Pike County Democrat, Volume 30, Number 4, Petersburg, Pike County, 2 June 1899 — Page 5

•I PROTECTIVE TARIFFS. T emporary Duties Have Become Permanent Taxes. llOBBILL’S CREATED A M0N8TEE. Wk>t Wm Originally Intended na 'leans te> Carry on n War la Now a Constant Barden on the People. Jtepnbllcnn Party Sapporta the Paaapered Interests. The late Senator Morrill first became a idely known to bis countrymen as the reputed author of the tariff act of March & 1861. That act was famous as the Jrst Republican tariff—as the first departure from the tariff for revenue prin3.pie? upon which was based the aot of 184Q, and the still more liberal act of 1867. The association of Mr. Morrill's name with that act made him a very respionous figure because of its importance as the first of a series of reactionary measures culminating in the Dingley act of 1897. The Republican party came into prow - ar as the party opposed to the extension at slavery. Its predecessor, the Whig party, bad been hopelessly beaten on the issue of protection and had ceased to

a::ist as a political organization, ibe Republican party took its place on an entirely different issue. Its platforms roildly favored protection, bnt kept that subject in the background while making the most of the slavery issne. Bnt to sooner had the new party, or the old party under a new name, and professedly with a new purpose, secured control of congress than it began to do what the people had never directed it to do f.t all and what they had repeatedly condemned. In March, 1860, Mr. Morrill reported his bill from the committee on ways end means, bnt it was not till March 2, 1861, nearly a year later, that the bill finally became a law. As compared with imbseqnent acts it was a very mild measure of protection, bnt the advocates and beneficiaries of that policy processed to be well satisfied with it. They admitted that it afforded ail the protaction that any industry could reasonably ask. At that time the people were so deeply interested in the question of slavery extension and so mneb excited by the secession movement, which bad already passed beyond the stage of threats and taken form in ordinances of secession and a Confederate congress, that they paid almost no attention to what congress was doing with the tariff. It is literally true that the Morrill act was passed when the public mind was full of other things and when there was jqo popular demand for a change of economic policy. The Morrill act went into effect and Fort Sumter was fired on almost simultaneously. The civil war was raging, and presently the need for more revenue became argent. On the 5th of Angnst another act was passed which was, in fact, a revenue act, as was the one passed when we went to war with Spain. Still another act of the same character was passed Deo. 24 following. Neither of these acts materially increased the protective duties. The following Ma*y an internal revenue act was passed, and this was followed a month later by the reporting of a bill from the ways and means committee "increasing temporarily the duties on imports and for other purposes." By the internal revenue act taxes were laid on many articles of domestic production, and the new tariff bill laid correspondingly higher duties on imported articles of the same descriptions. The “temporary” increase was to continue only mi til the abolition of the internal taxes for which the bill ostensibly provided only proper compensation. Bnt some industries managed to secure more than compensating duties—dut iespvvbieh reduced the revenues by shutting out goods instead of securing tbe increase which the treasury eo much needed. ilnMaj, 1864, tbe internal taxes were increased and new ones were added, and the process of increasing tariff du- j ties to correspond was repeated the fol- | lowing month. Mr. Morrill reported I

from the ways and means committee the bill for that purpose, explaining the purpose clearly, and in the course of iiis remarks said, “This is intended as a war measure, a temporary measure, and it is ueedfnl that it should pass speedily.” Substantially the same] thing was said by other Republican j Jeaders in both houses of congress. It was not pretended that the duties prescribed by the Morrill bill of March, 1861, were not sufficiently protective. It was tacitly, admitted that they were *0 and that the only object of increas ling them was to oflset the interna) | taxes and keep protection op to the j mark provided by the original Morrill j ‘bill. But these professions were all for- j gotten or ignored years later. Before l!?S nearly every article affected by " foreign competition was relieved from internal taxation, but the “temporary” * compensating duties were untouched. .Republican congresses abolished the duties on'tea aud coffee and other articles not competing with home prodnots, hut they would not listen to any proposal to reduce one of the duties which had been “temporarily’* increased even after the last of the internal taxes on j account of which the increases bad been made was swept away. Many years after the abolition of the last of the internal taxes on manufactures a prominent Democratic member of the house proposed a revision of the tariff on the basis of the Morrill tariff of March, 1861. His proposal was that a large reduction shoo Id be made all aronnd provided that no protective duty should be less than that fold by the Mor rill tariff on the same article. When ithe .Republican leaders looked into the matter far enough to see what it meant, thev wouldn’t so much as discuss it

f •' JT' Irhfcijr fc**nd that such a bill as «m proposed would reduce the protective duties far below those prescribed by the Morrison bill, the Mills bill, the Wilson bill^or any ether hill that had mine from tbe Democratic tide since the civil war; The Republican leaders agreed that it would ruin all out “infant industries’* to reduce tbe duties any whore near as low as tboseof tbe Morrill tariff —the tariff which t hey admitted was sufficiently protective- in tbe absence of internal taxes on protected products during all tbe yeans of tbe civil war and for four or five y ;ars following. Senator Morrill was a candid and honorable man. When ho said that the compensating duties were to be temporary only, ao doubt be meant it, but when the time caxtie to remove tbe “temporary” duties he found the pampered interests too strong for him. Like Frankenstein, be bad created a monster which be could not control. This chapter of history is recoiled not at all for tbe purpose of censuring the late Vermont senator, but because it goes to show how hard it is for a party as well as for an individual not merely to retrace steps in a downward career, but even to arrest tbe descensus averni. It shows that tbe downward career is practically certain to continue, aud usually at an accelerated pace, until the growing evil ends in cata -trophe aud tbe degenerate party sinks* beyond recovery and passes out of existence.—Chicago Chronicle.

MONEY AND PRICES. We ('nn^t Have Illfrher Price* Without Cheaper Money. The credulity which marks the ideas of average gold staudard business men ou the money qnesti :m is almost inexplicable. They all want “higher prices,” but they are horrified at the thought of having “cheaper money. ” It seems impossible for them to realize that they cannot have higher prices without cheaper mouey. SVheu money and goods are pitted against each other in a trade, if the goods go up, the money must certainly go down. If prices should rise until two gold dollars wculd be required to buy what can now he procured for one, it ought to be manifest that gold would have become cheaper just as it did become cheapei between 1850 and 1870. But eo far Irom bringing min, rising prices—that is, cheaper money— have always brought prosperity, except where paper issues have been carried to such an excess as to destroy confidence aud virtually leave it with no value at all—as in the case* of the French assignats and mandat:. During recent years the most distressed countries have been those upon the gold base, where money has risen and where prices have naken a heavy fall. The most prosperous are those which have a curreucy cheaper than gold, and in which prices hare either been stead ily maintained or somewhat advanced. The industrial development of India, China, Japan aud Mexico has been noted by all travelers and officially reported by consuls from gold staudard countries. t TfiVO LITTLE DEMOCRATS. Young; Patriot* Give Their PocUet Money to tlu- Sliver Cnu*e. At the ways and moans committee rooms in Chicagc no names of those subscribing to tho campaign fund of 1900, or the defense fuud of the people. | as it is sometimes called, are given to the i public or in any manner made known ! without the permission of the persons! thns contributing. But the fcilowing letters front two little boys being teceived, permit si or was obtained from them tomako public their patriotic net: Chicago. Dec. 2. 1898 Mr. W. II. Harvey. Chicago: Dear Sir—1 have liei.cl my papa speak of you and your work of receiving donations to help win the election in i’.UO I am U years old. and 1 have a brother, Samuel Edgar Darby Jr., who is 7. V\c are loeth Democrats all over and we want to six; a Democrat elected pies* dent, so we have decided to give up our speijd ing money and send ii; to you to help out. We have already decided that wo- want Mr. Eryan for president, and we hope that what we send will be of some ho-lp in electing him. *if course we can t vote yet, sc this is the paly way we ean help We think that if all the little Demo crats would do this much Mr. Bryan will eer taiuly be elected Yours truly, Walter Ayres Darby. 378 Dearborn Avenue My Dkar Mr. Hai vey—iiy brother thinks he is “the only pebb e on the beach" and tinonly Democrat. 1 also send my spending mon ey to help elect “Hi ly Bryan" president, j am 7 years old and go to the Eryan school My name is Samuel fcidgar Darby Accompanying each letter was a subscription agreeiug to pay §1 each mouth till October, 1900, and $1 iu money for the fitst payment.

Less Per Capita. That country that does not increase ' in productive energy as it increases in wealth and population is in its decline This country is producing less per cap ita, notwithstanding its great increase in wealth since 1 heu, than it did in 1888—Jess in quantity of nearly every product of human toil except in metals and metal products. Except steel and tin plate, the proc net is decreasing not only in per capita value, bat in actual value. The per capita Capacity of the people to buy aud consume has been decreased by shrinking values of property, products and labor siuce the adoption of the gold standard, and there is less per oapita demand, hence less production. Study the official statistical reports of uation end state and you will be convinced of the troth of this statement. The Brand on Eanu'i Forehead. The word “bribery" has been seared on Hanna’s brazen forehead by the state Benatte of Ohio. That he bought his scht in the senate is believed by every fair minded person that was familiar with the scandalous ttoenes enacted in the Ohio legislature during* his contest for the Republican nomination. He has been publicly accused of securing hu higb office by bribery, but, like Senator Quay, he brushes the accusation aside as unworthy of notice.— Hew York Journal

FINANCIAL FREEDOM, i A Nation Should Regulate Its Monetary Policy. HOT DEFEND OH FOREIGN POWERS. People Should Me lots In Their Right to Adopt Fundamental Law—Platform of the Republican Party Is Ketther American Nor Patriotic. ! Vote For Principle. j The Republican partj\ according to i its platform, is “opposed to the free j coinage of silver except by international I agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and nntil such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard mnst be preserved. ” This is the first time in the history of onr country that any party has declared against the control of their own domestic affairs. It is hard to see upon what principle the Republican party can make such a declaration, for if there is one principle more sacred than all others in free government it is that which asserts the exclusive right of a free people to adopt their own fundamental law and to regulate their internal affairs without the intervention

of foreign powers. If the American people are a nation in all other respects, why are they not a nation in respect to their money ? What foreign nation, great or small, is proclaiming to the world its inability to regulate its financial policy withont the aid of ether nations? Not one. We are the only nation today asking foreign countries to frame onr financial laws Shame on such a party ? If Europe is to dictate our money, why not let it dictate our laws, custom and religion? Why not ask it to mafcaor.r penal statutes and divorce lawsr'why not ask it what form of government we may have? Why not erase the stars from onr flag and recall the Declaration of Independence ? Why not forget the victories of Yorktown and New Orleans? Why speak of the battles of Concord, Lexington and Bunker Hill ? WThy remember our splendid achievements on land and sea ? Why not denounce onr patriotic forefathers as traitors to the great principle of local self government, for which they contended in 1776, if it is to be surrendered ' now ? No; it will not da The people will never consent. They have enjoyed the blessings of liberty too long to let England control our financial policy. Foreign nations shall not dictate onr laws. We will legislate for ourselves. The people, independent of politics, are not in favor of the British policy as advocated by the Republican party. It is not - patriotic, it is not American, it is not jnst.and.it must not and shall not prevail. If it is wrong for the United States to take 53 cents’ worth of silver and stamp it “One Dollar/’ it would be equally wrong if other nations aided us in doing it. Those who aided ns would be particqps criminis to the wrong. It therefore follows that if this country has no moral, legal or equitable right to coin 53 cents’ worth of silver bullion into a dollar it would not make it right because other nations joined us in wrongdoing. It would be doing internationally what the Republican party condemns the Democratic party for doing nationally. Wherein is the difference from a moral standpoint ? It is the duty of good citizenship in the discussion of all questions religions, social and political to be candid and fair. It is time for the people to lay aside their party fealty and vote for principle. Every man should study the financial question with a sincere desire to arrive at the truth, and when satisfied that his party is wrong on this great question, which vitally affects the welfare and happiness of man, he ought to have the moral courage to vote his honest sentiments. The times demand such men. We owe it to our country, to ourselves and posterity to be true to onr convictions. It is not a question whether we are Democrats, Republicans or Populists, but the question should be. does our party advocate sound, economic principles? If so. we should uphold it: if not. we should have enough independence to condemn it regardless of party David Pikrck.

Ratio of Metals. \ What about 16 to 1? Well, my friends, it is not in oxrr power to change this. It is impossible to get anything along any other line. Change the ratio and the whole case dissolves. To be sure, theoretically this is not so, but we have to deal with fearfully sad facts. For 20 years both of the great parties denounced the gold standard and demanded the free coinage of silver at the old ratio. It looked as if the question would be settled in a week, but instead the gold standard got more firmly seated in the saddle. How 1 By corruptly controlling the government and manipulating congress. Open the question of ratio and yon will get no action in a century To drop the ratio is to betray the cause. We arp for the old ratio because it is right, because it will undo a great crime, because it will make prosperity possible, because we cannot succeed in any other way, and because the suggestions for a change come only from the enemy.—John P. Altgeld in His Jackson Day Speech at Omaha. Free Traders to Have Their Day. Republican capitalists themselves are* beginning to see ttiat if we are to de~ | rive the greatest possible good from our enlargement of territory we must be in a position to both buy and sell; that we cannot continue to exclude other peo- ! pie’s goods and sell our own in foreign markets. The free traders have had a long wait, bnt their time is coming.— Rochester Herald.

AN HONEST DOLLAR. Ac Term Hypocritically li«4 to Meoo Gold. When ref erring to obligations to pay money, an honest dollar is tbe dollar of tbe contract, In general, that is an honest dollar which maintains “parity” with tbe things - it measures in daily transactions or that preserves stable relations to commodities. That, too, is manifestly the best dollar and tbe best kind of money. The term “honest money,” however, is nenally hypocritically used to mea n gold, or tbe dearest money. By “honest” money is usually meant that which will boy tbe most, and, of course, in that view of it the dearer it becomes tbe bon ester it gets. The “honest” way to increase tbe value of money would be to increase the weight of the coins. Then all could understand how it was done and wbat it really meant There are two ways to double tbe value of metallic money—one ia to double tbe weight of coins, the other to destroy or demonetize half the metal out of which money can be made. Tbe latter was tbe way taken to make money “honest” in 1853. By destroying half the world’s money they doubled tbe value of the other half. The effect of this may be illustrated by a single fact. It is now everywhere admitted that tbe price level of things generally has fallen fully 50 per cent since the demonetization of silver in 1873, which is the same thing as an increase of 100 percent in the value of money, for when a dollar will buy in general twice wbat it would formerly bay it bas doubled iu value or increased

in purchasing power 100 per cent. The total debts of - the people of the United States of every kind aggregate not much nnder $25,000,000,000. It takes the same unmber of dollars to pay the aunnali interest on this debt that it took 10 or 15 years ago, bnt with a scale of prices indicated by wheat at $1 a bushel, wool at 25 cents and cotton at 10 cents a pound and other things in proportion, which would be the bimetallic scale, it would take some 2,500,000 men, working every day, to pay this interest. But by a scale of prices indicated by wheat at 50 cents n bushel, wool at 15 cents and cotton at 5 cents a pound, on the single gold standard scale, it will take at least 5,000,000 men, working every day in the year, to pay interest on this debt, and if a bushel of wheat or ten pounds of cotton on the average equal a day’s labor It will take much more labor if expended in raising wheat and cotton to meet tbe interest on this immense debt. And generally a money that is itself constantly increasing in value must necessarily produce widespread and unending injustice. No one would undertake to justify the “scaling down” of the dollar, but common honesty ought to prompt the equal condemnation of a standard of value that by constantly increasing works always to the advantage of the creditor and ncuprodncing class and against tbe debtor and the producer. Such money is not honesf, and no amount of pions cant about it can make it so. Besides the .ihfinite injustice cansed directly bjt/a money standard that is constantly increasing in value, as the gold standard is, tbe indirect effect npon trade and industry is benumbing and deadening.. As money rises in value prices fall, trade becomes hazardous, production is checked and labor is forced into idleness; hence the truth of the observation made by Home long ago that an increasing volume of mouey is always attended by activity of bnsiness and. the increase of wealth, while a contracting volume of money is attended always by stagnaut trade and restricted production. It is therefore perfectly safe to conclude when one is heard prating about “honest money” that he is either not sincere or does not understand what he is talking about Cotton Exports. This country exports more cotton in proportion to the quantity it produces than of any other crop. In the years of 1872 to 1894 inclusive, according to the bureau of statistics, the smallest percentage of export was 64.88 in 1886 and the largest 71.23 in 1878. In 1894 it wae 71.20 per cent, so that more than two-thirds of ,tbe crop is annually sold abroad—sometimes nearly threefourths. lu this latter year we exported 5,397,509 bales, weiglvng ,2,683,282,325 pounds, of which 2,628,220,828 went to Europe and 1,485,451,425 to Great Britain. In this great Liverpool market onr cotton came in direct competition with the cotton of tbe world grown in East India, West India, Egypt, Smyrna, Brazil and elsewhere. When all this cotton met in this open market, the lowest price at which any considerable part of it could be sold, due allowance being made for grade aud class, fixed the price for the whole That price was paid in the home money of the shipper—-in gold if he raised his cotton in a gold standard country and in silver if he sent his cotton from a silver standard country.

Creadng Unnecessary Offices. In the entire United States there are but eight military departments, whereas Cuba, with a total area and population not greater than Alabama, is to be divided into seven departments. There is no occasion for this undue multiplication of places held by appointment in the military service, unless, indeed, the leeches, ignoramuses and sons of fathers who came to the surface by war offige favor ife the recent war are to keep posi lions of advantage at the public crib.— Philadelphia Record. McKinley aa a Fertilizer. The growth of trusts is the marvel of the age. They are entering every field of industry or productive or commercial enterprise. Protection builds them up and maintains them, crushing out competition, combining on higher prices for products and lower wages and more hoars for labor.—Pittsburg Post

ADMIRAL W. S. SCHLt *

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Sheriff’s Sale. By virtue of h certified copy of a decree to me directed from the clert:«>f the Pike circuit court in a cause where, n Jetterson *lex- 1 under is -plaintiff, and Sami tel Amos Met lea If and Wii flam W. Medea If are defendants, requiring me to make the stmt of one hundred ' and thirty-two dollars and foity nine cents, with interest on said detree and costs, i will expose at public sale, ti» the highest bid- ' der, on Saturday, the 17th day >f June, A. D. 1S99, Between the hours of It) o clock a. m. and 4 1 o’clock p. lit. of said day, at the door of the 1 i court house in Petersburg, *ikecounty. Indiana, the rents and profits ora tertr. not exceeding seven years, of t ie following real estate, to wit: • Twenty-seven acres off of the eas side of; the northeast quarter of the sout heast quarter of sect ion twenty-four. :>wa 1 south, rangei eigtn west, described as fd lows: Beginning * at the northeast eorner of said northeast |! quarter of the southeast quarter section twenty-four, town one s* utii. range eight west, rutming theneesouth dghty rods.tbenee wesi fifty-tour rods. thence north eighty rods. 1 thence east fifty-four rods t» the place of beginning; excepting therefiom l 75-WO acres in a square in the southeast corner of said land, and excepting therefrom :iTP- 1M) acres | off' of the south side of >aid twenty-seven i acres, and being the land heretofore deeded to s. O. Parker. ir such rents and profits will not sell for a sufficient sum to satisfy said decree, interest and costs, 1 win, at the sane time and place, expose to public sale the fie simple of said real estate, or so much thereof as may be sufficient to discharge said decree, interestand costs, said sale will lie made without any relic I whatcvei from valuation or appraisement laws. W.M. B11K4WAY. May it. ISM Shei iff. Pike County. J. W. Wilson, atty. for pi if. ------- Notice of Application foi Liquor License. | Notice is. hereby given to the voters of I I l’ato!.a township. Pike cot nty. slate of Iridi- ! ana, tiiat the umiersigm ti male inhabitant over the age of 21 years *nd » resldeut of ] said township for more than !JU days last past. 1 will apply to the board of commissioners of ' Pike county, state of Indiana, at their next j 1 June term of court, ItSW, for a license to sell, barter and give away and allow the same to 1 be drank upon my premise), spiritous, vinous, 1 malt ana other intoxicating liquors, in less 1 quantities than a quart at A lime. My place of business where said liquors ate to be sold, - drank or given away, is in the northwest 1 corner room of a one-stprv iratne building, 1 situated on lot number si:;ty-one d>l), in the 1 town of llosmet. Pike county. Indiana, and fronts on Water street, ins tid town, thesaine 1 being a public highway. Maid room being situated on 1 he ground flour and so arranged with a window in the frou wart thereof, facing said Water street, that the whole o! sahl room can be viewed from saul street. Said | room has one front door te; ding out on Water street, and two side doors leading into other rooms of said building. Said room where said liquors are to lie sold being 14 feet wide and 15 feet long, with S-fi*>t celling. That I aat the exclusive owner an i proprietor of said business. Gsokue A lstattDr. Price’s Cream taking Powder World’s Fair His test Award.

Sheriffs Sale. By virtue of a certified cop.v nf a teft.e to redirected from tl»e clerk «>f the Pike cir■uit court, in acuuw win ieiu Kiizn K \V pis * plalntitt, and Richard G. Bass is defendant, •etiuiriuif me to make the sum oi Ired and twen > -two dollais and three cents, *'iih interest on said decree Hint coats, I viil expose at public sale, to the highest biviler, on '. . syXi-sV/ . . .. Saturday, the 170* day of June, ApD. 1889,' * - . . .. Bet weer the hours of 10 oVInek a. in Silt 4 t’elock p. m. of said day, at the door of the sntrt bouse in Petersburg, Pike emmtv. triiiana. tlie rents and profits for a term not ixceedingseven years, of the io!Jawing real estate to-wit: The south liuif of the uortheast quarter of wction five, township three south, range.six vest, eighty acres, in Pike comity, in the itate of Indiana. ygSp5; if such rents and profits will not seti for a mffteient sum to satisfy said decree, interest, md eosts, I will, at the s me time and place, expose to public sate the lee simple nt said •cal estate, or so much thereof as may be xitficient to‘discharge said decree, interest uid c-.fds. Said sale will be made without »nv relief w hatever from valuation or appraisement laws. W. M. RtlKiWAY, w May Sh 18BB. Sherifi Pike C*ott»fr, Richardson A Tay'or, atlys. for plaintiff. A Notice to Xmi-Kesidents* Hie State of Indiana, Pike County: ; In the Pike Circuit Court, June term, MR*. Eli H. Goslin. William> L>. Goa l et al vs. y Emnk Tayn r Ira T«»•- t lor John Warneretal.j Now comes the plaintitfs, by Klciiardson A ray lor, ttietr attorneys. and files their conirlaint nr rein, together with an affidavit that mid defendants, Prank Taylor and Irn Tayorare not residents of The state of Indiana; hat said action is for the purpose of fore•losing a mechanics lien upon the real estate if the defendants, and that said non resident lefendants are necessary parties theretOs, Notice is therefore hereby given smitdeendants, last named, that unless they be and ippear on tlie ffith judicial day of thene-Xt ermoi the Pike circuit court. la-ing Jhiv in. SRI, to he hoiden on the third Monday of tune. A. D. lSW, at the court house u> Peters>urg,in said county and state, and answer or lemur to said complaint, the sauiewifi las leant and determined in ttieir absence. Witness my name and the sea! of said co trt, iffixed at Petersburg, this 2s5ih dav of M »y, A. I). 185W. J. W. IIkvmkikpc, Clerk. . MLS-ON ,t TTNER, r. m, ^k>N, T. W. TYMCR. W Petersburg Collecting Agency, Collections in all parts of I he U nited States, Remittances promptly made, Chursses arc easoiiable. Give us your old accounts. notes, •tc., and we will do the rest. Call intm write Offliy onp«»sUe court- house in Parker 1 tnilding, Petersburg, lu t. , -r •Muwi

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