Pike County Democrat, Volume 30, Number 34, Petersburg, Pike County, 29 December 1899 — Page 5
FEASTING UPON BLOOD. Trust Evil Confronts the People at Every Crossroads. THE ORIGINAL TRUST OCTOPUS. Bask of the United State* Waa the Firat of These Vampires to Fasten on the Counter—Its Infamous Career In Ohio—Defied the la era of the State—How It Came to Grief. An efficient remedy for the extirpation as well as the prevention of trusts Is among the most pressing of current problems, says the Cincinnati Enquirer. The evil confronts the masses at every corner and every crossroads. Like a vampire, it Is feasting upon the blood, toil and efforts of the millions that the few may grow sleek and fat Is the disease Incurable? Is there no method of eradicating It? Many patriotic people are ready to declare that relief is hopeless and that we may as well bow to the inevitable. But such a view is not worthy of American man- j hood. What our ancestors did we can do and should do. '
Tlie original trust, which appeared like a carbuncle upon the body politic and economic of the republic, received - its first staggering blow at the hands of the Ohio legislature, and in less than a decade General Jackson delivered the coup de grace. Reference Is made to the money trust, knowu as the Bank of the United States. In its day and generation, all the enrironments considered, it was as powerful as the bank trust, the Standard Oil trust, the sugar trust or the steel trust of today. Like them, it set law and justice and morality at defiance and sallied forth to absorb all the wealth and substauce of the people and reduce them to serfdom. - Its'puid advocates defended, justified and praised it, just as Bourke Cockran and Mark Ilnuua praise and defend the trusts now, and for the same reason—for the money there was in it. This money trust crossed the Alleglianies toward the close of the second decade of the century and laid Its blighting touch on the young and promising state of Ohio. Its first act was to ignore the laws of the state, just as the modern trust defies the laws and the courts, as in the case of the Standard Oil trust. It demanded the protection of the laws and the courts and at the same time declared Itself ludepeudent of the lawmaking and taxing power. It refused to be regulated and refused to be taxed, but demanded the protection of the law aflll the processes of the courts to carry on its Shylocking businesC Shrewdly fostering a spirit of speculation, it took it but a year or two to plaster two-thirds of all the improvAl and patented land of the state with mortgages, as the earlier records will Show. . Not only were all forms of legitimate^ local banking stamped out. but all the tangible property of the state was rapidly passing under the control of the bank or trust. During all this time it defied the legislature to regulate or control it and , absolutely refused to pay a cent of, taxes upon its property and credits. I Demanding greater privileges than any 1 legitimate local corporation or private I • citizen, it absolutely refused to recognize a singie obligation to the state. In 1819-20 Governor Ethan Allen Brown sent a special message to all the legislature asking for such legislation as would compel the bank to pay .its just share of taxes and conform to such regulations as might be just and proper. Tsuch an act was passed, and „ what was deemed a reasonable assessment of taxes was made against the bank, and State Auditor Ralph Osborne and State Treasurer Samuel Sullivan proceeded at once, collected the same aud turned it into the state
treasury- The hank brought suit in the district court of the Uulted States and recovered a judgment and decree of restitution against the state on the ground that the hank was a foreign corporation and not subject to the courts and legislature of the state of Ohio. This was the first vital decision by the United States courts in favor of the trust and in derogation of the sovereignty of the state. The bank made a demand for the money of the state auditor and treasurer, but without the authority of the legislature, which was not in session, they could not make the refunder. Upon their refusal to make it they were arrested and Imprisoned for contempt of court. When the legislature met on the first Monday of December, 1820. it authorized the state officers to repay the money and then took up for consideration another message from Governor Brown concerning the high hauded attitude of the Bank of the United States toward the state of Ohio and asking that such action be takeu as would vindicate the sovereignty of the state. The matter was referred to a select committee of the two houses and was compost'd of such men as William Henry Harrison. Ell Baldwin. Nathaniel McLean, David Shelley. John Bigger. Lewis Dllle. Alexander Harper and Thomas Morris, then In the prime of their manhood and statesmanship. General Harrison was the chairman of the committee and wrote the report Which denounced in fitting terms the arroganee of the trust and the course of the federal courts in striking do the sovereignty of the state by denying It jurisdiction of the property it was ealled upon to protect with the police power of the state, although the persons or corporations owuing such .property refused to contribute toward such protection or to obey any of the laws of the state applicable to them, shielding themselves behind the federal courts on the plea that the cor
poratloa. not having been created or sanctioned by tbe state of Ohio, was superior to it, owjsd no allegiance to it and was therefore privileged. Accompanying the report was a bill, which on the 21st day of January, 1821, was enacted iuto a law. as follows: An art. withdrawing from the Bank of the United St*tea the protection and aid ot the lawa of thia atate in certain castes. Section 1. Be it enacted by the general asaembiy of the state of Ohio, that from and after the let day of September nest it shall not be lawful for any sheriff or other keeper ot a Jail in this atate to receive into his custody any person arrested u|x>o mesne process or taken or charged in ^execution at the suit ot the president, directors, etc., ot the Bank of the United Statea or* any person committed for or upon account of any offense alleged and charged to have been committed upon the property, rights, interests or franchises of said hank when acting under a law ot this state.
MORTON’S LOW DOWN TRICK Fatllf Attempt to Cellttle Mr. i»ynn'a Character. The San Francisco Call recently devoted a whole page to a “frightful expose" of liryau’s mercenary character. It actually published In facsimile a letter from Bryan to J. Sterling Morton, sometimes called “the meanest man alive,” In which Bryan actually stated that the salary of a certain office was more of an object to him than the houor of it. We shuddered at the crushing charge and almost abandoned Bryan as we read the convincing proof. Then we paused, and. taking couusel of our common sense, which is really abundant, despite the fact ti nt we occasionally read The ('all. v.e asked. “Are there no extenuating circumstances?" We pondered upon the Tact that even the treason of Dreyfus was tempered by extenuating circumstances. Theu we bethought ourself to inquire: “What was the office to which Bryan's mercenary remark applied? When did he seek it? Why was the salary more desirable than the houor of It?” We learned that the "office” was the position of secretary to the Nebraska railway commission: that the time was 1888, whcu Bryan, at the age of ‘Jl>. was struggling against odds to make a living and establish himself In business; that the salary of the position would have greatly aided him at that time lu the support of his family and others dependent upou hint; that there was an abundance of labor in the position nud very little, if any. honor in It. * Why should any man not an idiot want a position of that kind unless he needed the salary? It is as honorable as typesetting aud more honorable than editing The Call, yet what typesetter does uot think more of his wages than of ids employment? Who would uot esteem the salary of the editor of The Call above the honor of] his job? Who would hold such a job If he did not need the salary? This last bit of Call sensationalism Is perhaps the most puerile aud pusillanimous piece of journalistic blackguardism that has recently disgraced the always contemptible press of San Frauelseo. No decent paper would opublish the letter with lnteut to iujure Bryan. Chicago lias several journalistic degcueiates. but the only one that gave space to it was The Times-Uer-ald.
BRYAN’S TRIUMPH. Victory For Hi» Fifth t Ana lust Trn»<» r d i "tporlallam. Nebraska Las indeed paid a splendid tribute to William J. Bryan. Three years ago. '.' lieu be ran for the presidency. lie beat McKinley „ lu the state by 13,200. Li t List year, when a governor was elected, the Democratic candidate bad only 2.700 votes to spare. Tliis year, with only a supreme court judge at stake, it was thought that the Republicans would win, or else come very close to It. Instead of this, they are beaten worse than they were in 1800. Bryan undoubtedly worked hard for the victory which he has achieved and which he deserves. He made the issue fairly and squarely on the trust and expansion questions, and the voters of the state, instructed by him. have decided against the McKinley policy in uo uncertain terms. The question naturally arises whether the results of the voting in other states would not have been different If the same aggressive fight that was made in Nebraska by Bryan had been duplicated in them.—New York Times. SECTION TWELVE VIOLATED. Haana'i SIkkU Fund Methods Were Clearly Illegal. Instead of advising postmasters and government clerks not to contribute to Uanna’s slush fund or pay any attention to his sandbag circulars, why did not the civil service commission go after the violators cf law and prosecute them? By sending these circulars to postofflee and government buildings section 12 of the law is openly violated, and they must know it, and they also know that these circulars are being sent to postoffices and government buildings every day.—W. R. Johnson. The rule to which attention is called by Mr. Johnson is as follows; Section 12. That no person shall, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any officer or employee of the United States mentioned in this act or in any navy yard, tort or arsenal, solicit in any manner whatever or receive any contribution of money or any other thing of value tor any political purpose whatever. This point has been raised before— 1. e.. that It was unlawful to send the circulars in the federal building and that It was unlawful to distribute them among the employees.—Cincinnati Enquirer. No Principle* or Meaaarea. The nature of President McKinley Is to have no principles and to urge no measures that are antagonistic to anybody. Aud this is his policy too. Such is the way in which he has treated the money quest leu. and such is the manner in which lie has endeavored to deal with the Filip.up insurgents. The basic principle of such policy is to bo 'fmlabic and not off cud anybody. Even in tire war don't shoot to kill.—Portland Orcgouian.
A MEMORY OF THE PAST Passing of the American Volunteer Soldier. HIS PLAGE TAKEN BY THE BEGULAB Tk« “Emperor of the Wants an Army to Carry a Oaa. hat Has JSo Coaseleaee — Remarkahle Speech of Governor List of Minnesota—FalSUmeat of Prophecy. On the occasion of the president's visit to Minneapolis the usual courtesies were extended to him by the municipal and state authorities. Governor Lind and Mayor Gray were on the platform with him, and both made speeches The governor is a Silver Republican and was elected on a fusion ticket lie is of Swedish parentage and, like all of his race, earnestly devoted to the principles of liberty. He has learned from his parents the evils aud dangers of militarism and imperialism, and no man is more earnestly opposed to the unmitigated wickedness of these un-American importations than Governor Lind of Minnesota. In connection with these facts his speech, delivered iu the very presence of the president of the United States and emperor of th^ Philippines, is the most remarkable utterauce yet made by a promineut public man. In order to fully appreciate the deep meaning and sarcasm of the speech, it must be kept in mind that we no longer have a volunteer army. The volunteer is a memory of the past, lie is not a suitable instrument for conquest aud subjugatiou. Our army of 190,000 men is now composed entirely of “regulars,” hired at so much per month to shoot whomsoever their officers may direct. Kecplug these facts iu view, you will have uo trouble in appreciating the pith of Governor Lind's speech. He said:
“By our growth and development the mission of the American volunteer has come to an end. For purpose of conquest and subjugation he is unfit, for he carries a conscience as well as a gun. The volunteer soldier has always stood for self government, liberty and justice. With your generation he will pass from the stage of our national life. His fame and his example will continue the heritage of our people, the theme of story and soug. May the spirit which has actunted him ever guide our people and temper the strength of the nation which has outgrown him with the eternal principles for which he has fought and died.’* We do not believe that this nation has outgrown the spirit of its gallant volunteers, aud Governor Lind did not mean that his words should be construed literally. The speech was a superb piece of stinging irony. But McKiuley accepted it as correctly expressing the sentiments of his party. Its meaning is literal and dangerously true in its application to the spirit and intentions of the imperialists. It has no Irony for them. They want an army that carries a gun, but has no conscience—an army that will uot hesitate at conquest and subjugation—and they have got it. The volunteer has passed from the stage of our national life, and In his place stands the paid regular, an instrument of conquest, of subjugation and of murder. Conquest for the Filipino first, then subjugation for our own people—this is prophecy now in course of fulfillment.—Mississippi Valley Democrat. Hanna, the I'naelflah Patriot. Guardian Hanna's burst of eloquence at Cleveland during the recent campaign, to which he was doubtless prompted by the thrills of emotion aroused in his bosom by the fervid oratory of his presidential ward, notwithstanding Its brevity, was what might be called a chef d’oeuvre of the hustings. The seuator used only three sentences to express his sentiments, but they presented a condensation which a less intense public speaker might have expanded Into pages. Mr. Hanna has been represented as a selfish man, yet he assured a breathless and no doubt surprised audience of his townspeople that “his acts and efforts have been to do what he might in the Interest of his neighbors and friends." Mr. Hanna has been accused of spending money lavishly and corruptly in bribes to purchase a place In the United States senate, and he administers a telling blow to this accusation by making the plain, direct statement, “I am simply your hired man. anxious and willing to do everything for my city, state and country.” Enemies of Mr. Hanna may neither be convinced nor confounded by these claims. But what need he care so long as he feels in his own tumultuous bosom that he carries a conscience free from guile and possesses the confidence of the executive, for whose upbuilding and guidance he has so zealously wrought and continues so unselfishly to labor?—St. Louis Republic.
No Need For militarism. If the mastery of the sea can be held while the land forees are organizing, no sudden development of a hostile military character ueed be feared by a commercial uation situated like England and the United States. A strong navy defending a state that has no exposed land frontier subject to the attack of a great power may be depended on to keep a foe at his distance for a long enough time at ony rate to permit the equipment of armies, the accumulation of transports and the strengthening of forts. Herein Ues the ability of Great Britain and the United States to get along without militarism, and both are more and more appreciative of the fact as they gain experience with the conditions that surround them.—San Francisco Chronicle.
THE GOLD MONOPOLY. Hew It Sqeeem Doth the Prodaeer •ad the Consumer. The most surprising financial inconsistency of modem times Is the separating of the circulating lutdium Into “bouuU” and “uusound” money. It is a scarecrow which grows out of speculative gambling, political ambition or personal dishonesty. That the discrimination is persisted in with so much virulence is evidence that money has been diverted from its characteristics as a medium of exchange and transformed into a mere commodity. As a medium of exchange there cannot be any such thlug as “sound** or “unsound" or cheap money. There is “unsound” or “cheap" wheat, for example, but money Itself was never lnrested with the imsslble qualities of wheat or other product for which It was exchangeable. It was always the law of supply and demand and the quality of the product which regulated prices and fixed its monetary exchange value. But now to the money of exchange are attached all of the attributes of other products. In fact, money has become the king of all products, and
Its quality and value are made the bases of the qualities and values of all other products. It Is made the standard measure upon which all values are scaled. The only actual market now Is that in which money of all kinds Is bought and sold, like wheat and corn, to the highest bidder, and it Is that same money market which gives life to or paralyses the markets of other products. The creature has become the** reator. Previous to the adoption of the gold standard, when gold and silver money was subject to general ownership, there was no settled idea concerning the nature of money except that attributed to it by the political economists. But when the ownership and control of money became more restricted and concentrated in the hands of a few it was discovered that it could be utilized for the purpose of controlling the other products. By withholding it from circulation it became scarce and more valuable apparently, and the producer was compelled to part with a greater quantity of his products to obtain any of it. This was reducing the price and value of products by the manipulation of money. When the manipulators of the money market had cornered whatever products they desired, they loosened their grip upon money, and the market became “easier," as the commerical agencies say—that is, there was plenty of money in circulation. Hence products rose in price, but the producer did not benefit by the In-*' creased price, for the manipulators of the money market now owned the products, which had been secured at low prices because of the previous scarcity of money, and realized a double profit, one from the producer and another from the consumer. Thus the people are forced to pay tribute to the gold monopoly. M’KINLEY’S OPTIMISM. He Proteisei to Feel Confident of His lie-election. President McKinley says he is delighted with the result of the elections and looks upon himself as good os chosen to serve auother four year term in the White House. This shows that he is easily satisfied and disposed to take the most optimistic view of the future. In his own state of Ohio the Republican candidate for governor is in a minority of more than 30.000 in the total vote, while Maryland Is lost to his party, nud its lead in Massachusetts has been materially reduced. That McKinley will be renominated for the presidency is quite certaiu, but it does noj follow from this year’s voting that he will be re-elected. In New York state the uiais;iu of the Republicans, calculated from the returns on assembly candidates, is but little over 10,000. which is a woeful falling off from the 208,000 of three years ago. At this rate there will be a very handsome Democratic majority next year. McKinley should remember that while the Republican party managers may be entirely willing to give him a second term in the presidential chair it is by no means certain that a majority of the voters are of the same mind even now. and there is no telling what their opiniou may be on the subject a year hence.—New York News.
THE BOER WAR. Gold Worshipers Aim Another Blow nt Freedom. It is easy to understand tbe issues at the bottom of the war now being waged against the South African republics by tbe English imperialists. To begin with, it is their natural hatred of manhood freedom, which is no less bitter now than It was wheu they fought us in 1770. It is the same old Tory element in England and America that strikes freedom of the people wherever it raises Its bead. But the greed of gold is the immediate and controlling issue. The richest gold deposits in the world are located in the Transvaal republic, and the English gold monomaniacs are prepared to commit wholesale murder, robbery or any dther crime in the calendar to get possession of these deposits. The golden calf is their God. and everything else must make way for It. The difference in strength renders the war almost 'hopeless on the part of the republics, but lovers of liberty and justice all the world over will earnestly pin# for their success, and a moral influence may thus be brought to bear that will count for more than big armies and rapid Are guns.—Exchange. Fell Flat. The Philippine commissioners’ report fell almost as flat as that Thauksgiving proclamation as a campaign docu ment.
Old Kris is Coming a Tfce Christines Tree never bore better fruit then it bear* this sesson. v
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Louisville, Evansville & St. LouilC. Railroad Time table in effect Nov. 28,1807; St. Louts Fast Exp. 8:00 a.m. lour, a.m. 11:08 a.m. 11:22 a.m. 11:88 a.m. 0:20 p.m. St. Louis Limited. 8:00 p.m. 11:10 p.m. 12:01 a.m. 12:14 a.m. 12:80 a.m. 7:12 a.m. Stations. Louisville Fast Exp. Leave. Leave Leave Leave Leave Arrive. Louisville Hnntingburg Velpeu ... Winslow — Oakland City St. Louis*, . . Eight trains stop at Winslow and V el pen on R. A. Campbell, G.P.A., St. Louis. J. P. Hurt
