Pike County Democrat, Volume 30, Number 25, Petersburg, Pike County, 27 October 1899 — Page 9

IMPERIALISM A CHIME McKinley’s Philippine Policy Denounced by Carl Schurx prcrosatlrti of Caagrea Usurped fcy the PM»id«at-Trwit«e*t of Filipinos m Blot Ip** Amoricon Honor. The great anti-imperialist conference in Chicago, Tuesday, October 17, was opened by leading democrats and antiimperialists from all over the union. In the evening, at Central Music hall, a large gathering listened to a lengthy address by Carl Schurz, of which the iollowing is a liberal digest: “More than eight months ago I had the honor of fiddressing the cltlxens of Chicago on the subject of American imperialism, meaning the policy of annexing to this republic distant countries and alien populations that will not fit into cur democratic system of government. I discussed •t that time mainly the baneful effect the pursuit of an imperialistic policy would produce upon .our political institutions. After long silence, during which I have carefully reviewed my own opinions as well as those of others in the light of the best information I could obtain, I shall now approach the same subject from another point of view. We ail know that the popular mind is much disturbed by the Philippine war and that, however highly we admire tHe bravery of our soldiers, nobody professes to be proud of the war itself. There are feto Americans who do not frankly admit their regret that this war should ever have happened. I think I risk nothing when I say that it Is not merely the bungling conduct of military operations, but a serious trouble of consciences that disturbs the American heart about this war, and that this trouble of consscience will not be allayed by a more successful military campaign, just as 50 years ago the trouble of conscience about slavery could-not be allayed by any compromise.^ “Many people now, as the slavery compromisers did then, try to ease their minds by saying: 'Well, we are in it, and now we must do the best we ca.n.’ In spite of the obvious futility of this cry in some respects,' I will accept It with the one proviso, that we make an honest effort to ascertain what really is the best we can do. To this end let us first clearly remember what has happened. “Ir. April, 1898, we went to war with Spain for the avowed purpose of liberating the people of Cuba, who had long been struggling for freedom and Independence. Our object in that war w*a§ clearly and emphatically proclaimed by a solemn resolution of congress repudiating all intention of annexation on our part, and declaring that the Cuban people ‘are, and of Tight ought to be, free and independent.’ This ^solemn declaration was made to do justice to the spirit of the American people, who were indeed willing to wage a war of liberation, but would not have consented to a war of conquest. It was also to propitiate the opinion of mankind for our action. President McKinley also declared with equal solemnity that annexation by force could not be thought of, because, according to our code of morals, it would be ‘criminal aggression.’

purely a war of Liberation. “Can it justly be pretended that these declarations referred only to the island of Cuba? What would the American people, what would the world have said. If congress had resolved that the Cuban people were rightfully entitled to freedom and independence, but that as to the people of other Spanish colonies we recognised no such right, and if President McKinley had declared that the forcible annexation of Cuba would be criminal, but that the forcible annexation of other Spanish colonies would be a righteous act? A general outburst of protest from our own pepple, and of derision and contempt from the whole world, would have been the answer. No, there can be no cavil—that war was proclaimed to all mankind to be a war of liberation, and not of conquest, and even now our very imperialists are still boasting that the war was prompted by the most unselfish and generous purposes, and that those insult us who do not believe it. “In the course of that war Commodore Dewey, by a brilliant feat of arms, destroyed the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila. This did not change the heralded character of the war—certainly not in Dewey’s own opinion. The Filipinos, constituting the strongest and .foremost tribe of the population of the archipelago, had long been fighting for freedom and independence, just as the Cubans had. The great mass of the other islanders sympathized with them. They fought for the same cause as the Cubans, and they fought against the same enemy—the same enemy against whom we were waging our war of humanity and liberation. They had the same title to freedom and independence which we recognixed ‘of right* in "the Cubans—nay, more; for, as Admiral Dewey telegraphed to our government, ‘they are far superior in their intelligence, and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba.* The admiral adds: ‘I am familiar with both races, and further intercourse with them has confirmed me in this opinion.* “Indeed, the mendacious stories spread by our imperialists, which represent those people as barbarians, their doings as mere ‘savagery,* and their chiefs as no better than ‘cut-throats,* have been refuted by such a mass of authoritative testimony, coming in part from men who are themselves imperialists, that their authors should hide their heads in shame: for surely, it is not the part.of really brave men to calumniate their victims before sacrificing them. Recognized as AJIllea. “Now, whether there was or not any for# mal compact of alliance signed and sealed, no candid man who has studied the official documents will deny that in point of fact the Filipinos, having been desired and invited to do so, were, before the capture of Manila, acting, and were practically recognixed. as our allies, and that as such they did effective service, which we accepted and profited by. This is an indisputable fact, proved by the record. It is an equally indisputable fact that durthat period the Filipino government constantly and publicly, so that nobody could plead ignorance of it or misunderstand it. informed the

worm tnat tneir object was the achievement of national independence, and that they believed the Americans had come in rood faith to help them accomplish that end, as in the case of Cuba. It was weeks after various proclamations and other public utterances of Aguinaldo to that effect that the correspondence between him and Gen. Anderson, which I have quoted, took place, and that thi useful services of the Filipinos as our allies were accepted. It is, further, an indisputable fact that during this period our governmeht did not inform the Filipinos that their fond expectations as to our recognition of their independence were mistaken. Our secretary of state did, iadosd. «o Jah* write to Mr. Pratt, our cone a 1 general at Singapore, that our government knew the Philippine insurgents hot indeed as patriots struggling for liberty and who, like the Cubans, ‘are, and of right ought to be, independent.* but merely as ‘discontented and rebellious subjects of Spain.* who, if we occupied their country in consequence of the war, would have to yield us due •obedience.’ And other officers of our government were instructed not to make any promises to the Filipinos as to the future. But the Filipinos themselves were not so informed. They were left to believe that, while fighting In cooperation with the American forces, they were Aghtlng for

..—.- . their own Independence. They could not imagine that the government of the great American republic, while boasting of having gone to war with Spain under the banner o! liberation and»humanity in behalf of Cuba, was capable of secretly plotting to turn that war into one tor the conquest and subjugation of the Philippines. Kailm Ordered to Poll Back. “But just that was to happen. As soon aa Manila was taken and we had no further use for our Filipino allies they were ordered to fall back and back from the' city and suburbs. Our military commanders treated the Filipinos* country as If It were our own. When Aguinaldo sent one of his aide-de-camp to Gen. Merritt with a request for an Interview Gen. Merritt was ‘too busy.* When our peace negotiations with Spain began and representatives of the Filipinos asked for audience to solicit consideration of the rights and wishes of their people the doors were slammed in their faces, in Washington as well as in Paris. And behind those doors the scheme was hatched to deprive the Philippine Islanders of the independence from foreign rule and to make them the subjects 04 another foreign ruler, and that foreigii ruler their late ally, this great republic, which had grandly proclaimed to the world that its war against Spain was not agrar of conquest, but a war of liberation and humanity. “Behind those doors, which were tightly closed to the people of the Philippines, a treaty was made with Spain by the direction of President McKinley, which provided for the cession of the Philippine Islands by Spain to the United States for the consideration of $20,000,000. It has been said that this sum Was not purchase money, but a compensation for Improvements made by Spain, or a ‘solatium* to sweeten the pill of cession, or what not. But stripped of all cloudy verbiage. It was really purchase money, the sale being made by Spain under duress. Thus Spain sold and the United States bought what was called the sovereignty of Spain over the Philippine Islands and their people. “Now, look at the circumstances under wnich that ‘cesslbn’ was made. Spain had lost the possession of the country, except a few isolated and helpless little garrisons, most of which were effectively blockaded by the Filipinos. The American forces occupied Cavite and the harbor and city of Manila and nothing more. The bulk of the country was occupied and possessed by the people thereof, over whom Spain had, in point of fact, ceased to exercise any sovereignty. th$ Spanish power having been driven out or destroyed by the Filipino Insurrection. while the Unit?* States had not acquired, beyond Cavite and Manila, any authority of whatever name by military occupation nor by recognition on the part of the people. Aguinaldo’s army surrounded Manila on the land side, and his government claimed organised control over 15 provinces. That government was established at Malolos, not far from Manila, and a very respectable government it was. According to Mr. Barrett, our late minister In Siam, himself an ardent Imperialist, who had seen it, it had a well-organised executive, divided Into several departments, ably conducted, and a popular assembly, a congress, which would favorably compare with the parliament of Japan—an infinitely better government than the Insurrectionary government of Cuba evengpas.

McKinley m Dictator. “This is a grim story. Two years ago the prediction of such a possibility would have been regarded as a hideous nightmare—as the offspring of a diseased imagination. But to-day it is a true tale—a plain recital of facts taken from the official records. These things have actually been done in these last two years by and under the administration of William McKinley. This is our Philippine war as it stands. It is pretended that we had^a right to the possession of the Philippines and that self-respect demanded us to enforce that right. What kind of right was it? The right of conquest? Had we reajly acquired that country by armed conquest, which, as President McKinley has told us, is, according to the American code of morals, ‘criminal?* But if we had thrown aside owr code of morals we had then not conquered more, than the bay and city of Manila.* The rest of the country was controlled, if by anybody, by the Filipinos. Or was it the right of possession by treaty? I have already shown that the president ordered the enforcement of our sovereignty over the archipelago long before the treaty had by ratification gained legal effect, and also that, in making that treaty, we had bought something called sovereignty which Spain h^d ceased to possess and could therefore not sell and deliver. “It is also pretended that, whatever our rights, the Filipinos were the original aggressors in the pending fight and that our troops found themselves compelled to defend their flag against assault. What are the facts?. One evening early in February last some Filipino soldiers entered the American lines w-ithout, however, attacking anybody. An American sentry fired, killing one of the Filipinos. Then a desultory firing began at th outposts. It spread until it assumed the p. ^portions of an extensive engagement,"in which a large number of Filipinos were killed. It is a wellestablished fact that this engagement could not have been a premeditated affair bn the part of the Filipinos, as many of their officers, including Aguina!do*s private secretary, were at the time in the theaters and cafes of Manila. It is further well known that the next day Aguirialdo sent ah officer, Ge». Torres, under a flag of truce to Gen. Otis to declare that the fighting had not been authorised by Aguinaldo, but had begun accidentally; that Aguinaldo wished to have it stopped, and proposed, to that end. the establishment of a neutral zone between the two armies, such as might be agreeable to Gen. Otis; whereupon Gen. Otis curtly answered that the fighting, having once begun, must go on to the grim end. Who was It that really wanted the fight? “But far more important than nil this is the fact that President McKinley's ‘benevolent assimilation’ order, which even before the ratification of the treaty demanded that the Philippine islanders should unconditionally surrender to American sovereignty. in default whereof our military forces would compel them, was really the president’s declaration of war against the Filipinos insisting upon independence, however you may quibble about it. When an armed man enters my house under some questionable pretext and tells me that I must yield to him unconditional control of the premises or he will knock me down —who is the aggressor no matter who strikes the first blow? No case of aggression can be clearer, shuffle and prevaricate as you will. Shot Down “Without Parley.»

"Let us recapitulate. We go to war with Spain in behalf of an oppressed colony cf hers. We solemnly proclaim this to be a war—not of conquest—Clod forbid!—but of liberation and humanity. We invade the Spanish colony of the Philippines, destroy the Spanish fleet and invite the cooperation of the Filipino insui&ents against Spain. We accept their effective aid as allies, .all the while permitting them to believe that in case of victory they will be free and independent. By active fighting they get control of a large part of the interior country, from which Spain is virtually ousted. When we have captured Manila and have no further use for our Filipino allies our president directs that, behind their backs, a treaty be made with Spain transferring their country to us. and even before that treaty is ratified he tells theth that, in place of the Spaniards, they must accept us as their masters, and that if they do not they will be compelled by force of arms. They refuse and we shoot them down, and, a3 Preaidant McKinley said at Pittsburgh, we shall continue to shoot them down Without useless parley.’ “I have recited these things in studiously sober and dry matter-of-fact language, without oratorical ornament or appeal. 1 ask you now what epithet can you find Justly to characterise such a course? Happily. you need not search for one. for President McKinley himself him furnished the

. that annexation by force should not be thought of. for. According to the American code of morals. It would be ‘criminal aggression. ’ Yes. ‘crtrulnal' Is the word. Have you ever heard of any aggression more clearly criminal than this? And in this case there in an element of peculiarly repulsive meanness and treachery. I pity the American who can behold this spectacle without the profoundest shame, contrition and resentment. Is it a wonder. I repeat, that the American people. In whose name this has been done, should be troubled in their conscience? “To Justify, or rather to excuse, such things nothing but a plea of the extremest necessity will avail. Did such a necessity exist? In a sort of helpless way the defenders of ih|s policy ask: 'What else could the president have done under the circumstances?* This question is pimply childish. If he thought he could not order Commoj dore Dewey away from Manila after the execution of the order to destroy the Spanish fleet he < auld have told the people of the Philippine islands that this was. on our part, a war. not of conquest, but of liberation and humanity; that we sympathised with their desire for freedom and independence and that we would treat them as we had specifically promised to treat the Cuban people In furthering the establishment of an independent government. And this task would have been r-'tch easier than in the case of Cuba, since, according to Admiral Dewey's repeatedly emphatic testimony. the Filipinos were much better fitted for such a government. Our ingenious postmaster general has told us that the president could not have done that, because he had no warran t for it. since he did not know whether the American people would wl3h to keep the Philippine islands. But what warrant, then, had the president fqr putting, by his ‘benevolent assimilation order,* before the Filipinos *he alternative of submission to our sovereignty or war? Challenges Proof of Savagery. **I am far from meaning to picture the i Philippine islanders as paragons of virtue and gentle conduct. But I challenge the imperialists to show me any instances of bloody disturbance of other savagery j among themselves sufficient to create any j necessity of our armed interference to *restore order* or to ‘save them from anachy.* I ask and demand an answer. Is it not true that, even If there has been such a disorderly tendency, it would have required a long, time for it to kill one-tenth as ina|[y human beings as we have killed and to cause onetenth as much devastation as we have caused by our assaults upon them? Is it nor true that, instead of being obliged to ‘restore order,’ we have carried riot and death and desolation into peaceful communities whose only offense was not that j they did not maintain, order and safety within themselves, but that they refused to accept us as their rulers? And here is the rub. “In the vocabulary of our imperialists ! ‘order* means, above ail, submission to their will. Any other kind of order, be it ever so peaceful and safe, must be suppressed with a bloody hand. This ‘order’ is the kind that has been demanded by the despot since the world had a history. Its language has already become dangerously familiar to us—a familiarity which cannot1

cease too soon. “From all these points of view, therefore, the Philippine war was as unnecessary as it Is unjust. A wanton, wicked and abominable war—so it is called by untold thousands of American citlaens, and so it is at heart felt to be, I have no doubt, by an immense majority of the Aiberican people. Aye, as such It is cursed by many of our very soldiers whom our government orders to shoot down innocent people. And who will deny that this war would ceYtaioly have been avoided had the president remained true to the national pledge that the war against Spain should be a war of liberation and humanity, and not of conquest? And what have we now? After eight months’ slaughter and devastation, squandered treasure and shame, an indefinite prospect of more and more slaughter, devastation, squandered treasure and shame. la Wanton Killing Hnmane? “What is the ultimate purpose of this policy? To be perfectly fair, I will assume that the true spirit of American imperialism is represented not by the extremists who want to subjugate the Philippine islanders at any cost and then exploit the islands to the best advantage of the conqueror, but by the more humane persons who say that we must establish our sovereignty over them to make them happy, to prepare them for self-government, and even recognise their right to complete independence as soon as they show themselves fit for it. Let me ask these wellmeaning citizens a simple question. If you think that the American people may ultimately consent to the independence of those islanders, as, a matter of right and good policy, why do you insist upon killing them now? You answer: ‘Because they refuse to recognise our sovereignty.* Why do they so refuse? Because they think themselves entitled to independence, and are willing to fight and die for it. But if you insist upon continuing to shoot them down for this reason does not that mean that you want to kill them for demanding the Identical thing which you yourself think that you may ultimately find it just and proper to grant the*n? Would not every drop or blood shed in such a guilty sport cry to Heaven? To kill men in a just war and in obedience to imperative necessity is one thing. To kill men for demanding what you yourself may ultimately have to approve is another. How can such killing adopted as a policy be countenanced by a man of conscience and humane feelings? And yet such killing, without useless parley, is the policy proposed to us. “We are told that we must trust President McKinley and his advisers to bring us out ‘all right.* I should be glad to be able to do so, but I cannot forget that they have got us in all wrong. And here we have to consider a point of immense importance, which I solemnly urge upon the attention of the American people. It is one of the fundamental principles gf our system of democratic government that only the congress has the power to declare war. What does this signify? That a declaration of war. the initiation of an armed conflict between this' nation and some other power —the most solemn and responsible act a nation can perform, involving as it does the lives and fortunes of an uncounted number of human beings—shall not be at the distcretion of the executive branch of the government* bat shall depend upon the authority of the legislative representatives of the people—in other words, that, as much as the machinery of government may make such a thing possible, the deliberate will of the people constitutionally expressed shall determine the awful question of peace or war.

Bro«s>t •» by the President. “Those are, therefore, by no means wrong who call this the ‘president's war.* And a war so brought about and so conducted the American people are asked to approve and encourage simply because ‘we are in it'— that is, because the president of his own motion has got us into it. Have you considered what this means? Every man of public experience knows how powerful and seductive precedent as an argument in the interpretation of taws and of constitutional practices. When a thing, no matter how questionable, has once been done by the government and approved, or even acquiesced in. by the people, that act will surely be used as a justification of its being done again. In nothing is the authority of precedent more dangerous thaq in defending usurpations of governmental power. “I am not here as a partisan, but as an American citisen anxious for the future of the republic. And I cannot too earnestly admonish the American people, if they value the fundamental principles oi their governiiont a%d their > own security and that of their children, for a moment to throw aside all partisan bias and soberly to consider what kind of a precedent they would set if they consented to. and by consenting approved, the president's management Of the Philippine business merely ‘he

[cawe we are In «.• We cannot expect all our future presidents to be models of publto virtue and wisdom as George Washington was. Imagine now In the presidential of3cs a man well meaning, but maybe, shortsighted and pliable and under the Influence of so-called ‘friends* who are greedy and reckless speculators, and who would not scruple to push him Into warlike complications In order to get great opportunities rar profit, or a man of that Inordinate ambition which intoxicates the mind and befogs the conscience; or a man of extreme partisan spirit, who honestly believes the victory of his party to be necessary for the salvation of the universe, and may think that a foreign broil would serve the chances of his party; or a man of an uncontrollable combativeness of temperament which might run away with his sense of responsibility—and that we shall have such men in the presidential chair is by no means unlikely with our loose way of selecting candidates for the presidency. Imagine, then, a future president belonging to either of these classes to have before him the precedent of Mr. HcKintey’s management of tho Philippine business, sanctioned by the approval or only the acquiescence of the people, and to feel himself permitted—nay, even encouraged—to say to himself that, as this precedent shows, he may plunge tha country Into warlike conflicts of his own motion, without asking leave of congress, with only some legal technicalities to cover his usurpation, or. even without such, and that he may, by a machinery of deception called a war censorship, keep the people in the dark about what is going on, and that into however bad a mess he may have got tho country he may count upon tho people, as soon as a drop of blood has been shed, to uphold the usurpation and to cry down everybody who opposes it as a •traitor,’ and all this because 'we are in it!’ Can you conceive a more baneful precedent, a more prolific source of danger to the peace and security of the country? Can any sane man deny that it will be all the more prolific of evil if In this way we drift Into a foreign policy full of temptation for dangerous adventure? * Remedy for eke Situation. “I say, therefore, that If we have the future of the republic at heart we must not only not uphold the administration in its course, because *we are in it,’ but Just because we are in it, having been got into it in such a way, the American people should stamp the administration's proceedings with a, verdict of disapproval so clear and emphatic, and ‘get out of It’ In such a fashion that this will b# a solemn warning to future presidents instead of a seductive precedent. What, then, to accomplish this end, is to be done? Of course we. as we are here, can only advise. But by calling forth expressions of the popular will by various means of public demonstration, and. If need be, at the polls, we can make that advice so strong that those In power will hardly disregard it. We have often been taunted with having no positive policy to propose. But such & policy has more than once been proposed, and I can only repeat it.

* in the first place, let it be well understood, that those are egregiously mistaken who think that if by a strong military effort the Philippine war be stopped, everything will be right and no question aboubit. No, the American trouble of conscience wttl not foe appeased, and the question will bn as big and virulent as ever unless the closa of the war be promptly followed by an assurance to the islanders of their freedom and independence, which assurance, if gives now, would surely end the war without more fighting. We propose, therefore, that it be given now. Let there be at once an armistice between our forces and the Filipinos. Let the Phiiippine islanders at the same time be told that the America* people will be glad to see them establish an independent government, and to aid them in that task as far as may be necessary; that, if the different tribes composing th® population of the Philippines are disposed, as at least most of them, if not all, are likely to be, to attach themselves in some way to the government already existing under the presidency of, Aguinaldo. we shall cheerfully accept that solution of th® question, and even, if required, lend our good offices to bring it about; and that meanwhile we shall deem It our duty tc protect them against interference from other foreign powers—in other wbrds, that with regard to them we mean honestly to live up to the righteous principles with th® profession of which we commended to th* world our Spanish war. “And then let us have in th® Philippines, to carry out this programme, not a small politician or a meddlesome martinet, but a statesman qf large mind and genuine sympathy. who will not merely deal in sanctimonious cant and oily promises with a string to them, but who wilt prove by his acts that he and we are honest; who will keep in mind that their government is not merely to suit us, but to suit them; that it should not be measured by standards which we ourselves have not been able to reach, but b« a government of their own, adapted to their own conditions and notions— whether it be a true republic, Uke ours, or better, or a dictatorship Uke that of Porfirio Piaa in Mexico, or an oligarchy llkedhe on® m<tintained by us in Hawaii, or even Something like the boss rule we are tolerating ia New York and Pennsylvania. Let Them Walk Alone. ‘Those who talk so much about ‘fitting a people for self-government’ often forget that no people were ever made ‘fit* for selfgovernment by being kept in the leading strings of a foreign power. You learn to walk by doing your own crawling and stumbling. Self-government is learned only by exercising it upon one’s own responsibility. Of course, there will be mistakes and troubles and disorders. We have had and now have these, too—at the beginning our persecution of the torles, our flounderlags before the constitution was formed, our Shay’s rebellion, our whisky war and various failures and disturbances —among them a civil war that cost us a loss of life and treasure horrible to think of, and the murder of two presidents. But who will say that on account of these things some foreign power should have kept the American people in leading strings to teach them to govern themselves? If the Philippine islanders do as well as the Mexicans, who have worked their way. since we left them alone after our war of 1847. through many disorders, to an orderly government, who will have a right to find fault with the result? You may take it as a general rule that he who wants to reign over others is solemnly convinced that they are quite unable to govern themselves. “Now, what objection is there to the policy dictated by our-fundamental principles and our good faith? I hear the angry cry; I ’What? Surrender to Aguinaldo? Will

not tne worm ridicule ana despise us for ! such a confession of our Incompetency to ! deal with so feeble a foe? What win become of our prestige?* No, we shall not surrender to Aguinaldo. In giving up a criminal aggression we shall surrender only to our own sense of right and Justice, to our own understanding of our own true interests amt to the vital principles of our own republic. Nobody will laugh at ua whose good opinion we have reason to cherish. There will, of course, be an outcry of disappointment in England. But from whom will It come? Prom such men aa James Bryce or John Moriey, or any one of those true friends of this republic who understand and admire and wish to perpetuate and spread the fundamental principles of its vitality? No, not from them. But the outcry will come from those la England who long to see us entangled la complications apt to make the American republic dependent upon British aid and thus subservient to British interests. “The true friends of this republic in England and. Indeed, all over the world, who are now grieving to see us go astray, will rejoice, and their hearts will be uplifted with new confidence in our honesty, in our wisdom and In the virtue of democratic institutions when they behold the American people throwing aside all the puerilities of false pride and returning to the path of their true duty.**

the Boers Overwhelmingly Be* feated Hear Glencoe, Haiti. HEIR LOSSES SEARLT A THOUSAND. St. Louis, Oct. 31:—'The following is the Globe-Democrat’s summary of the lighting in South Africa yesterday, the. full account of which would fill many xriumns: “A British force of 4,000 men, commanded by Gen. Symons, yesterday morning engaged several thousand Boers on the heights of Glencoe, in Natal. \ . “The report of the battle is a story of Majuba hik with the positions of the contending^ forces reversed, the British silencing) the burghers* artillery, gallantly ascending the heights, occupying the enmny’s entrenchments u>d driving him into the valley with » merciless and relentless fire. ^ “Reports place the losses0 on Soth sides as heavy. The Boers’ ca&NHties are estimated at 800 killed and founded. The British loss is said tp have been 250 killed and wouudedf including Gen. Symons, who fell ai the head of his column. He is officially reported as mortally injured, but subsequent advices from Glencoe deny this. “By this defeat before Glencoe, a preconcerted plan of the allied forces of the two republics to join columns and assault Ladysmith and Lower Natal was thwarted. “The Boers also met with reverses before Mafeking and Kimberly. At the former place the British lured their attack on a train loaded with dynamite, resulting in hundreds of their number being killed or wounded.” Following ia the Republi’s summary of the fighting:

“The first big battle of the South African war resulted in a serious reverse for the Boer arms. “The Boers attacked Glencoe yesterday morning, opening with artillery from a hill. British infantry advanced under shelter of British artillery, carried the position and routed the invaders. “The losses on both sides were heavy. “Estimates are: British killed or wounded, 250 to 300; Boer killed or wounded, 800 to 900. “Gen. Symons, commanding tho British rtoops, fell mortally wounded. “Four or five cannon were captured from the Transvallers. “No engagements between the Free Staters and Gen. White’s command at Ladysmith reported. “Fighting is reported at Dundee. “Nothing further regarding the occupation of Yryburg has sifted through the Boer lines. “A dispatch from Mafqpdng, undated, says that there was a fight there last Monday, and that the Boers were repulsed. “Another report is that 100 Boers were killed in the explosion of a dynamite train.” Cape Tow* Delirious. Cape Town, Oct. 20.—The town to* night is delirious over the victory at Glencoe to-day. The streets are filled with a cheering, hat-waving crowd, singing patriotic airs and “Now We Shant be Long.” The newspaper offices are beseiged. WE WILL KEEP THAT TROPHY. loki* Bull Hail Try Altai*-If "lie Wants to Curry Heue the Aaaerieu*a Cap. New York, Oct 21. Out of the northward, with a rush came a good stiff breeze yesterday morning, clearing away what little mist and fog there was between seven and eight o’clock, and giving the skippers and crews of the Columbia and Shamrock, the best encouragement they have yet received for a race. At 12:15 the Columbia, which hid been steadily gaining on the Shamrock, passed her to port, taking in the working topsail as she did so, so as to be ready for the windward work. Her spinnaker came in at 12:18, and the Shamrock’s was douled 30 seconds later. It was to be close wo?k at the turn. Both skippers held on to their spinnakers to the last moment, and there had been no chance to round in either yacht’s mainsheets. The official time at the outer mark was: Columbia, 12:19:00. Shamrock, 12:19:17.

me wind was now blowing at least 2$ miles an hour, and there was a jump of a sea sufficient to make the racing craft do some rather heavy diving. They heeled till the greater portion of their weather bulges were exposed. * Sir Thomas Upton’s yacht finished five minutes, 17 seconds after the Columbia. She was defeated in the race, the final one of the series six npnutes, 18 seconds actual time and six minutes t4 seconds corrected time. Simla, India, Oct. 21.—At to-dayV meeting of the supreme council of India, C. If. Rivas said that the famine affected areas comprised 100,000 miles of British territory, and 200,000 miles of the territory of native states, each lection containing upward of 15,000,000 of people. The situation in the central provinces, and particularly in Berar, Guserat, North Deccan, Southeast and Central Punjab^Baroda Indore and Rajputanta, was distinctly grave. He estimated that the direct relief would cost 1,500,000 rupees, t* addition to loans until March,.

C«Ua mt lirilen ui Other - Crimea m at K very Day - Minneapolis, Minn., Oct. 23.—A Oeearreaeea. dal to the Times from Stillwater, tlinn., says: “J. C. McBride, a convict at the pria>n received from Jackson county in^ -' December last to serve three years and ive months for an assault, has made fggg remarkable confession, showing him :o be one of the most high handed murlerers in the country.* His confessing • was made to Warden Wolfor in a letter written October 8, and in it he related % the murder of two officers, Josef Grant and John McNott, at Geneva, 111., August 89, 1888. Tim murder of Julia Buckmire, at Geneva; a post ofi* Bee robbery and the murder of Mar-^C ihal, of Ossawatbmie, Kas.: the burglary of a hardware store and the shoot* It tng of a policeman at Guide Rucfcj^ff Neb., and many burglaries and higher ; way’robberies. “If the story in true he has been % rentable terror. Speaking of the cir*/ cumstances of the murder of Grunt atnd McNott, at Geneva, he says: “ T shot Joseph Grant and John MeNott. Three of us, two pals and wj5*;) ’ self, were in the act of committli*jjll||| burglary at Geneva, at about or«; o'clock in the morning, August 2% 1886. We entered the house of an un* dertaker for the purpose of robbery. My two pals were arrested by these of*>^ ficers. I walked some distance away from the place of the robbery to the courthouse, and secreted myself behind a tree. When the officers along with my two pals I shot them, killing Officer McNott ° instantly, wounding Officer Grant fatally.’ 5|||p “Continuing, he says: T also mt»* dered a wo^an by the name of Julia Buckmire, in the outskirts of Geneva, about twd weeks before l murdered the officers. I cut her throat with a razor because she recognized me while in the act of committing a robbery. I carried the body to a hencoop and set fire to the house. The body was

“McBride says his right name George Bullock, and that he wifit bpra of respectable parents, who have sided in Geneva since 1871. He hue served two prison terms in Illinois and one in Nebraska. “After receiving the letter and calling McBride into the office for a more explicit statement of his crimes. Warden Wolfer communicated with the authoritiesat Geneva and elsewhere. Be learned that the crimes were committed, but has learned no additional information. McBride is now' 33 years* old, and says he has followed the life of a robber and murderer since he wsu 18 years old. While relating the story of his crime he gave all the details in a matter-of-fact manner and evidently felt relieved. He claims to have confessed because his conseiense bothered him aud says he is anxious to be punished for his malty crimes. In the rourder of the officers at Geneva, he suya he had two pals, one of them Harry Ester, later arrested Snd^sentenced t® Joliet penitentiary for lS^y^hrs. || ‘The confession covers four manuscript pages. FIGHTING ON THE BOi Fierce Buttle Between mud Mexicans at Xaeo. —Four Mexican* Killed. El Paso, Tex., Oct. 33.—Ward Americans and Mexicans again yesterday afternoon Ariz.,. with disastrous results. |§§| Kaco lies partly in Mexico ly in the United States, ar mixed population. Bad blood has existed between the Americans and Mexiean officials sine© the recent disturbance wherein a party of cowboys rescued oue of their number from jail across the bord»fv A dispatch from Bisbee says: “This afternoon just as a baseball excursion from Bisbee was ajxmt t*> leave Naco, Mexico, a fight started between Mexican guards and American cowboys, and as a result four Mexican guards were killed and one wounded. “An American named str.ntly killed and a Bisbee ahot through the leg. “The fight resulted from at? the Mexican side of the lines 1 Americans and Mexicans“The guards attempted to arrest the Americans, who retreated toward the line. “Just before they reached the line

tne guards opened nre, wim-r. was promptly returned. A lively battle occurred, lasting fully 15 minuted^ Over 50 shots were exchanged. ■ I “Cowboys from this side rushed to the aid of their friends, and opened hr* across the line. “Dan Burgess, a bystander, was shot in the leg. * , Ryan, a -freighter, was riddled with, bullets. ■ . •’ “Montgomery, who was with Ryan, Is missing. )>$?$£■■ - IS One cowboy, Joe Rhodes, was arrest* ed and jailed on the Mexicau side of the line. .'c WWl “Excitement is intense, and a is forming to rescue hlm,**i£§ A River ' , v" i Des Moines, Ia^ Oct. 83.-—The bod? of a young woman was found in the Des Moines river last evening, and identified as that of Mabel Schofield, of Maeksburg, la. She was 21 years eld and came here a few days ago to visit the home of J. W. Thomas. She missed yesterday, but no anxiety fdt. • ■ The coroner and physicians declare she was not drowned, as liter* is no discoloration or swelling, 'fhere BO marks of violence, however, i poison could be detected, (i