Pike County Democrat, Volume 30, Number 47, Petersburg, Pike County, 30 March 1900 — Page 3

M. MeC. STOOPS, Kditor ud PtoprMM PETERSBURG, I INDIANA. A REMARKABLE CURE. I had an ugly temper. The worst was ever seen, I used to scowl and scream and jump And make a dreadful scene; That was when 1 was younger, But now I’ve changed its name. Which makes a lot of difference Although It’s just the same. I call It now “high spirit,*’ And sometimes “will power, “ too. Because It makes my kin and friends I»d what.I want them to; It really is surprising How proud I've grown to be Of all the stubborness I used To be ashamed to see. I had a selfish spirit That made the household sad. Ami at one time, I feared, I own. Its tendency was bad; But. now I call it “self-respect” And “standing on my rights,” And thus I feel it leads, instead, To nobler moralheights. Then I’ve been always lazy Fi-6m childhood’s earliest years. My mother thought It was a fault And mourned o'er it with tears; But UoW it is "prostration” Oh.-happy change and sure! As long as. folks will wait on me I ne’er expect a cure! I do not urge, however. For, others’ moral Ills, This; sipnple and transforming cure. Because it always fills My heart with bitter anger When people try—ahem! To. work this little plan on me As 1 have done on them! —Priscilla Leonard, in S. S. Visitor. .A.

A Storm Above tbe floods If Brig. ««. Frederick Funston. ^ IN ST. NICHOLAS. Gen. Frederick Funston tells of a terrible day’s experience in fighting a storm above tfte clouds in the Front range of mountains in Colorado. It was ten years ago. and he had but one companion in his adventure, Mr. Vernqn N. Kellogg, now a professor in Stanford university. Despite the difficulties of 4the way and th«| surrounding storm, we made good progress upward, and in half an hour turned to the left and began working along the side of the mountain. Here our trials began in earnest. The storm was upon us in all its fury. The wind blew almost a hurricane, and the air was so filled with sleet and fine snow that it was impossible to see more than 20 yards in any direction. There would be an occasional lull i:a the tumult, when we could take in our surroundings for a mo? ment, but another cloud would envelop us and fill the air with driving torrents of frozen mist. Hour after, hour we struggled on with the nervous, frantic energy born bf desperation. The rocks and snow were covered vith ice thin as tissue paper, which caused many a hard fall and made every step a source of peril. The force of the wind, too, threw us down continually,! and we were bruised from head to foot. If we had carried steelpointed pol^s instead of guns they would hsve been of great service; the latter were now as much hindrance as help,, though we were soon to find them useful.

Oar m mis and faces suffered terribly from the bitter cold and the former were so numb that we dropped our guns repeatedly. Hair and clothing were matted with ice like a coat of mail., ; We realized that our progress was very slow, as we had not yet reached the great snow field extending from timber line to the summit, the baser of which we had crossed in ascending the gorge. On wnd on we staggered, feeling our way over the slippery surface, and 'becoming weaker every moment from the hard struggle in the rarified air of the mountain tops. While s tumbling over a mass of iceepvered bowlders, I heard an excited exclamation and, looking up, saw Kellogg sink, down behind a rock which afforded a slight shelter from the icy blast.; When I reached hftn he looked np and said: “Old boy, this is the worst box we were ever in. I guess we’re at the enjl of our rope!” Both realized that the situation was desperate, almost hopeless. There was no sign of abatement of the storm, and weakened and enfeebled as we were by the long struggle, if we should not be able to cross the steep snow field when we reached it{ death from exhaustion and exposure would be a matter of only a few hours. We dreaded to think of that snow field, remembering how steep it had looked as we gazed upward from the bottom that morning, and knowing the condition it must be in now with the newly-formed ice on the surface. However, it was thought best to rest a short time, and I lay down by Kellogg- . i After a short rest of about 15 minutes we resumed the struggle., weak as before, and much eolder; but we had recovered our wind, a hard thing to keep at '.his altitude. It was now four o’clock—ten hours since we left camp, and four since the struggle with the storm began. The battle for life could not last much longer. Slowly and painfully we pushed forward. crawing on all fours most of the time. I chewed savagely on a piece of tough grouse, the only remains ot »t r dinner. Would wo ever reach the snow field? A horrible thought crossed my ai»l Wha; if we had lost the diree

tton sad were going the wrong way? I did not mention my fears to Kellogg. What was the me? Every few moments we sank down on our faces to reoorer our -breath. At such times I found my mind wan* dering and could not think clearly. Kellogg made several remarks with* out any particular meaning, and his face had a vacant, sullen look. Almost the last ray of hope was gone. There was no complaining, no whin* ing, only a sort of mad desperation which made us resolve to keep mov

mg to tne last. Finally, through a rift jn the elonda not 50 yards ahead, we saw tile spotless white of the long-looked-for snowfieLL With a feeble shout we pushed forward, but when we reached its edg* our wors^ fears were realized. It waa terribly steep, being at an angle of about 40 degrees, and the crust was a coating of hard, slippery iice, the thickness of pasteboard. Through .» break in the clouds we saw that it extended downward to timber-line, fully 1,500 feet, as steep as the roof of a house and smoother than the smoothest glass. How broad it w^s we could only conjecture. \s %e came up, Kellogg struck the crust with the butt of his gun, and I threw a rock upon the surface, whieh went sliding and bounding down the steep face with terrific velocity. We looked at each other in despur. “Jt’s no use,” 1 said. “Not a bit,” was the answer. We sat down and talked it over. To retrace our steps was out of the question. and we could not climb to the top of the field, probably a thousand feet, in our weakened condition. Suddenly Kellogg leaped to his feet and rushed toward the slippery mass, crying out: “Come on; we’ve got to do it. I’ll take mine this way.” Without a second thought, in my hopeless desperation I followed. By using hia gun as a brace Kellogg kept his feet; but 1 slipped and fell on all fours and began sliding down. In a wild frenzy I tried to drive my bare fingers through the crust, but only succeeded in tearing the skin off them. Luckily, I had retained my rifle, and by a frantic effort drove it muzzle first through ihe hard crust and came to a stop, having gone about 20 feet. Had it not been for this fortunate move my body would have been hurled to the bottom of the gorge,5 more than a thousand feet below, and mangled beyond all semblance of human form. Looking up at my companion 1 saw that he had turned away his bead, unwilling to be a witness to my horrible fate; but as I called out to him he looked around, and I saw a face

LYING ON MY PACE, I HELD ON TIGHTLY. so white and horror-stricken that I can never forget it. Cold beads of sweat stood on my forehead, and I felt that my courage was all gone. The experience of that awful moment almost unnerved me, and I was weak and helpless as a little child. Lying on my face I held on tightly to the rifle driven deep through the crust. How to regain my footing was a puzzle. Kellogg started to come down to me, and it was with difficulty that I persuaded him to desist. At last 1 hit on a plan. Holding on to the rifle with one hand, with the other I drew my pocketknife, and, opening it with my teeth, cut two holes in the crust for my feet, and after much etfort stood upright. But we were still in a bad fix. Kellogg called to me to break holes through the crust for my feet with the butt of the gun. Although not more than 20 feet distant he could hardly make himself heard above the roar of the storm. But the suggestion was a good one and proved our salvation. We moye& slowly-forward, breaking a hole in the ice for each step. It was severe treatment to give valuable guns, but they had to suffer in the best interests of their owners. Slowly and carefully we moved, forward, occasionally stopping to rest and speak words of encouragement to each other, for now we had the first gleam of hope for five long, terrible hours. Although very weak physically, our minds were much clearer than an hour before, and we even went so far as to chaff each other a little. But we had plenty of fears yet. Once my heart leaped as Kellogg slipped and came down on both knees, clawing frantically at the air; but he regained his feet without difficulty, and* we pushed on. Would we ever get across? Every minute seemefi an hour. Kellogg said that, as nearly as he could calculate, we had been floundering about on that man-trap for a week! But we kept going; the end most come some time, and sure enough it did; and at six o’clock we stepped on the granite bowlders again, having been just one hour and ten minutes on that terribly inclined snow-field. Neither r.f us was much given to demonstration, but there was a hearty handshake and a few things said which sounded all right up there, but might look a little foolish in print.

NOTES FROM WASHINGTON. Items e( Interest lessee far Demaeretfte Reeders.

I Senator Murk Hanna andhit'able colleague, Congressman Diick, are spending a considerable portion of their time getting ready *for the com* ing campaign. The trusts are to fur* nish the backbone of the aforesaid campaign, so far as finances are concerned. It is to be a campaign with plenty of money to spend, so far an the republicans arc concerned. Hanna is said to have lined up the various big trusts and notified them what percentage each one is expected to contribute to the campaign. Hanna in the senate and Dick in the house hate labored faithfully and directed their colleagues skillfully that the trust interests might be served. There are a number of house members who voted for the Porto Rican tariff bill against their own convictions, tint were whipp^-d into line by the argument that if they failed to do so the trust finance fund for the camps,ign would not t»e forth-' coming. \- It does not sound very patriotic when put into cold type, and there are plenty of disgusted republicans now in congress who wish that ^the administration was not so thoroughly committed to trust dictation that they must accept it too. either directly or indirectly,^or else be entirely out pf line wi th the party. The democrats propose to fight the campaign on principle. They will not have a dollar of trust money; in their fund. 'It is conceded that the republicans will have to put up a defensive fight. It will 1 ake plenty Of money to conduct that k ind of a campaign, and it has never been a lucky cue for the republicans. Even Hanna, with his faith in the ability of money to insure political, success, is reported to be spending anxious hours trying to plan some scheme for interesting the thousands of republican voters who are already announcing their intention to keep out of the cathpaign altogether. It is said that the administration expects the sugar trust alone to contribute something like $1,000,00«0, the Standard Oil $2,000,000 and the steel and iron combine another $2,000,000. The trusts seem not to be in a thankful or generous mood toward the party which protects them from adverse legislation and even disgpraces itself trying to give them extra advantages. The representatives of the sugar trust are complaining that it has been losing money and should be let off easy when it, comes to a campaign contribution. It is admitted on all hands that the Standard Oil ought to do something handsome when it considers that it is responsible for Secretary Gage being in bad odor on account of his transactions with the Standard Oil bank in New York, and the same trust is credited with having brought about the trouble with the Idaho miners. . —. ' It is common report that Carnegie refused to contribute a dollar and said his interest^ did not need republican protection or assistance. It is even hinted about the capitol that Hanna’s hand wjas visible in the disclosures which Frick made of the enormous profits' of the Carnegie company.

At any rate the republican managers hpive made' up their minds to get congress off their hands as quickly as possible a id then go to work in good earnest to gather up a fund which will dazzle the people into forgetfulness of thje republican record in favor of imperialism and against the constitution. In favor of the trusts and against the people. The republican managers say openly that democratic success is certain in the coming campaigiji unless a different face can be put upon matters. Their hope of “explaining things’1 may be quite as delusive as their belief that the people would not see through their Porto Rican tariff scheme. .! T— • The administration is said to be heartily sick of the Philippines and to be begging for advice as to how get rid of them in some way that will not prejudice its chances for reflection. It has a difficult problem. The Filipinos are no more conquered than they were the day Dewey sailed into Manila bay. President Schurman. of the former peace /commission to ffie Philippines, openHy regrets that Ithe administration has allowed the consideration of a tariff bill for Porto Rico. He says it will give color to the suspicion that the Filipinos entertain—namely, that we ere no better or more just; or generous than Spain. \: The Porto Ricans feel that for av certainty. It will take a long time to regain their confidence. Their representatives here who are watching the action of congress have said over and over again that Porto Rico can raise all. the money she needs by direct taxation if she is only permittee a proper status as a portion of the United States. Military occupation, at the disci*etion of the president, is now the only programme upon which the republicans can agree. Ihe republican rank and file regard this as the rankest kind of imperialism. The republicans will have to face the issue of imperialism squarely in the coming campaign. It is intended to drop all proposi*d legislation for Porto Rico and the Philippines apd then try to “explain ” to the people why it was that an overwhelmingly republican congress and administration conild not legislate for the new possessions which they so blithely acquired.

From this time on congress wlli rash through the absolutely necessary legislation and adjourn at the earliest possible date.

Every day the fact i* emphasized that the differences in the ^republican ranks are so great that it is impossible to attempt to pat through any logical programme. The trust influences have no objection so far as Porto Rico is concerned, because the failure to legislate will leave the Dingley tariff in force. The insurrection is not over in the Philippines anyway, so an early adjournment will prevent a wrangle on that point. Then the disclosures in the Coeur d'Alene mining investigation show an application of militarism and a disregard of the rights of citizenship that the republicans can hardly excuse. They have about made-up their minds to get away and not let their democratic colleagues ask them hard questions about how it all happened and what they propose to do about It. The only thing the republicans pi-o-pose to say or do on the subject of trusts is the absurd constitutional amendment proposed by Representative Ray. It is carelessly drawn and is merely a man of straw set up to serve campaign purposes. The submission of a proposed constitutional amendment to the people will tide the whole question over the campaign. The republicans will projjose to go before the people of the country with the pretense that they did not have power to legislate in relation to trusts unless the people jfave them specific directions in the shape of a constitutional amendment. They propose under the cover of this amendment to promise all sorts of reiorms if only they are returned to power. They perhaps forget that they showed no such reverence for the constitution when they started out to put up a tariff barrier between the statesand Porto Rico. The passage of the $2,000,000 relief bill will satisfy neither the Porto Ricans nor the members of their own party. The republicans do not seem able tt£ put the ship Subsidy bill into a shape which will be acceptable to the shipbuilding interests, and yet command enough votes to pass it. The bill spends a large portion of its time getting tinkered in committee. Hi has now a clause stating that it is amenable to the anti-trust law of 1890. This is perfectly safe so long as there is a republican administration, because that law is construed by the present attorney general as not applicable to any of the trusts. The bill is thoroughly mischievous and dangerous. It is a clear steal for the benefit of a few ship builders who have all the work they can do now. These same ship builders have a combination which is practically a trust. At any rate it will do as an instrument for dividing the spoils. The republicans are half afraid to pass the bill, because there is such a protest about it from all sections of the country and regardless of party. The administration is very much worried. The visitors at the white house are getting into an ominous habit of predicting democratic success this year. McKinley, like other imperialists, considers this lese majeste, bu t he has to listen to it just the same. The members of his congress also annoy him by keeping him posted on th« criticisms which their constituents make about his stupid policy in relation to j^prto Rico. He changes his mind on ^at subject so ofgen that nol^ody bothers any more to find out whether he believed what he said in his message at the time be wrote it, or whether he “saw more light” since. In fact, McKinley finds himself considerably out of accord writh the very people on whom he must depend for* rejection.

Since his inauguration President McKinley has pardoned 17 bank wreckers and commuted the sentences of nine. Then he signed the single gold standard bill the other day, which give s the bank more power and more temptation to deal recklessly with the interests of the people. He is said to be very much grieved that public sentiment does not exercise more clemency about Secretary^age’s dealings with the Standard Oil bank in New York. The democrats want that matter still more thoroughly aired. Hence an additional reason why congress should adjourn before any more officials can be asked to give embarrassing details about their dispositions of the weighty affairs intrusted to their care,—Adolph Patterson. ••] *- js Tke Republican Show. With Capf. Mahan preaching anarchy, and denouncing the right of a people to govern themselves; Secretary Gage leaving his official duties and guzzling wine at banquets given to laud McKinley, imperialism and bloat prosperity to a tax-ridden and bond-robbed people; McKinley himself boasting of a campaign of Christianization at the point of the sword, and all the rag-tag and bobtail of taxeaters burrowing like moles into the voting precincts, ginshops, churches, vaudevilles and slums for McKinley votes, the people have the grandest aggregation of grand and lofty tumbling and acrobatic eontonionism ever witnessed. * * -This Porto Rico outrage is breeiiing a rebellion against expansion. If we are not to expand except as imperialists, • making oui-selves hated as oppressors where we go, there will be an irresistible demand for the abandonment of a policy that cannot be brought into harmony with the constitution and that denies tc otheio the rights which we claim ir the declaration of independence for ourselves as natural and inalienable —Philadelphia North American (Rep.)

ITS MANY FAILURES A* McKlaley AtelalathktUa Hu •w» at Vtrluee with Tnt - j Awrlcu Priaalflca. McKinley’s administration came into power as the result of a campaign in which all the men who opposed him and the views for which his party stood were described as anarchists, as men who did not stand by the constitution of the United States, and dan- j gerous factors in publie life. What has been the result? , We have had the McKinley administration, and it lms turned out to be the one administration that political history records which has been ready at all times to sacrifice the constitution of the United States to the immediate needs of politics. A few days ago this administration forced through the.house of representatives a bill for the government of Porto Rico which is an absolute negation of everything for which the constitution stands. It means that congress, by and with the influence of the president, feels justified in setting aside the constitution, in ignoring absolutely that constitutional provision ,which declares that taxation shall be uniform throughout all of the United States, and is ready now to fix a plan of taxation for our dependent territories which they dare not apply to the territories within the borders of the United States. Three years ago the New York Journal took a manly, magnificent and inspiring stand-in behalf of free Cuba. The editor of the Journal and the readers of the Journal must knowhow hard it was to compel President McKinley to take up this fight. „McKinley at that time, as at this time, was dominated wholly by the commercial classes—by men who would sacrifice

WATCH THEM CLOSELY. The Repablieav Hae *»«4 Cry Against leK'Bltf Hay Be Ail * V Trick. The McKinley organs arc Ailed with 1 epublican proteste against the carryi out by the managers of the party «f the personal imperial policy of the } resident. ' 4 EVery issue contains something like 1 he following from a prominent republican senator or representative: *1 am opposed to the Porto Rican t ariff bill in its entirety. I am uncompromisingly opposed t© the ship s ubsidy bill; the president is violating t he constitution; the downfall of the republic will date from the administration of William McKinley,” and ! ether denunciations of imperialism^ «tc. | One would suppose that with all | t his hue and cry, that a large number of prominent republicans are upon the point of abandoning Mr. McKinl|y, but it is all done "for effect and is j part of a scheme to again deceive and betray the people of the United States£ ’> as they were deceived and betrayed i.i 1896. Here is the test: Do any of them vote against the ■ 3-tcKinley policy On the floor of congress? Indeed not. The record shows S that all of them fall into line and eat Itrelr own denunciations. Even that p*ace grand old man. Hoar, whose t ‘ars have been creating a political f eshet throughout the country, who | was accused of backing AguinsjWlo, a inounces his determination to vote for William McKinley. Is it the party i 1: sh that is so galling? ; No, it is the :|v|>ice of the pocket, the fear that principle will relegate them to black b ’ead and sour beer. The flesh pots ;o| the republican party, of the trusts, syndicates, combines, banks and i.

every principle of national honor— sacrifice every tenet 'of liberty for their own pockets. But, after all, the political problems which confront the people of the United States are not so greatly international issues as they are home and domestic issues. There are people, many of them in the republtean-partyr and r am afraid some in tfte democratic party^who would like to divert attention. f>t»m the crying evils which exist in our 'own land to questions of international policy. I .hope that they will not be able to accomplish this end. We have here to-day certain domestic problems which demand attention, and which, jf not solved, will result in the j^uin of the nation. The greatest; perhaps, of these is.the question of trusts, and, whether rightly or wrongly, I feel that it is fair to call attention fo the fact that whatever may be the declaration of the republican platform on the question of trusts, it has been under the McKinley administration that the trusts .have had their most extraordinary development. To put in a few words whit I thing is the opinion of the men with whom I am associated in democratic party work about the McKinley administration, it is this: " i* Controlled by the money power. With England in the fight against the Soutli African republics. • Imperialistic and desirous of inereass ing the army. Wholly unfriendly to the working classes. Aristocratic at every point. The political movement with which I am associated rests on democracy and on the silver republicans and the populace, but, nevertheless, I believe that when men of this type, professing to be with ns, show themselves to be absolutely without any sort of sympathy for the principles of liberty as laid down by the constitution, it is the duty of the democratic party to repudiate them, cast them out—to destroy them so far as may be possible. It does not seem necessary for me to say more than this. I think that the weakness, the folly and the danger of the McKinley administration all rest on the tendency which President McKinley has manifested to strengthen the military force of the .government, to ignore the constitution, to disavow the Declaration of Independence, and to set up in this union an oligarchy which shall overthrow the republic.— W. J. Abbot, in N. Y. Journal. -Tn the spring ttie young man’s fancy lightly turns to tho^hts of love, and the birdlets tune their voicelets in the leafy boughs above. In the spring Mark Hanna fancies that ’tis time that he began to call ’round among the favored with his little frying pan.—Omaha World-Herald.

fp^nev-lemlers. twist their rubber ie> ks away from justice, equity and ib ;rty. and while their mouths spotrt h« smoke of virtue, morality and pa|ri )tismNtt.he gastric juice of their sitemacRs—the only hearts they positek s—drivels with the McKinley-Han-nalRocke feller nutriment, i'! hese men have not the courage of t *:ir convictions, or else they are arrlilt hypocrites. Uriah Ileeps weeping r the wrongs of mankind and help* to create greater wrongs. They tate for agitation's sake, and' cover their rank corruption with a filmy veil of virtue and patriotism which eTv uld not deceive anyone. Whenever republican is found denouncing McK|inley or any policy of the managers the republican party, a glance belt aii the scenes will expose the Roman f .f urs working the strings that work the Delphic oracle. 3MMENTS OF THE PRESS -Perhaps “protectionists” like Senator Hanna see no use in expan* s or. if they cannot have colonies to eicploit.—Indianapolis News. — —Mr. Bryan has quit making icches. He no doubt thinks it is t r ess to work while the enemy is d >ii g so much for him.—Indianapolis era -If, as Ihresidenrt McKinley says, t ie Filipinos are the "wards of the n ition.” poor little Porto Rico must rigtiird herself as a doubtful ward.— my Argus. —If Porto Rico ts American terriit is unlawful to levy taxes on its prrtx ucts. If iit is not American terri* tdry it is unlawful for us to levy topees on its imports.—Memphis Com* B.cii :ial*AppeaL / --When the republicans begin tlid.r campaign this year they will be cti;»liEd upon to defend Algerism Gageisin. Hannaisin, un-Americanism, tire El y-Pauncefote treaty, a secret British, alliance, the Porto Rico robbery, strits ts and imperialism.—Chattanooga Tftxns. -Are the people and the constitution in control, or are the trusts and the Chinese-wall tariff—the prin* c: [is- of protection—in control? This is the essence, the real path and poinv Oi! the Porto Rico question. The tar* ill! and the people have grappled for tli It November boot. — Birmingham i.) Age-Herald (Ind.). —The expansion of our territorial inion under the administration of ism McKinley is imperialism, and an (imperialism more intolerant, more O] < jar essive and more false to its pledges t] i a:; the imperialism of Britain, of w e « h Joseph Chamberlain is the archill, i S and Cecil Rhodes the master b i Iter.—Rochester Herald. u <A| do Wi.