Pike County Democrat, Volume 31, Number 11, Petersburg, Pike County, 20 July 1900 — Page 2

President McKinley Officially Notified of His Renomination for the Presidency. SENATOR IQD6E WAS THE SPOKESMAN. • Vrrtldmt McKinley's Response Was In the Nature of a Resume of the Work of the i*re»ent Administration and What Won Id he Cat Oat for the Next.

Canton, 0., July 13.—The severe storm of Wednesday night was succeeded by real “McKinley weather.'’ The day dawned bright- and clear, with a crisp breeze and a warm ?un. At the McKinley residence the effects of the storm were apparent in the disarrangement of the flag decorations and the big luncheon tent, but these were soon straightened up, and everything was in readiness for the ceremonies at the appointed time. Repetition of Four Yenri Ago. The second notification of William McKinley that he had been selected as the nominee of the republican party for president was made at the same place as the , first, and all the accessories were similar to the occasion of four years ago. Then the chairman of the committee was Senator John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, who had been permanent chairman of the convention. This time Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, stood upon the same porch, and in the presence of a vast multitude officially notified President McKinley that he was the unanimous choice of the Republican national convention for president. Greeted by the President. Some time before the arrival of the notification party, President McKinley went out into the yard and inspected and approved the arrangements. The president wore a white Fedora hat, o broad expanse of white vest,and a sack coat £>f very democratic appearance. He greeted the different arrivals in a most cordial and friendly manner. The Committee Arrives. Five minutes after 11 o'clock the booming of guns announced the arrival of the notification committee at the station. -They immediately entered carriages, and with the Canton escort marched toward the president's house. By the time they had arrived a large crowd had collected, and the committee was received with cheers. Senator Lodge and Senator Hanna wfcre in the lead of the notification parly. Both entered the house and had a few moments’ chat with President McKinley, and then returned to the porch. A few moments later the president, with Mrs. McKinley on his arm, came upon the porch, and their appearance was heralded by general cheering. Senator Lodge immediately mounted a small standing block and delivered his speech

oi notification, ms remarks being frequently interrupted with applause. When Senator Lodge closed, President McKinley mounted the stand, the vast concourse of people cheered heartily. It was for some moments before the* president could proceed. His response *was as follows: Senator Lodge and Gentlemen of the Notification committee: The message which you bring to me is one of signal honor. It is also a summons to duty. A single nomination for the office of president by a party which in thirty-two years "' out of forty has been triumphant at national elections, is a distinction which I gratefully cherish. To receive unanimous renomination by this same party is an expression of regard and a pledge of continued confidence for which it is difficult to make adequate acknowledgment. If anything exceeds the honor of the office of president of the United States, it is the responsibility which attaches to it. Having been'invested with both, I do not under-appraise either. Anyone who has borne the anxieties and burdens of the presidential office, and, especially in time of national trial, can not contemplate assuming it a second time without profoundly realizing the severe exactions and the solemn obligations which it imposes, and this feeling is accentuated by the momentous problems which now press for settlement. If my countrymen shall confirm the action of the convention at our national election in November, I shall, craving Divine guidance, undertake the exalted trust, to administer it for the inerest and honor of the country, and the well being of the new people who have become the objects of our care. The declaration of principles adopted by the convention has my hearty approval. At some future date I will consider its subjects in detail, and will by letter communicate to. your chairman a more "formal acceptance of the nomination, On & like occasion four years ago I said: •‘The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for the conduct of our greatest war; that promptly restored the credit of the country at its close; that from Its abundant revenues paid off a large share of the debt incurred ty this war, and that resumed specie payments and placed our paper currency upon a sound ’ and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to preserve both our credit and surrency, with honor, stability and inviolability. The American people hold the financial honor of our government as sacred as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigilance. They hold its preservation above party fealty, and have often demonstrated that party ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our country is threatened. “The dollars paid to the farmer, the wage earner, and the pensioner continue forever equal in purchasing and debt-pay-ing power to the dollar paid to any government creditor. T“Our Industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our business and commercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our national credit and currency, our proud financial honor, and our splendid free citizenship, the birthright of every American, are all involved in the pending campaign, and thus every home in the land is directly called with their proper settlement. “Our domestic trade must be won back, and our idle working people employed In gainful occupations at American wages. Our home market must be restored to its pround rank of first in the world, and our foreign trade, so precipitately cut off by adverse national legislation, reopened on fair and equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products. “Public confidence must be resumed, and the skill, energy and the capital of our country find ample employment at home. The government of the United States must * raise money enough to rTbet both Its current expenses and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests of our people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources, and maintaining that hfght standard of civilization which has distinguished our country for more than a century of its existence. “The national credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault v pon it. must and will be upheld and

strengthened. If sufficient revenues *ve provided for the support of the govern, m-mt there will be no necesstiy for borrowing money and increasing the public debt.” Three and one-half years of legislation and administration have been concluded since these words were spoken. Have those to whom was confided the direction of the government kept their pledges? The record is made up. The people are not unfamiliar with what has been accomplished. The gold standard has been reaffirmed and strengthened. The endless chain has been broken, and the drain upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. The credit, of the country has been advanced to the highest place among all nations. We are refunding our bonded debt bearing three and four and five per cent, interest at two per cent., a lower rate than that of any other country, and already more than three hundred millions have been so funded with a gain to the government of many mlllioms of dollars. Instead of 16 to 1, for which our opponents contended four years ago. legislation has been enacted, which, while utilising all forms of our money, secures one fixed value for ever}' dollar, and that the beat known to the civilized world. A tariff which protects American labor and industry, and provides ample revenues, has been written in public law. We have lower interest and higher wages; more money and fewer mortgages. The world’s markets have been* opened fo American* products, which go now where they have never gone before. We have passed from a bond-issuing to a bondpaying nation; from a nation of borrowersto a nation of lenders; from a deficiency in revenue to a surplus; from fear fo confidence; from enforced Idleness to profitable employment. The public faith has been upheld; public order has been maintained. We have prosperity at home and prestige abroad. Unfortunately the threat of 1886 has just been renewed by the allied parties without abatement or modification.- The gold bill has been denounced and its repeal demanded. The menace of 16 to 1 therefore, still hangs over us with all its dire consequences to credit and confidence, to business and industry. The enemies of sound currency are rallying their scattered forces. The people must once more unit* and overcome the advocates of repudiation, and must not relax their energy until the battle for public honor and honest money shall again triumph. A congress which will sustain and, if need be, strengthen the present law, can prevent a financial catastrophe which every lover of the republic in interested to avert. Not satisfied with assaulting the currency and credit of the government, our political adversaries condemn the tariff law enacted, at the extra session of congress in 1897, known as the Dingley act, passed in obedience to the .will of the people expressed at the election in the preceding November, a law which at once stimulated our industries, opened the idle factories and mines, and gave to the laborers and to the farmers fair returns for their toll and investemnt. Shall we i go back to a tariff which brings deficiency ; in our revenues and destruction in our , industrial enterprises? Faithful to its pledges in these internal , affairs, how has the government discharged its international duties? Our platform of 1896 declared, "the Ha- j waiian islands should be controlled by the ; United States, and no foreign power | should be permitted to interfere with i them.” This purpose has been fully ac- i complished by annexation, and delegates 1 from those beautiful islands participated in the convention for whicl) you speaa I to-day. In the great conference of nations at The Hague we reaffirmed before the I world the Monroe doctrine and our adher- • ence to it, and our determination not to participate in the complications of Europe. We have happily ended the European alliance in Samoa, securing to ourselves one of the mast valuable harbors in the Pacific, while the open door in China gives to us fair and equal competition in the -vast trade of the orient. Some things have happened which were not promised, nor even foreseen, and our purposes in relation to them must not be lett in doubt. A just war has been waged for humanity, and with it have come new problems and responsibilities. Spain has been ejected from the western hemisphere, and our flag floats over her former

lermory. Luca nas oeen noeratea, ana our guarantees to her people will be sacredly executed. A beneficent government has been provided tor Porto Rico. The Philippines are ours, and American an* thority must be supreme throughout the archipelago. There will be amnesty, broad and liberal, but no abatement of our rights, no abandonment of our duty. There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfill in the Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumphs of our arms and by the treaty of peace; by international law; by the nation’s sense of honor'; and, more than all, by the rights, interests and conditions of the Philippine peoples themselves. No outside interference blocks the way to peace and a stable government. The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere. They may postpone, but they can not defeat the realization of the high purpose of this nation to rest ore to the islands and to establish a just and generous government, in which the inhabitants shall have the largest participation for which they are capable. The organized forces which “have been misled into rebellion have been dispersed by our faithful soldiers and sailors, and the people of the islands, delivered from anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize American sovereignty as the symbol, and pledge of peace, justice, law, religious freedom, education, the security of life and property, and the w’elfare and prosperity of their several (communities. We reassert the early principle of the republican party, sustained by unbroken judicial precedents, that the representatives of the people, in congress assembled, have full legislative power over territory belonging to the United States, subject to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and personal rights, and are vested with ample authority to act “for the highest interests of our nation and the charge intrusted to its care.’’ This doctrine, first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will never be used as a weapon for oppression. I am glad to oe assured by.you that what we have done in the far east has the approval of the country. The sudden and terrible crisis in China calls for the gravest consideration, and you will not expect from me now any further expression than to say that my best efforts shall be given to the immediate purpose of protecting the lives of our citizens who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the peace and welfare of China, the safeguarding of all our treaty rights and the maintenance of those principles of impartial intercourse to which the civilized world is pledged. I can not conclude without congratulating my countrymen-upon the strong national sentiment which finds expression in every part of our common country, and the increased respect with which the American name is greeted throughout the world. We have been moving in untried paths, but our steps have been guided by honor and duty. There will be no turning aside, no wavering, no retreat. No blow has been struck except for liberty and humanity, and none will be. We will perform without fear, every national and international obligation. The republican party was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It has been the party erf liberty and emancipation from that hour; not of profession, but of performance. It broke the shackles of four millions of slaves and made them free, and to the party of Lincoln has come another su

iireme upiwnunuy wuica 11 nas Bravely met In the liberation of 10,000,000 of the human family from the yoke of imperialism. In its solution of great problems, in its performance of high duties, it has had the support of members of all parties in the past, and confidently expects their co-operation in the future. Permit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sincere appreciation of the complimentary terms in which you convey the official notice of my nomination, and my thanks to the members of the committee and to the great constituency which they represent for this additional evidence of their favor and support. The audience appreciated the deft turn which Mr. McKinley gave to imperialism and cheered most heartily. Xvhen the president closed there were loud calls for Hauna, but Col. Grant, chairman of the local committee, introduced Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana, who in a brief address declared "that McKinley would be re-elected. % ' ■ \ The Maiue Democratic state convention nominated S. L, Lord, of Saco, for governor and indorsed the Kansas City plaiform.

AN AH nil Seymour’s Wounded Shot by Their Comrades to Prevent Capture by the Chinese. THE BRAVE MEN PREFERREB TO DIE. Sewi from Waxhlagtoii Intended to Pre»»nre the Country for the Worst from Pekin. Which Wtu Overtaken by the Dreadful Ac. count* of the Horrible Slaughter London. July 16.—The morning pw pers publish the horrible details of the killing, at their own request, by'ovdei of Admiral Seymour, of the wounded men qf. his command by tales of comrade chosen by lot for the dreadful ministry of death. It is said that when the hard-pressea admiral asked the wounded, whom il was impossible to carry off, which thej would prefer, death at the hands oi their friends or capture by the barbarians, tears were streaming down hi» cheeks. The answer was: “We prefer death to torture. Shoot u* now, that we may die like men!” The tiring squad was selected, and while the main force held the cruel fo< at bay, the work of mercy was quick ly performed, and the expedition was free of a burden, and the gloating hordes cheated of a carnival of tortim and butchery.

DI'GUISING THE TRUTH. Washington, July 16.—Such news ps came to Washington yesterday from China was distinctly bad. It consisted cf a cablegram to Minister Wu, from Sheng, the imperial dictator of pests and telegraphs at Shanghai, and, according to the minister, was in reply to the urgent message he himself had sent Saturday to that official ashing him to try to secure some .news from the Chinese capital. This cablegram Minister Wu regarded as of sufficient importance to carry in person directly to Secretary Hay, who was waiting at bis borne for news. The message, as evolved from their cipher^ was ns follows: LeRMilom and Government. “Pekin news of July 7th says that Gen. Tuan Fuh Siang. in disobedience of imperial orders was abodtt to use guns. Legations and the government v^ill be in peril.” Corroborative of Goodnon. This news is corroborative of ihat. contained in a recent cablegram from Mr. Goodnow, although the consul general’s dispatch gave his Pekin news the date of the 6th. saying that the final attack upon the legations with guns was about to begin on the seventh of July. It is surmised here that Mr. Goodnow got bis news from Sheng, who is certainly in position to secure the first news front Pekin. The Significant Feature. Aside from the gloomy forecast j:iven of the situation and of the terrible struggle of the legationers against the inevitable, the significant feature of the message is the coupling of the fate of the imperial government with that of the foreign ministers. Officials here get some satisfaction from this portion of the dispatch, as it sustains them in the position they have held from the first, that the Chinese government is not at war with Christendom, but is confronting a formidable insurrection.

ftreakingr the Nem lira dually. There still remains a suspicion that while Mr. Wn is undoubtedly acting with perfect sincerity, that Sheng, who is represented to be a clever and adroit man, may know more of the actual happenings at Pekin than he is willing to reveal at once. It is feared that h«* is trying to prepare the way for the disclosure of terrible news, hoping that by letting it come out gradually the blow will not fall with such severity, and perhaps with such disastrous results to his own people as might be the case if the whole story were imparted to the world at once. This news, it may be noted, comet entirely from Chinese sources. The Last Authentic ftiewa. It is now 21 days since a word ha* come directly from any of the unfortunates besieged in the legations at Pekin. The last message from there was from Sir Robert Hart, the English? man in charge of the Chinese customs service, and was of undoubted authenticity. It represented the situation of the legationers as desperate, and ii» plored help. Unprecedented and Improbable. The last word from-Minister Conge* came to the state department from Pekin under date of June 12. At that time he asked that Seymour's international relief column, which was ever then doomed to fail, should signal iti approach when near Pekin. Chinese la America Friendly. Minister Wu feels a natural irritation at the statement printed in some quarters that the Chinese in the United States are making ready to return to China and that they sympathize with the Boxers and are lending them financial aid. He declares in the most earnest manner that there is not a word of truth in these statements. He says that all of the Chinese in the United States come from southern China, and are altogether out of sympathy with the northern Chinese.

RECIPROCITY WITH GERMANY Pmldmu 1‘roelawatioii I'attiaK la Farce Ike Mew Reciprocity Treaty With Germany. . Washington, July 14.—The following proclamation by the president on the German reciprocity agreement has been made public: RECIPROCITY WITH GERMANY-BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. tA Proclamation.) Whereas. The German government haa entered into a commercial agreement with the United States in conformity with the provisions of the third section of the tariff act of the United States, approved July 24, 18S»7, by which agreement, in the judgment of the the president, reciprocal and equivalent concessions are secured in favor of the products of the United States. Therefore, Be it known that I. William McKinley, president of the United States of America, acting under the authority conferred by said act of congress, do here* by suspend during the continuance is force of said agreement the imposition and collection of the duties imposed by the first section of said act upon the articles hereafter specified, being the products of the soil and industry of Germany; and do declare in place thereof the rates of duty provided in the third section of said act to be in force and effect from and after the date of this proclamtaion, a* follows, namely: Upon argols, or crude tartar.or wine less, crude, five percentum ad valorem. Upon brandies, or other spirits manufactured or distilled from grain or other materials, one dollar and seventy-five cents for proof gallon. Upon still wines and vermuth, in casks, thirty-five cents per gallon; in bottles <or jugs, per case of one dozen bottles or jugs, containing each not more than one. quart and'more than one pint, or twenty-four bottles or jugs containing each not more than, one pint, one dollar and twenty-five cents per case, and any excess beyond these quantities found in such bottles or jugs shall be subject to a duty of four cents per pint or fractional part thereof, but no separate or additional duty shall be assessed upon the bottle or jugs. Upon paintings in oil or water colors, pastels, pen and ink drawings, and statuary, fifteen per centum sd valorem, of which the officers and citizens of the United States win

aotice. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seat of the United States to be a%xed. Done at the City of Washlngon, this, thirty-seventh day of July, A. D. one thonsand nine hundred, andt of the independence of the United States of America the one hundretlft and twenty-fifth. _ _ william mckinley. By the President: JOHN HAY, Secretary of State. Terms of Agreement Not Recited. The proclamation does not recite the terms of the arrangement. It is said that each government will proclaim only such features of the arrangement as are necessary for the guidance of its own officials in administering it. The arrangement itself will not be made, public at present. Operation of Mont Bill Referred. The putting into operation of the German meat bill is&leferred for an indefinite period. The official explanation is that the purpose of its suspension is simply to allow of the execution cf existing contracts held by American meat packers. It is not disccveredO^st now whether dr not this mofruct figures in any way in the reciprocity agreement, and it may be, and probably is, the fact that the suspension has been arranged for separately. 1 t & State' Department Satiafted. The state department is perfectly satisfied with w'hat has been secured under the agreement for American exporters, and though the proclamation enumerates no special privileges conferred upon these exporters, the department officials feel that they will be satisfied with the results attained when they are fully disclosed. A PLACE FOR GENERAL OTIS. Will be Allowed to Beat Until September, When Yncnnclea Will V_ be Open to Him. Washington, July 16.—High military officers place no credence in the published report that the military department cf the gulf is to be re-established for the purpose of giving Maj.-Gen. Otis a command commensurate with his rank, though Gen. Mile* has recommended its re-establishment. Gen. Otis is now on leave of absence, and there is no prospect of his being assigned to duty immediately. He came home from the Philippines to take a rest, and the president is disposed to accommodate him fu'ly in that respect. Unless present plans miscarry, Gen. Olis will not resume active duty until Ihe command of. the military depattment of the lakes at Chicago becomes vacant in September next, by the statutory retirement of Brig.-Gen. Joe Wheeler on account of age. He then will have his dhoiee of vacant commands.

WILL ONLY MAKE ONE SPEECH. Got. BoMievrit Stnrtit on Ilia Trip to St. Pnnl—Will Xut Stop at Cleveland. New York, July 16.—Gov. Roosevelt left this city yesterday for St. Paul, where he will address the Jfsatioral League of Republican clubs?at their annual convention. Gov. Roosevelt said, before starting, that he would positively not make any speech between here and St. Paul, either going or coming, and that he would make but one spteech in St. Paul and that before the convention. He denied that he would stop off at Cleveland to confer with Senator Hanna. He said he expected to be home by Thursday. He expects to address the Hebrew Chautauqua society in Atlantic City July 23. Will Combine Aauiiuat Jtccklinm. Lexington, Ky., July 16.—The democratic state convention will meet here on Thursday. The present indications are that there will be a lively contest for a successor to the late William Goebel. Gov. Beckham is strongly in the lead according to the returns from tiie counties up to Saturday, and it is stated the field will combine against him. The field includes ex-Gov. and ex-Congressman McCreary. Judge J. P. I Tarvin, James D. Black,, Judge Joseph H. Lewis, W. B. Smith and Jas. B. GfefS 1

MEANING OF IMPERIALISM. Eatiretr at Varlaace with the Trt« Principle* of Freedom mad Falraeaa. If definitions in the dictionaries will not aid much the platform adopted at Kansas City may. It is understood that Mr. Bryan had something to say about the construction of the pintform. We may presume, therefoi**, that Mr. Bryan means about what tlao platform means by the word “imperinh ism.” The second paragraph of the platform reads: “We declare again that all governmen ts instituted among men derive their Just power's from the consent of the governed;; that any government not based on the consent of the governed is & tyranny, and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to substitute th; methods of Imperialism for those of a republic." This declaration seems to convey a | pretty clear idea of what the framer:; j of the platform mean by “imperial-1 ism” and we may safely assiime thar what they mean Mr. Bryan means The idea is more fully conveyed, perhaps, by the words quoted than It vtould be by a formal definition. Essentially, imperialism is arbitrary) power exercised over a people without their consent. It is the power that the British government asserts in many places, though in general it exercises the power with such moderation that the people over whom it is asserted are practically self-governing. At bottom it is a flat denial of the right of selfgovernment. It isentirely immaterial whether the power to govern without the consent j

SCANDAL UPON SCANDAL. Aaothcr Uiuaee of Eotteami la PaWic Offlcr. • It is -well known that the present head of the treasury bureau of statistics is preparing the campaign text-book of the, republican party. Such a scandalous desregard of the proper duties and dignity of that bureau has never before been shown. There have been charges made of par* tisan use in the past, but these - charges have never been proved to such an extent as to affect the correctness of the returns issued by the bureau. There have been issued, under official sanction, interpretation* of commercial and industrial returns, favoring a particular policy oh measure, and when Charles Foster was secretary of the treasury the head of the bureau permitted. a violently protectionist interview to be circulated as a treasury document although it was well known at the time that the matter had been prepared by another hand. Such exhibitions of improper political activity by the bureau have been rare, however, and have never failed to bring down cntidism on those who were responsible. Secretary Gage must- bear the full responsibility of causing the present scandal. He removed' a man of experience to make room for a political hack, whose only qualification was him service during the campaign i^ running a “literary bureau” for the republicans. From the beginning thi* partisan has used the bureau for par1

Y* »vi f mt

••THE DOLLAR BEFORE THE MAN.”

of the governed is asserted by a person called an emperor or by a person called a president or by a parliament or by a congress. The material tiring is the assumption of supremacy—of sovereignty— by some person or number of persons over other persons whose consent is not given and who are not consulted. It is the utter negation of the American doctrine that sovereignty resides in the people and notin others assuming by divine right or the right of mere might an authority above that of the .people. This is the imperialism which has been set up in Washington over distant peoples. It is an imperialism which the American people cannot permit to be exercised in their name over other peoples of the earth without incurring great risk that it will soon be exercised over themselves. To quote once more from the platform: "We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.” Substantially the same thing was said by Abraham Lincoln, but it is not the mere dictum of any man or body of men. It is an eternal truth rooted cl^ar down at the bottom of human nature. He who accepts the principle of despotism is a fit subject of despotism. Men may laugh at that, but let them remember that some things are regarded with tolerance to-day which would have been rejected with indignation and horror hardly more than two years ago.—Chicago Chronicle.

Clear and Straightforward. Upon all phases of all the questions involvedinthe issue of imperialism the democratic platform is clear, st raightforward, admirable. There is no evasion, no juggling. After reading these vigorous yet moderate and sane utterances no one can have the slightest doubt either as to the principles laid down or as to how the democratic party interprets those principles into policies. ' The evils are defined and the remedies of justice, liberty and Americafi fair-dealing are proposed explicitly and fearlessly. Upon the other great issue, monopoly, the platform is again clear, straightforward, admirable. Instead of incoherent ravings and indefinite promises, there is sanity of statement, avoidance of confusion between corrupt and legitimate uses of capital and a demand for real reforms—for publicity, for the constitutional extension of law, and above all for the ending of monopolyfostering tariffs. — Cincinnati Enouirer. /

tisan purposes, and he is now occupied in preparing' the campaign handbook. Such a function is as remote from those proper to the collection of commercial statistics as they, would be from the conduct of a church, and' the knowledge that this hack is engaged in the task is sufficient to bringintodiscredit his activity in statistics of trade as issued by the treasury. Since Mr. Austin hgs been in office he has not added a single feature to the tables as formerly issued, save r.hat of throwing discredit on the whote by his evident intention to make himseii useful to Jiis party. - The worst feature of it"*is that the tables are discredited abroad as well as at home, and it is not strange that so little regard is paid by statisticians of Europe to the w’ork now done under oar government.—X. V. Post. Where Bryan la Strong. Bryan shows his greatest personal strength in the fact that he is today, a s he has ever been, utterly without a political machine. Other men in American politics stand or fall for reasoi s outside of their personality. David Hill, for instance, is % geograph cal location. Mr. IftEinley is a kind of syndicate. Roosevelt stands for ar ideal of civic righteousness. Mr. Ciokef is an impudent appetitle. Quay s a system of wireless telegraphy. But Bryan is Bryan, and Bryan is lis prophet. More power for good or evil rests under Bryan's blade slouch hat than under any other sin

gle headpiece in America. Bryan is machiraless, not because he abhors the machine, but because he - ignores it. He would not know what to do with captains and lieutenants. If his party s lould begin to turn from himn Bryan could not call: “What, ho, warder/ let the portcullis falls” in a score 0;! states and check the stampede. If oratory would not stop the panic, the multitude would have to leave hi m as it came to him. After which h 3 would go on lecturing until that ga re out, and running for the senate t.U that gave out, and for congress till that gave out, when ho would i stum to his law office and continue aS he was in the beginning, an honi st, hard-working, ordinary country lawyer, with an extraordinary a oice and a forceful, direct, plausible way of putting short An-glo-Saxo: words that often move juries b it are not so thrilling in briefs.—Y'ill Allen White, in MeClurg’a Magazine --If 1 lie republican congress post* pones th reduction of the war tax, the peop a will not postpone the reduction o' the republican vote in ec«> gross.—A muy A 'gm.