these differences can be reconciled by experiment. “Democrats and populists agree that Chinese and other oriental labor should be excluded from the United States. “Democrats and populists desire to ar enlarge the scope of the interstate commerce act as to enable the commission to protect both persons and places from discrimination; and tfie public at large from excessive railroad rates. “The populists approve the demand set forth in the democratic platform for a labor bureau, with a cabinet officer at its head. Such an official would keep the administration in close touch with the wage-earning portion of the population, end go far toward securing such remedial legislation as the toilers need. The Trusts. “In 18% the populists united with the democrats in opposing the trusts, although the question at that time appeared like a cloud scarcely larger than a man’s hand. To-day that cloud well-nigh overspreads the industrial sky. The farmer does not participate In the profits of any trust, but he sorely feels the burden of them all. He is dependant upon the season for his income. When he plants his crop he knows not whether wind will blow it dowu, or hail destroy it, or Insects devour It, and the price of his crop Is as uncertain as the quantity. If a private monopoly can suspend production and fix the price of raw material as Well as the price of the finished product the farmer, powerless to protect himself when he sells. Is plundered when he purchases. Can any farmer hesitate to throw" the Influence of his ballot upon the side of those who desire to protect the public at large from monopolies? ; “The fact that the trusts support the republican party ought to be sufficient proof that they expect protection from it. The republican party cannot be relied upon to extinguish the trusts so long as it draws Its campaign contribution from their overflowing vaults. The “Prosperity” Argument. 'The prosperity argument which the re

publicans brine forward to answerall complaints against the administration will not deceive the fanner. He knows that two factors eater Into his Income; First, the else of his crop, and, second, the price which he receives for the same. He does not return thanks to the party in power for favorable weather and a bountiful harvest, i and he knows that the republican party has no policy which insured n permanent Increase In agricultural prices. Since he sells hia surplus in a f oreign market, he Is not a beneficiary of the tariff, and since he produces merchandise and not money, he does not profit by the appreciation of the dollar. He knows t hat the much vaunted prosperity, of which he has never had his share. Is on the wane In spite of the unusual and unnatural stimulation which it has received during the last three years. He knows that each month of 1900 shows a larger number of failures than the corresponding month of 1899, and that there is already a marked tendency toward n decrease In the output o>f the factories. He knows, also, that discoveries of gold, famines abroad and war on three continents have not been able to raise the price of farm products as rapidly as trusts and combinations have raised the price of the things which the farmer buys. Dangers of Delay. “It is sometimes urged by partisan populists that four years more of republican misrule would so aggravate economic conditions as to make reforms easier. No one can afford to aid in making matters worse In the hope of being able to imake them better afterward, for in so doing he assumes responsibilities for evils which he may not be able to remedy.. No populist, however sanguine, believes lit possible to elect a populist president at this time, but the populist party may be able to determine whether a democrat or a re publican will be elected. Mr. Chairman, the populist - convention, which your committee represents, thought It better to share with the democrats In the honor of securing some of the reforms desired by your party than to bear the odium of remaining neutral in this great crisis, or of giving open or secret aid to the republican party, which opposes ail the reforms for which the populists contend. “Those Who labor to improve the conditions which surround their fellow-men are apt to become impatient; but they must remember that it takes time to work out great reforms. ' f

3i« w Issue*. *‘I have called attention to the Issues which brought th e democrats and populists together and which justified their cooperation during the last four years. Let me now invite your attention to new Questions which would justify , cooperation at this time, even though we differed upon all economic questions. It is not our fault that these new questions have been thrust into the arena of politics; it is not our fault that the people have been called upon to consider questions of ever-increasing magnitude. In 1890 the tariff question was the principal subject: of discussion, and the democratic party contended that the masses were carrying a burden of unjust and unnecessary taxes. In 1892 the tariff question was still the principal issue between the democratic and republican parties, although in the west and south the money question was assuming greater and greater proportions, and the populists were contending that our monetary system was more responsible than the tariff laws for the depression in agriculture and the distress existing among the wage-earners. In 1896 the whole question of taxation became of second ary importance because ef the increased boldness of those who opposed the gold and silver coinage of the constitution. When the republicans declared at St. Louis that the restoration of bimetallism in this country, although desirable, was impossible without the aid of the leading commercial nations of the old world, the populists and silver republicans joined with the democrats in asserting the right and duty of the American people to shape their financial system for themselves, regardless of the action of other nations. The failure of the republican party to secure international blmetallismjind.its open espousal of the gold standard still keep the money question in politics, but no economic question can compare in importance with a question which concerns the principles and structure of government. Systems of taxation can be changed with less difficulty than financial systems, and financial systems can be altered with less danger and less disturbance to the country than the vital doctrines upon which free government rests.

“In the early 60's, when we were engaged in a contest which was to determine whether we should have one republic or two, questions of finance were lost sight of. Silver was at a premium over gold, and gold and silver were at a premium over greenbacks and bank notes, but the people could not afford to divide over the money question in the presence of a greater issue, and so to-day we are engaged in a controversy which will determine whether we are to have a republic in which the government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed, or an empire in which brute force Is the only recognised source of power. “In a government where the people rule every wrong can be righted and every evil remedied, but when once the doctrine of self-government is impaired and might is substituted for right, there is no certainty that any question will be settled correctly. Imperialism. “A colonial policy would so occupy the people with the consideration of the nation’s foreign policy that domestic questions would be neglected. ‘Who will haul down the flag?’ or ‘Stand by the president,’ would be the prompt response to every criticism of the administration, and corruption and special privilege ^’ould thrive under the cover of patriotism. * “It is not strange that the populists should oppose militarism and imperialism, for both are antagonistic to the principles which populists apply to other questions. Looking at questions from the standpoint of the producer of wealth, rather than from the standpoint of the speculator, the populist recognizes in militarism a constant and increasing burden. The army worm, which occasionally destroys a held of wheat, is not nearly so dangerous an enemy to the farmer as a large standing army, which invades every field of industry and exacts toll from every crop. “If 100,001) men are withdrawn from the ranks of the producers and placed as a burden upon the backs of those w'ho remain, it must mean longer hours, harder work and greater sacrifice for those who toil, and the farmer, while he pays more than his share of the expenses of the army, has no part in army contracts or in developing companies, and his sons are less likely to fill the life positions in the army than the sons of those who, by reason of wealth or political prominence exert infiuence at Washington. “Soon after the republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a colonial policy, the papers published an interview given out from San Francisco by a foreign consul residing at Manila. He declared that the people of the United States owed tt to themselves, to other nations and to the Filipinos to hold the Philippine islands permanently. At the conclusion of the interview there appeared the very significant statement that the gentleman was visiting the United States for the purpose of organising a company for the development of the Philippine island*. A few days later on his way east he gave out another interview in which he explained that the company which he intend ed to organise would establish banks at Manila, and at other places throughout the islands, and build electric light plants, water plants, street car lines, railroads, factories, etc. It seemed that the plan of his syndicate was to do all the developing and leave the rest of the American people nothing to do in the matter except to furnish an army sufficient to hold the Filipinos la subjection while they were being developed. Cost of War. “At the presetn rate we will spend annually upon the army approximately half aa much as we spend for education In the

United States, and this Immense sum m wrung from the taxpayers by systems of taxation which overburden the poor man and undertax the rich man. **In the presence of such an Issue as mill* tarlsm It Is Impossible that any populist should hesitate as to his duty. “But even the menace of imlltaflsm Is but a part of the question of impenalises. The policy contemplated by the republican party nullifies every principle set forth In the Declaration of Independence, strikes a blow at popular government and robs the nation of of Its moral prestige. Already the more advanced supporters of the colonial Idea point to the economy of a system of government which Intrusts all power to an executive and does away with the necessity for legislation. The Army and Navy Journal, in Its Issue of August 4. commends the English system and declares that as a result of this system a fifth of the world's area, containing a fifth of its population. Is ruled with an administrative economy which is an administrative marvel, and adds: ■> “ ‘One million two hundred thousand dollars spent in London Is the price of administrative order over a colonial rule whose total budgets aggregate H.724.354.89S, or 50 per cent, more than our tojtal of federal, state, county and village expenditure for every possible purpose, for which taxes are levied. In contrast to the results of this system of executive administration the fact Is cited that the American congress has spent an entire winter wrestling with the tartfT. the taxation, the administration and the personal rights of two little islands. The English executive Is an Imperial executive. The British parliament is an English legislature. TO THE SAME SYSTEM WE ARE COMING BY THE DECREE OF CIRCUMSTANCES AS INEVITABLE AS THAT OF FATE. IF THIS BE IMPERIALISM MAKE THE MOST OF IT. So far as citizenship Is concerned the British empire is one. but beyond the limits of the United Kingdom the citizen lives under a rule essentially monarchial and not restricted by the constitutional limitations of the parliamentary system.’ j

■ uirrivn u xuiicy* •Thus does imperialism bear Its supports ers back toward the dark ages. There is no middle ground between the American policy and the European policy. If this nation remains true to its principles, its traditions and its Wstory. it cannot hold colonies. If it enters'upon a colonial career, it must repudiate the doctrine that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. “When such an issue is raised there can* only be two parties—the party, whatever its name may be, which believes in a republic, and the party, whatever its name, which believes in an empire, and the influence of every citizen is, consciously or unconsciously, intentionally or unintentionally, thrown upon the one side or the other. “Where the divine right of kings is recognized. the monarch can grant different degrees of liberty, to different subjects. The people of England can be ruled in one way, the people of Canada in another, the people of Ireland in another, while the people of India'may be governed according to still different forms. But there can be ho such variety in a republic. The doctrine of a republic differs from the doctrine of a monarch as the day differs from the night, and between the two doctrines there is, and ever must be, an irrepressible conflict. “Our opponents say that the world would laugh at us if we should give independence to the Filipinos. Yes, kings woqld laugh, aristocrats would laugh, and those would laugh who deny the inalienable rights of men and despise the humbler folk who ‘along the cool, sequestered vale of life keep the noiseless tenor of their way;* but let this nation stand erect and, spurning the bribes of wealth and power, show that there is a reality in the principles which we profess; let it show that there is a difference between a republic and sa Monarchy, and the oppressed in every land will see in our flag the hofre of their own deliverance and, whether they are bleeding upon* the battlefield or groaning beneath a tyrant's lash, will raise their eyes toward Heaven and breathe a fervent prayer for the safety of our republic.” PROSPERITY IN WAGES. Fictitious Capitalisation of Trusts Makes Redaction of Wages Sec ■y.

The prosperity enjoyed, by wageworkers is outlined in a report published in'that stanch republican organ, the Chicago Tribune, from which the following extract is quoted: “The report in circulation several days ago to the effect that wages at the mills of the American. Steel and Wire company had beenreducedturnsouttobetrue in spite of the emphatic denials of the company officials at the time. It is understood that the company intends to gradually reduce wages in the different departments, taking one department at a tame, and thus get wages back to the level where they were at the time the trust was first formed. The horizontal reduction of the pay of all the men, if made at one time, it was feared, would bring on a general strike. ” Therefore the trust has decided to cut off the dog’s tail by inches and trim it down to the panic scale gradually. The report does not state why it should be necessary to reduce wages. That is left- to inference, the Tribune merely stating the fact that wages have already been reduced and that the reduction will gradually become a general one. The trust is capitalized for $75,000,000. More than one-half of that amount is fictitious, but in order 10 pay dividends pn all of it the wages of the employes must be redrced. That is. the way trust prosperity strikes the working masses. The amount filched from the scant earnings of the employes is used to pay dividends. That is prosperity with a vengeance. If t ratio conditions are such that the stockholders of this trust are compelled to live off their employes then it is time that radical reforms be introduced and system changed that makes the wealthy wealthier and the poor poorer. —Denver Post. -The supreme issue in the democratic platform for 1900 is unquestionably anti-imperialism. A subordinate, and in many respects a sen tilmental, issue is the silver or money question. The latter was a vital Issue four years ago, but hardly merits serious consideration in the present campaign. No one should allow himself to be deceived on this point. Republicans, however, by minimizing the dangers and perils of imperialism, t he vital issue, and magnifying the dangers and perils of what is left of the money issue, are hoping to confuse democratic voters and, by their aid, elect Mr. McKinley to a second term. —Cor. Baltimore Sun. At the congress of phrenologists in London, next November, a large number of prominent persons will be present, and a determined effort will be made to have phrenology recognised as a science.

What Merchants Say. Yucatan CUB Tonic (improved) Gives Entire satisfaction. \V. G. Gordon, Independence, L*. Best seller we have— W. Bacot k Co., Clarksdale, Miss. Ri,;ht in the push— E. S. Fisher, Reganton, Miss. A sure winner—Heaton Bros., \ ictoria, Tax, A Serious Pow-wow—“Hush, not so loud! We're having a conference of the powers.” *‘Kh! Who is conferring!" "My wife, my mother-in-law and the cook!”—Cleveland Plain Dealer. We cured 16 cases of chills with 12 bottles of Yucatan ChiH Tonic (improved). B. McElrath, L. J. Story and H. B. Miller, Harris Grove, Ky. As soon as a baby has learned to talk it becomes necessary to teach it to keep quiet.— Puck. ! I am sure Piso’s Cure for Consumption *aved my life three years ago.—Mrs. Yhos. Robbins, Maple Street. Norwich, N. YFeb 17. 1900. Some wives, like watches, have pretty faces, delicate hands, and are good to look upon—but somewhat difficult to regulate.— Chicago Daily News. Dyeing is as simple as washing when yon use Putnam Fadeless Dyes. Bold by all druggists. “De Ruvter sent his daughter abroad to be fdished.’ “Well, 1 can see her finish.”— own Topics. To Core s Cold to Ooe Day Take Laxative Bromo Quinine Tablets. All druggists refund money if it fails to cure. 25c. “Folks dat insists on habbin* dar pwts way,” said Uncle Ehen, "run* a good deal o’ risk in not habbin’ no one ter blame when tings goes wrong.”—Washington Star. If your stomach is c ut of order, use Dr. Carlstedt’s German Liver Powder. Pleasant to take; no tea to make. Price, 25 cents. Customer—“What would be the price of a ring like this?” Jeweler—“The buying or selling price?”—Town Topics.

Women Think About This in addressing Mrs. Pinkham you ere eommunioating with A Woman A woman whose experience In treating female ills Is greater than that of any living person, nude She has fifty thousand such testimonial letters as we are constantly publishing showing that Lydia Em Phdfham*s Vegetable Compound is dally relieving hundreds of suffering women. Every woman knows some woman Mrs. Pinkham has restored to headthm y

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