Pike County Democrat, Volume 31, Number 12, Petersburg, Pike County, 27 July 1900 — Page 2

Items of Intelligence Relating to Affairs at the National Capital. EFFECT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL POLICY. Attitude of the Administration on the Chinese Affair—The \aturart Result of Imperialist—'The Democratic Declaration on Issues Empha- ' oised. [Special Correspondence.] The practical certainty that the foreign inhabitants of Peking have been murdered turns the eyes gf the country on Washington, to see what course the administration will take. Naturally the indignation over the outrage causes various expressions of strong feeling, but it is generally recognized that the administration is in a peculiar position. Almost any step thatit takes will expose it to criticism from the vast number of people who have been viewing with alarm the policy of imperialism. It is unofficially given out in administration circles that troops will be rushed to China and that severe punishment will be meted out to the nation which has been guilty of allowing the murder of our minister and many American citizens. Still, it is explicitly pointed out,that no war will be declared agalinst China, no matter how many troops it takes to carrj' out the intentions of the administration, and that Chinamen will not be deported from this country while hostilities are going on.

Tins sounds very much like the administration’s way of doing things. It is now carrj'ing on one unauthorized war in the Philippines under another term. It is doing in. the Philippines what it denounced in 1898 a&^criminal aggression.” f It is said just now that the administration has no intention whatever of helping in the partition of China, but will only act with the other powers to punish that nation for the attack upon our citizens. But this assurance will not go very far with those who have watched McKinley’s course in the last two years. The administration has a very optimistic and facile way of minimizing its imperialistic performances ! beforehand. „ On the Administration. £x-Congressnian James Hamilton Lewis puts the whole Chinese trouble squarely up to the administration. He says: “I charge the Chinese outbreak diTectly upon the republican administration. It is the direct result of the announcement made by this government that the United States intended to enter into the division of China. Since these assertions China has viewed us as invaders. Its assaults upon us are because of that feeling of our hostility to them. ‘‘During the last 15 years wherever missionaries have been killed it has developed that they had violated some sacred ritual of the Chinese faith. Other nations besides the Chinese visit the offender with death for such desecrations. “It is apparent for the*first timedn the present generation that the Chinese government has given sanction to an tfssa.ult upon Americans and foreigners generally. “This is because our missionaries and ambassadors were regarded as the advance guard of a force determined to appropriate the Chinese empire.” Mr. Lewis goes on..to point out that so long as we kept aloof from alliances with the continental; powers the Chinese government treated our people with consideration and gave us trade privileges. It was only when this administration was beguiled by England into an understanding that she would be helped in her policy of despoiling China that the trouble began. Among others Mr. Lewis quotes exMinister Denby, while a member of the Philippine commission, speaking for the administration, as paying that the time had come “when we should join other powers in appropriating a respectable sphere of China to ourselves.” Senator Lodge recently said that our government should “bear its responsibilities in China and participate with the nations of the world in the division of that empire from the base of the Philippines.” Fruit* ot Imperialism. Mr. Lewis remarks that^ve are now reaping the fruits of thejujrvest sown by this administration while under the influence "of its dream of imperialism. He says: ^ “We must take one of two courses: Humiliatingly step out of China with dead Americans unavenged, or proceed to revenge the infamy by marching our armies into a country which can band together a standing army equal to every man, woman and child! we have in the United States and still not begin to exhaust their surplus.” It is elear^that if war is to be made in China we are both unprepared and unable to reach a victory, while losing the trade because we have made ene

nates of the people. The question, is, are our people still willing to take the woeful result which the policy of the administration, as proposed in the Philadelphia convention and admitted by the president in liis speech at Canton, inevitably precipitates upon us? Is it to be empire of war and bankruptcy or republic of peace and prosperity? It seems to be up to the administration. As if to emphasize imperialism as the most important issue, the news comes from the Philippines that Gen. MacArthur not only cannot spare any troocs from the Philionines, but that

he actually needs 100,000 men to subdue 1 the insurrection. The Filipinos are better armed and in better shape to fight for their independence than they were a year ago. The net result of the Chinese trouble so far seems to be the loss cf life among American citizens in Peking, the defeat of the Ninth regiment, acting with the allied forces at Tientsin, and the disabling of that splendid battleship, the Oregon. It has been known for months that the administration would be glad to' wash its hands of the Philippines. only that its understanding with Great Britain made the islands seem an available base of supplies in case of trouble such as is happening in China now. Of course it rather upsets the plan not to be able to spare any troops from th.e Philippines. The Paramount Issue. Circumstances combine to emphasize the democratic declaration that imperialism is the “paramount issue,” and of course militarism goes with it. Hanna, Bliss and Heath are busily engaged in mapping out the republican campaign on new lines. They had earnestly hoped that they could force the democrats to make the fight on the issue of 16 to 1, and thus divert attention from imperialism and the trusts. But it cannot be done. The more honest section of the republican press is urging that the financial question was put into the background by the action of the recent republican congress, and that the administration forces are making an absurd sjfcctacle of yiemselves by trying to put up a man of straw. Afraltl of the Record. As Chairman Richardson, of the democratic congressional committee, remarked the other day;. “The republicans appear to be afraid to make the campaign on the record of this administration.” They feel that the less the people know’ about the facts the better will be the republican chances for success.

The democrats are putting up a most | vigorous congressional campaign from j the Washington headquarters. There is every prospect that the next house will have a democratic majority. There were many things in the record of the recent republican tmngress that aroused the resentment of good citizens. The attempt to put congress above the constitution in the Porto Rican matter was perhaps the gravest affront; In many close districts the republicans have practically given up 1 the fight and concede the places to the t democrats. ADOLPH PATTERSON. DISTRUST OF M’KINLEY. Beat Mind* In the Republican Party See the Weakness of the Administration. If the average observer were asked, to name the three ablest and' most respected republicans now living, whom would he name? William McKinlej-, Mark Hanna and Theodore Roosevelt? Not if he were honest and thoughtful. Or would he name Thomas C. Platt, “Mat” Quay and Henry Cabot Lodge? Undoubtedly, a thoughtful observer would select ex-President Harrison, exSpeaker Reed and Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, if called upon to decide. These men, although widely dif* ferent, are the representatives of the best ability and* character in the republican party of to-day. . - Gen, Harrison was his own man every minute that he occupied the white house. There was no Hanna over him. He impressedtliimself greatly upon his fellow-citizens as a man of sincerity and* force of character. Quite naturally, Gen. Harrison has little respect for McKinley, for whose admin- ; istration the ex-president scarcely attempts to conceal his contempt. The other day, talking to an interviewer, Gen. Harrison said that he “did not think that the republican party had pursued the rightful course with Te-. gard to the trust question, and thought the administration was playing fast and loose with the people on the matter. He regards the administration, however, as having been a wise one for the most part, but admits that several grievous mistakes have been made in handling - the reins of government.” When not talking for publication, he has d&mhed the present administration with much fainter praise. He is* known to take no stock in the Philippine and Porto Rico business. Thomas B. Reed, the brilliant exspeaker, whose equal in mental equipment the McKinley outfit cannot produce, is notoriously opt of sympathy with MfKinleyism, and left public life rather than be compelled to defend the weak administration for which he feels so heartily a contempt. Senator Hoar, the “old man eloquent,” is constrained, by affection for the party whose cradle he rocked, to s<tand the ticket;, but everybody knows that neither his heart nor his brain is in the cause. How can McKinleyasm, distrusted if not despised by the best minds in the republican party, eKpectthe support of the people, or—most ridiculous of allappeal for democratic support on “patriotic” grounds?—Albany Argus.

•-The handling' of the revenues has been such that the piling up of surpluses in the vault9 is now threatening a scarcity* of funds in circulation for commercial needs this fall, which can only be relieved by using these unnecessary taxes in the open market to purchase bonds at a big premium, and thus enrich the bond speculator at the expense of the masses. Either this or a virtual panic now confronts the country and is the visible and tangible answer to the boasts of “skillful financiering” which republican organs and platforms are so boldly making.— Houston. Post. —When the trusts read the reports of Mr. McKinley’s Canton speech of ; acceptance they can exclaim with lit- ! eral truthfulness: “Never touchedus!" —St. Louis Republic.

RENOMINATION OF BRYAN. --— What It Means and Wfcjr He Has Become tlie Democracy’s Chosen Leader. The renomination of William J. Bryan is a notable hon^r to a remarkable man. This will he the judgment of every intelligent American who examines Mr. Bryan’s career in the light of history, and who emancipates himself from all prejudice for or against tne eandidnfe and the great party which twice in succession has made him its leader. Mr. Bryan entered his party’s national convention of 1696 as a member of a contesting delegation. As tested by the standards of his organization which prevailed along to that time, he was marked with the taint of partisan heterodoxy. The idea for which he stood—thp unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio which would have made the intrinsic value of a silver dollar half that of the gold dollar, and which, consequently, as a large majority of the people of the country believed, and helieve still, would drive gold out of circulation! precipitate the country to the silver basis, and disastrously disturb a.* values— would, if sanctioned by the convention, make a break with the traditions ' of a hundred years of democratic history. Moreover, presented to the same convention were the names of older and (as judged by the Canons of that day) greater soldiers of the silver cause. Richard P. Bland, the pioneer of the silver coinage movement in congress, was urged by a large element of his party for the presidential nomination. Another faction favored

Horace l>oies, also a silver champion, who had carried the republican stronghold of Iowa for governor, and who had made an efficient and popular official. Senator Joseph S. C. Blackburn, of Kentucky, a veteran fighter on the silver side in both branches of congress, had some powerful friends in the convention, and received many votes for the nomination. Yet this contesting delegate, who was admitted to a seat by the favor of the convention, but whose name was new to a majority of the delegates at the time, defeated, through the magic of a speech which put the feelings of his hearers into burning phrase, men who had been leaders of his cause long before his name was heard of outside the ward in which he lived, and carried off the convention’s prize. Other men than Mr. Bryan, whose names were not pr§vioSisly coupled with the candidacy, were nominated for president. But Mr. Bryan had no military glory, nor was his name, at the time the convention of 1896 met, connected conspicuously with any great reform or cause, for he had made no record during his short, service in congress which could single him out from the roll of ordinary members on the silver side. What, then, was the secret of Air. Bryan's power over his party? It was this: In-his speech to the convention he gave the idea which for years had> been struggling for expression in. his party more striking expression tnan had any any other of its orators. His party declared for the “free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold”—putting silver before gold for emphasis— at the 16 to 1 ratio, “without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation.” This meant that compromise and equivocation in that party on that issue was ended. . Mr. Bryan’s proclivities coincided with his party’s new mood. His physical traits, moreover, lent power to his moral attributes* What are the causes of Mr. Bryan's hold on the affections of his party in 1900, aside from those which gave him the. candidacy in 1S96? His robust sincerity, which even his partisan enemies have never questioned; • his strength as a campaigner, as attested by the f^ct- that, in the mQst exciting canvass since 1860, and with hundreds of thousands of democrats supporting Palmer or McKinley, he polled nearly 1,000.000 more vote? than Cleveland1 gained in his tidal-wave campaign four years earlier; and tne belief of his party, rank and file, that he is, on the whole, the best exponent of his party’s position on the issues of the finances, trusts and anti-imperialism. Upon what does Mn. Bryan's party base its hope of carrying the country in 1900? Upor. analogy, upon chance, and upon a belief that its cause is inherently strong with the people. In every election for president in which the same candidates confronted each other twice in succession the nominee who was beaten in the first instance won in the second. Jefferson, who was defeated by John Adams in 1796, defeated Adams in 1800. Jackson, who was left behind bySTohn Quincy Adams in the contest which went to the house of representative* in 1824, was far ahead of Adams in the electoral college in 1828. William Henry Harrison, who was easily beaten by Van Buren in 1836, just as easily defeated Van Buren in _ 1840. Cleve

Jana, who was 65 in the minority in the electoral college of 1888 in the contest against Benjamin Harrison, had a majority of more than double that figure, or 132, over Harrison in 1892-. New York and Indiana have •been swinging alternately from one party to the other in successive canvasses for more than a quarter of a century, and both were carried by the republicans in 1896. Four years of power for each party has been the rule for several successive presidential terms, and it is the democracy’s “turn” to win in 1900. These considerations of analogy and similitude have doubtless impressed themselves on the minds of the democratic leaders. Now for the hopes based upon chance. The panic of 1837, which began a

few weeks alter Van Bure® entered power, was one of the causes of Ms defeat in. 1S40. That dt 1873, in the republican period, helped to reduce the republican majority in the electoral College in 1876 to one. The monetary Convulsion of 1893, which started about a month after Cleveland went to the white house a second time* helped to roll up the majority which was cast against his party in 1896. The Homestead strike in the summer of 1892. a which many persons were killeu and much property destroyed, in the last year of Harrison’s service, was one of the reasons for the republican “apathy” which was noticed in that campaign, and for the repuolican defeat which came at the polls. A panic is decidedly improbable this year, but labor troubles and crop failures are always among the possibilities, and any sort, of a calamity •invariably hits the party in power. All of these reasons-, coupled with the conviction which is doubtless honestly entertained that their policy will, upon presentation, appeal with forcb to the'majority of the people, together with the fact that it is the American practice for each side to make an active fight in every election, whatever the chances may seem to be, explain the hope of Mr. Bryan and his supporters they will carry the country in 1900.-1—Charles M. Harvey, in Leslie’s Weekly. THE REAL MOTIVE. Troubles In China. Bring Used by the Administration to Hide Home Affairs.

It is much to be deubted whether the rationale of imperialism is understood, even at this late date, by the masses of the American people; for the events which led up to the policy of expansion in the ori^pt seem, at the first glance, to be in the nature of a decree of fate. Nevertheless, a little reflection will serve to show that the republican party, has availed itself of Dewey’s victory in Manila bay, in or_der to hold public opinion at arm’s length, while domestic policies of the most far-reaching import were being developed* to their logical conclusion. The device is by no means new. Whefi Napoleon III. was menaced by the searching scrutiny of the people’s conscience, he instinctively had recourse to the scheme of an empire in Mexico. When that bright dream faded, the duel with Germany followed in the inexorable logic of things. 'Phus the blood and treasure of France were wasted, in the vain hope that a foul crime against free government might be blotted from the memory of men. After this disastrous fashion has despotism found itself compelled to act, in .every land and :in every age. Freedom alone stands in no need of a screen. In the present case, the title of no dynasty is in question, but the justice of a system of policy is under examination at the judgment bar of conscience. The corporations have grown until they overshadow’ the government which creat ed them, while wealth finds indreasing immunity from its proper burdens. If the problem should be: presented in its naked form, the popular verdict would be a foregone conclusion. The instinct of self-preservation thus compels the republican, party to becloud its errors of omission and commission with issues which should1 have no place in our politics. At the outset, it was the evident, intention to treat the Filipinos as we have treated the Cubans, but the representatives of the trusts saw their opportunity, and the instructions to our envoys at Paris were so changed* as to convert the islands into spoils of conquest. Indeed, the apostasy would have taken the form pf a repudiation of the nation's pledge to Cuba, if the moral fiber of the American people had been less fine. It thus happens that a party whose original shibboleth was human freedom finds itself the champion of the doctrines that might makes right. At -such infinite cost do parties or men palter with the verities. It is the first step that costs; all the others are easy and, indeed, inevitable. “Facilis descensus Averni.” tl is, however, clear that President McKinley's ruse will have no greater measure of success than the third Napoleon’s. The plan for the retention oi Cuba has already met with a failure so complete that even t-he republicans, in their platform of 1900, have been compelled to announce their unequivocal recognition of the national obligation. in the fullness of time, the Filipinos will receive the same full measure of justice, and America will once more stand* forth as the one sincere advocate of the principle that all just government has its origin in the consent of the governed. In order that this supreme result may be achieved.it behooves all right-think-ing Americans to exercise their full measure of power, by tongue, pen and ballot. After all, public opinion is the molding force in this government. The spokesmen of injustice and greed may wield a mighty influence, for a season, but the sober second thought of the masses is invariably fatal to all schemes which lead up to the enslavement of the many for the benefit of the few. The great wrongs of the present time

must be righted.; but we must do justice to others, in order that we may come into our own. Imperialism is but the cloak of monopoly!, and should, therefore, be torn away with a ruthless hand. , -Imperialism is not a myth. It is not a bugbear to frighten people. It is actual peril which the nation must f^ce courageously and* fearlessly grapple with if free institution® are to be maintained and preserved. The fight on the democratic side is for the people and their republic; on the republican side is is for elevation of the dollar above character -—Dubuque Herald. ?

Cn I versify of Xotre Dame, Hot** Dam*, lad. We Caii the attention of our readers to the advertisement of Notre Dame University, one of the great educational institutions of the Went, which appears 4n another column of this paper. Those of our readers who may have occasion to look up a college for their ebns during the coming year would do well to correspond with the President, who will send them a catalogue free of charge, as well as all particulars regarding terms, courses of studies, etc. There is a thorough preparatory school in connection with the University, in which students of all grades will have every opportunity of preparing themselves for higher studies. The Commercial Course intended for young men preparing for business, may be finished in one or two years, according to the ability of the student. Sir. Edward’s Hall, for boys under thirteen, is an unique department of the institution. The higher courses are thorough in every respect, and students will find every opportunity of perfecting themselves in any line of work they may choose to select. Thoroughness in class-work, exactness in the care of students, and devotion to the best interests of all, are the distinguishing characteristics of Notre Dame University. Fifty-six years of active work in the cause of education have made this institution famous all over the country. One on the Summer Girl. One of these girls sat in a hammock on a Hollywood piazza when a summer boy in a gray suit came along. He looked unhappy. spied a button of a pastel shade in his lapel. “A new kind?” she asked, inquiringly. “What is it? Have you sworn off or are you a son of something or other?” “No,” he answered, shortly. “I’Ve joined a Don’t Worry club.” “When did you join?” she asked. “The day after I met you/’ he rejoined, cleverly.—Chicago Times-fTerald. Do Your Feet Ache and Burnt Shake into your shoes, Allen’s Foot-Ease, a powder for the feet. It makes tight or New Shoes Feel Easy. Cures Corns, Itching, Swollen, Hot, Callous, Smarting, Sore and Sweating Feet. All Druggists an<b Shoe Stores sell it, 25c. Sample sent FREE, Ad? dress, Allen S. Olmsted, Le Roy, N. k. “What kind of’ a house did you succeed in getting, Howard?” "Oh, it’s the kind of a house which has windows that won’t stay open and doors that won’t stay shut.” —Indianapolis Journal. Is a Constitutional Cure. Price, 75c. Minds of steel are often narrowed down that they may have a cutting edge;—Ram’s Horn. looked at him frivolously, anc^ Hall’s Catarrh Cure

The xterite of the preparations of the 9. & G. 4AGUIRE MEDICINE COMPANY of St. Louis, Mo,, are beyond all question. This IS rtn has succeeded in furnishing the Army mod Navy. They went into business in 1»], and have steadily grown in favor with tiie public, not having one failure to report in .Ifty-nine years! Their Benne Plant, Cundurango, etc., have become a household word. They are sold by all druggists. Ask for booklet free, and if you ever get Du.rrhsn, Dysentery or Cholera-Morbus, give the Benne Plant a trial, and you will be convinced. Every article made by the Magui re Medicine Company is guaranteed to ao i*hat is claimed for it. Explained. * Mrs. Yung Wife—-You are sure there are five pounds of sugar in this package?. It stems very light. Grocr—That, madam, is because it is entirely free from sand.—Boston Transcript. Best for the Bovrels. No matter what ails you, headache to a cancer, you will never get well until your bowels are put right. Cascarets help nature, cure you without a gripe or pain, produce = easy natural movements, cost you just 10 cents ,o start getting your health back. Cascarets Candy Cathartic, the genuine, put up in metal boxes, every tablet has C. C. G stamped on it. Beware of imitations. Pretense ns to Contents. “Jeuge,” said Mr. Zeke Darkleigh, **! wants to hab dishyere Gabe Snowflake arrested. He done sol’ me er kaig erbeer, en day ain’t nuffin in the kaig out rainwateh.” «• > „ “All right,” replied the judge, "vou want to swear out a warrant charging him with obtaining money under false pretenses." “No, suh. I want dat niggah sent up fo' ’tainin’ money undeh false contentses. Dat's what, jedge.”—Baltimore American Tasteless Tonics Are Unreliable. Try Tucatan Chill Tonic (improved'). Each lose contains the same proportion of medic ne. No shaking required. Price, 50 cents. “My wife,” boasted the happv voung bened:ct, “is an open book tome.’' “Mine, too,” declared the old married man. “1 can’t shut her up.”—Philadelphia Press. I do not believe Piso's Cure for Consumption baa an equal for coughs and coles.— John F. Boyer, Trinity Springs, Ind., Feb, 15,1900. It is surprising, sometimes, how a mao that s ’way off gets on. — Indianapolis News. The stomach has to work hard, grinding the f :*od we crowd into it. Make its work easy by chewing Beeman’s Pepsin Gujp. Give a pig plenty of milk and it will inaks a hog «f itself.—Chicago Daily News. At-;-—, .

FOR MALARIA, CHILLS AMD FEVER. The Best Prescription Is Grove's Tasteless Chill Tonic. Th^ Formula Is Plainly Printed on Every Bottles So That the People ftiay Know Just What They Art Taking/ Imitators do not advertise their formula knowing that you would not buy their medicine if you knew what it contained. Grove’s contains Iron and Quinine put up in correct proportions and is in a Tasteless form. The Iron acts as a tonic while the Quinine drives the malaria out of the system. Any reliable druggist will tell you that Grove’s is the Original and that all other so-called “Tasteless” chill tonics are imitations. An analysis of other chill tonics shows that Grove’s is superior to all others in every respect. You are not experimenting when you take Grove’s—its superiority and excellence having long been established. Grove’s is the only Chill Cure sold throughout the entire malarial sections of the United States. No Cure, No Pay. Price, 500 MOTE:—The records of the Peris Medicine Go., SU Louis, show thet over one end one-he! f million bottles of Grove9s Tseteiess Chill Tonic eere sold test peer end the soles ere condnuelly Increasing. The conclusion Is Inevlteble thet Brove9s Testekms Chill Tonic Is e pro* scrlptlon for melerle hevtng genuine merit, end eny druggist or chemist will tell you so.

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