Pike County Democrat, Volume 30, Number 25, Petersburg, Pike County, 27 October 1899 — Page 5

CONQUERING NATIONS. History’s Highway Strewn With Their Wrecks. PERILOUS HOUR OF TEMPTATIOH. Once IOmburkrtl !>«■ the Poller •* Laid UrabblnR, the lilted Mate* Moat Malatala a Mlvhtjr Maadlag Ar»n> —Inereaaed TaxatloaWlll Foil j Ueartfit aa the Poor. President McKinley Is credited with] the Intention of having the i>eople of I Cuba vote on the question of annexation to4the United States, au intention; which if harbored is in conflict with J the solemn assurance given by the; congress to Cuba and the world and i which, considering that the island is uow under American military control.' cannot be executed in fairness to the j Cubans of with Justice to ourselves.. General Gome* doubtless echoes the sentiments of patriotic Cubans wheni he objects to annexation and Insists j upou independence now, as he did before the war. At a recent demonstration in his hou- j or at Havana lie said: “I still demand j the separation tuat 1 asked before thej war, not only from Spain, but from j any and all other nations. The destiny of Cuba is only Independence. We » should give due thanks to the Ameri-1 cans, whose progress and power In-1 spire our admiration, but this does not j mean that we should resign ourselves j to a tutelage to be exercised over us. I Let us make the same statement to I the United States that the American I colonies made to Eugland when they I declared In 1770 that the Americans

owned North America. In the event that the Imperialists are permitted to push the work of subjugating the Filipinos to completion the annexation of Cuba, with or without the consent of the people, may be expected. Let the electorate once sanction the war to subject the natives of the Philippines to American authority against their wil and a precedent will have been established which will be used to Justify wars of aggression. Fairly embarked upon the policy of land grabbing, we shall become England’s rival in this form of robbery. The policy will necessitate a powerful navy, au alliance with Great Britain, a permanently large standing army, enormous expenditures and a continuance and an increase of high taxation i that falls with heaviest weight upon the poor. What we are doing in the Philippines is not an augury of good to Cuba. It does not promise that our pledge to the Cubans will be honestly kept. Nor does it bode good to ourselves. In destroying the liberties and Independence of other peoples we must inevitably foster a sentiment and develop a power and condition that in time will destroy our owu liberties and independence. Neither physical nor moral law may be violated with impunity. Sooner or later the man who transgresses must pay the penalty. This is the teaching of all experience and history, and wlmt is true of the individual man is true of the collection of men termed a nation. One no more than the other may crush the weak, outrage Justice and eseape unscathed. We are confronted with the responsibility of choosing between might nud right, of adhering to the principles nud traditions of the republic or departing from them, of determining whether we shall remain honest or become and remain dishonest, of degrading the republic to the level of imperialistic uatious or maintaining it as a high moral example to all and as a beacon of hope to the liberty . loving and oppressed of every land.' Temptations come to nations as to individuals. This is the^mtir of our temptation as a people. Each or most of us know something about the elevation of thought aud purpose, the strengthening of character aud the satisfaction aud placidity of conscience that result from a battle with temptation determinedly and uobly fought and won. Shall we experience and enjoy all this by self denial and resistance, or by basely yielding shall we degrade bur thought and purpose, lower our moral tone, crush our conscience and eater upon a career of degeneracy which ^iu§je^terminate in ruin? The highways of history are strewn with the wrecks of conquering nations. Shall this fair republic flourish pereunlally by remaining content with the patrimony God has bestowed and with the equitable principles adherence to which has given it a degree of peace, growth and prosperity unparalleled in human annals, or by succumbing to ignoble greed shall it. too, become a wreck, sharing the fate of jBabylon, Assyria, Persia, Rome and Moribund Spain?— Dubuque Telegraph.

The Sltojitlon In Ohio. These seem to be parlous times for Republicanism in Ohio. Nothing was ever more plainly evident in politics than the fact that Hanna and his cohorts are on the run. An indication of this is shown by the class of Republican speakers who are to be thrown into the state to apologize for the Mcilanna administration. Meantime all is not harmony in the home car»n. The'Buckeye senators are at outs. This is notorious and these is every likelihood that their quarrel will develop into a political scandal. Foraker, who is brainy and brilliant, has no use for Hanna, his gross colleague, and he does not hesitate to say so.—New York News. Captain Carter’s Code. In Captain Carter's code of criminal procedure the plea of “not guilty” is ( entered after conviction, but then his case has no precedent.—Neuf York won* ■ . -| . * JSl..... ' ' '>

CREED OF THE FLAG, *[**Wbo will haul down the flagf"—President MoUnley.J “Who will haul down the flag ?** quoth he. Amt no nun an answer gave. But who will haul up the Sac, aak wt, Where the flag ought new wavet Oier an arrogant mission of ig*.il That takr*. «e a matter of course, A subject race and a conquered soil And a government bused on force f Answer us. answer us, true and fair. Who will haul up Old Ulory there t **Who will haul down the ha*?" quoth he. Nay, think how it first went up When war astride of the land and sea Poured smith from Ids brimming cup. When brave men died and left In bequest One pledge for the greet and the email; Not stars for a few and atripea for the rest. But the flag of our country for all! . Answer us, truly and plainly, we pray, Was that not its, meaning tn Washington's day} Prom Washington'a day to Jackson’s time. Prom Yorktown to New Orleans, Did any man follow that flag sublime And doubt what the symbol means? free self ruled states, each one as a star Fixed fast in a flekl of blue. Fenced in by the blood red stripes o. war To preserve them for me and you! 4 Answer u», now, do you dare to drag Tbs old faith out of bur fathers’ flag? “Who will haul down the flag?” quoth he. Why, no hand of flesh and bone Gan lower that flag on land and sea Till the faith of the'flag ia^ane! * ; Till a few shall rule and cunningly Jkeep The bunting to garnish their greed. Till dollars art*- dear and humanity cheap By the force of a tory creed— Then will It fall! But answer us clear. Do you fancy that hour is drawing mart Did our liberty l»eU ring in rain? Was our Declaration a lie? lfust we turn tn the old world again * With the penitent prodigal’s cryf Must we-'arm us and march in the van Of Kurope’s barbaric parade And boom out a gunpowder gospel to man ,, To open a pathway tor trade? Shall wc strut through the world and bluster and brag. - With the dollar mark stamped on the brave old - flag?

K*y, haul up th* flag, raise it high; Not yet is its spirit spent! Let it sing in the wind and the sky The truth that it always meant t Let it sing of the birthright of man, Of progress that never can lag! Let it sing that trade may go where it can. Dut liberty follows the flag! Yea. haul up Old Glory, but, comrades, takt heed That no man shall part the old 8ag from the creed! —Howard 8. Taylor. DOLLAR THAT IS WANTED. Oae That Benefits the Majority a>< Accord» With Just Ice. It is not a cheap dollar In the offensive sense in which it Is used by plutocracy, but a cheaper dollar as compared with all honorable ideas of fairness and right. Which is nearer the line of Justice, a cheap dollar worth 54 cents or a dear dollar worth 200 cents and which carries with It the greater power to oppress? Money is bought with the products of labor. Consequently the dearer this money Is the more lal>or Is required to purchase it. It Is the few who can own mooey and the many who must work to earn It. Therefore cheaper money benefits the majority and is In strict accord with the teachings of the constitution. What the people need .is a dollar that carries with it a just proportion of labor and no more.—Watchman. \ As between n 54 cent dollar and a 200 cent dollar {which the gold dollar practically Is) t*.e people should not hesitate 111 choosing. A 2(H) cent dollar means lower prices, hard times and suffering. A 54 cent dollar means higher prices, good times and comfort. But in reality there Is no 5jl cent dollar except when measured In gold. What is so termed is a 100 cent dollar in the broadest and most equitable terms. The Mexican dollar, of which we read volumes of contemptuous chaff, will buy as much of the products of labor as the vaunted gold’ dollar would in 1S73. Not only this, but the Mexican dollar is maintaining that purchasing power, which Is simply value In exchange, while the gold dollar is mounting higher and higher all the time. A dollar to be honest should buy the same this year, next year and every year, just as a yardstick should measure the same today, tomorrow and always. We use the dollar for exactly the same purpose that we do the yardstick—namely. to measure a given “quantity” of the article to be sold. The advocate of the gold staudard ‘either knows nothing or cares nothing for equities. If he only has a dollar that 1s equal to a gold dollar, his ideal Is attained, no matter what effect it has upon the fortunes of surging and struggling humanity.

Am Article of Democratic Faith. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without Waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard sliver dollar shall be full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future tho demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract. We are opposed to the issuing of interest bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking syndicates, which in exchange for bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves supply the federal treasury with gold to maintain the p Uey of gold monometallism. We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the government of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold eoiu. Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jackson declared that this power could hot be delegated to corporations or individuals. We therefore demand that the power to issue notes to circulate as money be taken from national banks, and that all paper money shall be issued direct!^ by the treasury department and be redeemable in coin and receivable for all MSP

LEGACY. Republican Corruptionists In the 1896 Campaign. MEN INTIMIDATED AID COERCED. Vttcn Forced to Make Merchandise •( Their Manhood la Order te Hold Their Positions—Faadameatal Prlneiples of Repablleaa Fora of Goteraaieat Sobverted. In a recent address the Rev. Burt Estes Howard, the noted Congregational preacher of Los Angeles, said: No policy was ever adopted In the history of the world that savored more of the sophistry that a good end justified a corrupt means. It is like playing the harlot to obtain money to put on the collection plate. Do not tell me that the® men who manipulated that great fund for buying votes, the men who Intimidated and coerced by threats of various calamities the poor voter who was forced to make merchandise of his manhood in order to hold his position and save his little ones from starvation; do not tell me that these men who subverted the fundamental principles of a republican form of government, the right of independent suffrage and the free choice of those- who shall rule over us, believe in republican Institutions. Tbey do not. They believe that they have found something better than a democracy. They have bartered the legacy of our forefathers for financial and commercial despotism.

If some mau would declare that this talk of coercion Is false, he must go to some one else besides me to find a patient and credulous listener to his lying preaching. Was I not approached In fay own study with subtle threatenings and Insinuations 7 Was 1 not myself told that should I vote for that princely soul whom I am proud to call my friend, William»Jennings Bryan, whom any man may call his friend, for he is the friend of man rather than of parties; was I not told that should I vote for him my church would lose the patronage of certain Influential men who were intending to become a part of my congregation? Aye, was I not insulted and humiliated by being requested by certain individuals who shall be forever nameless to take my ballot on election day, my ballot, the sacred credential of my manhood and of my citizenship, the emblem of that holy sacrament of political fellowship in civic liberty, the sign and seal of that divine birthright which marked me as a freeman among freemen; that I should take that badge of my own personal independence and show it, already marked for the ballot box, to certain Republicans who were designated and assure them that 1 would cast it for William McKinley? Think of it, men! What did I say? I said this, “You go back to the min who sent you here and tell them that this is my reply, ‘Gentlemen, d—n your ” fGrcat cheering.] And if ever such language is permissible that was the time. It was not the minister, but! the man, who spoke, and the man is always larger than his calling. From that day I registered a solemn vow that so long as the Republican party was dominated by such a policy I would never vote its ticket. And l will not, so help me God. Nor will 1 vote for any party which attempts to prostitute my manhood. I have never made this statement public before. 1 make it now in order that some of my friends may understand my position and the reasons which impel me to take it. Men, am I wrong? Shall anything stand higher tin any man’s estimation than His owu honor? Compared with the crime of 180G, when a direct blow was made at the very foundation of our republican institutions, the “crime of 1ST3” is ns nothing. What does it signify, the raising of that Immense coiruption fund? What does this openly avowed participation of the railroad's aud of great corporate bodies and trusts in national and state politics indicate? These things indicate not only a conspiracy on the part of the captains of Industry and the owners of great monopolies ami the shrewd operators in finance to manipulate the affairs of state aud our political Institutions for their own advantage, but that the leaders of a great party, the commercial and moneyed magnates of this mighty country, have lost faith in the fundamental principles of the republic, have ceased from their allegiance to the institutions of our governmental system and have determined to substitute for the free functions of democracy the iron rule of a financial despotism.

Jubilation May Be Premature. Heaving a sigh of relief, the local newspaper organ of Senator Hanna exult? over the resignation of Speaker Ree<) as eliminating that gentleman from the presidential possibilities. “In Washington,” it joyfully declares, “Mr. Reed was a national .figure. In New York he will be a New York lawyer with a national career to look back upon,” says the Chicago Chronicle. And, further, “into the blighting influence of that atmosphere Thomas Brackett Reed has taken his presidential possibilities.” Mr. Reed could not hope for a higher compliment than is implied in this whoop of delight over his supposititious political burial. It shows how he lias been feared by Mr. Hanna- uhich is to say Mr. McKinley., Yet it Is pf isible that the jubilation may lie premature. Mr. Reed may not himself be a presidential aspirant, but it is not uulikely that he may have some influence upon the fortunes of presidential aspirants. Whether he is in Washington or in New York he is certain to be a virile force, and we may be sure that force never will be exerted !n favor .of William McKinley.

fCIRCULATING ME All Credit Moser Cool4 Be Retire! It Silver Were RentooetlaeA. There are in existence $340,000,000 of credit money, called United States notes,, the existence of etery dollar of which Is due to the fact that we have not enough circulating medium without those notea. Every dollar of those notes could be retired by the substitution of tbe silver dollar or the silver certificate, and thus there would be a demand which tbe government could create for $346,000,000 more of silver. I am free to say that if tbe law providing for the free coinage of /diver were passed today, under President McKinley’s administration, with the secretary of the treasury discriminating against silver, as be has In the past, that this government could not establish the parity of the metals. But under an admlnistratftn that would use the powers of the government for the purpose of establishing the parity of the metals, I have no doubt of tbe ability of thls natton to establish that parity. There are In existence $231,441,G80 of uational bank notes. The only excuse for tbclr existence Is tbe fact that tjjey are absolutely needed as a circulating medium. Every dollar of that credit money could be„ retired and silver or silver certificates substituted in place. Thus there can be created by this government a demand for the enormous sum of $1,273,000,000 of Silver, all at once if desired, without Increasing the circulating medium one dollar. It seems to me, tn view of that great demand, there can be no reasonable doubt of the ability of this government to establish the parity of the metals.

In 1890 congress (Missed the Sherman act, which provided for the purchase of only 4,300,000 ounces of silver per month. Under a demand for simply that amount of silver that metal rose In price higher and higher until it reached $1.21% per ounce, within eight points of par, not only at the mint in Philadelphia and on the exchange at New York, but in London, in Calcutta, and in every other market in the world. If such a small demand raised the price of silver to such a height under a limited coinage act, it seems to me clear that the instantaneous demand for $1,273,000,000, or 200 times as much, would certainly establish the parity of the metals. If we should Increase our circulating medium to correspond with that of France, we would make a demand for $750,000,000 more of silver, or a total demand for $2,023,000,000 of silver. That amount is more than three times as much as there is stiver. That amount is more than three times as much as there is silver in the world that could possibly come to our mints. —J. F. Sha froth. PAUPER LABOR. Declaration of tke Democratic Platform of 1800. We hold that the most efficient way of protecting American labor is to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a vicious monetary system which depresses the prices of their productions below the cost of production ami thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the products of our home manufactories. The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading railway systems and the formation of trusts and pools require a stricter control of the federal government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers olf the interstate commerce commission and such restrictions and guarantees in the control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression. We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of recent Republican con greases which have kept taxes high while the labor that pays them is unemployed and the products of the people’s toil are depressed till they no longer repay the cost of production. We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which befit a democratic government and a reduction in the number of useless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people.—Platform of 1896.

Will Stand by the Platform. We have yet to see an honest Democrat who stood by the platform In 1806 who is not more than willing—aye, enthusiastic—for the readoption of that platform in 1900. The fellows who are making the noise In favor of changing the platform were not with us In 1886. They left us in 1886 because we were right, but since then crawled back into'the party through ratholes here and there and are now impudently asserting themselves. But they will not prevail. The platform of the Democratic party in 1900 Is already written in the hearts of the people, and what is in the hearts of the people will prevail in 1900. as it did in 1886. The trimmers will be left where the Clevel&ndltes were left when Bryan became the Democratic nominee for president. It Is Ko Wonder. In 1850 about half the wealth of the United States was in farm values. In 1890 farms represented only one-fifth of the whole. Is it any wonder the farmers are being sold out of house and home on foreclosed mortgages and for taxes! If the gold standard and the protective tariff evils continue* to curse the people a few years longer, the proportion of farm values to the whole wealth of the country will he still less and more farmers will be rendered homeless through inability to contend against monopolies and trusts. -Knox (Ind.) Democrat . ■A ■ ~

•We are going to give Fiss Gold Warranted for twenty yefars to the the lucky number Monday, January

For every 5 cent purchase at our store you get a ticket. Call and see us. We carry a full line of And Druggists’ Sundries, Patent Medicines, Paints, Oils, Stationery, Perfumery, Toilet Articles, in fact everything that is to befpund in a first class drug store. Everybody exptffls a little more for their money these times and they are not when they come where prices arc not take your breath. Below you will find prices; you can’t beat them anywhere, good bit of good for a listle money. pointed hlated to of our ere’s a

Best White Lead, per cwt. 95.50. Dr. J. H. McLean’s Liver and j Kidney Balm, 91 size, 75c. - Dr. J. H. McLean's Strengthening Cordial, 91 size, 70c. Lydia E. Pinkham’s Vegetable Compound, 91 size, 75c. Pierces Favorite Prescription, 91 size, 75c. Our PccWtbooks are the finest in town: you can buy one at your own price. Kilmer’s Swamp Root, 91 size, for 75c. ' ’. | Emulsion Cod Liver Oil, 91 size, onlv 49c. • ' t Genuine Honduras Sarsaparilla, j 94. size, 05c/ Compound Extract Sarsaparilla, 91 size, 49c. Liver and Kidney Cure. 91 size, for 49c. Paine’s Female Regulator, 91 , size for 49c. Welch’s Cough Syrup, 25c size, only 10c. Dr. Warner’s White Wine of Tar, 25c size 18c. Toothbrushes, 5c to 50c.

German Liver Powder, 23c sixe, only 19c. ' , W^ : Tjpilet Soap, 2 barkfor 5c. Perfumery. 25c to ti per oz. Hood’s Sarsaparilla, 49c. and Colds,' 25$ Wjm 20c. - - _: ■ Dr. Miles’ lie medics, $1 size, for 75c. Hall’s Catarrh Core. 55c. Syrup of Figs, 39e. Yucatan Chill Tonic, 25c. Hess Stock Food. 50c size, 40c. C-:' ■ i Gilkey Stock Food* 50e size, 40c. Syringes, 25c up. - Foley’s Honey and Tar, 20c. C. C. C. 25c siz%: l.^e. Dr. Dell's Pine Tar Honey, 25c size. 19c. Dr. W. B. Caldwell's Syrup of. Pepsin. 50c sizk. 38e. School Tablets, iC to 10c. Pencils, lc to 5c. Box Paper, 10c 10 50c a box. Envelopes, 5c and 10c a bunch.

* All other articles at cut prices. Remember, you i get a chance fop?the Gold Watch with every 5 cent J purchase, and you might hold the lucky number. A ! few words, but they mean wonders. Come and see us. Strictly cash. Pianos, $175 and up. Organs, $42 and up. ^ ■ v|l Guitars and Mandolins, $2.76 and dp. Next'door to M. Frank &