Pike County Democrat, Volume 29, Number 42, Petersburg, Pike County, 24 February 1899 — Page 5

FINANCIAL FREEDOM. A Nation. Should Regulate Its Monetary Policy. HOT DEPEND ON FOREIGN POWERS. People Should Maintain Their Rlarht to Adppt Foadamental La vr—I’latform of the Hepnbliean Party la Neither American Nor Patriotic. Vote For Principle. The Republican party, according to its platform, is “opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international ' agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, end until such agreement can be obtained the existing, gold standard mnst be preserved. ” This is the first time in the history of onr country that any party has declared against the control of their own domestic affairs. It is hard to see upon what principle the Republican party can make such a. declaration, for if there is one principle more sacred than all others in free government it is that which asserts the exclusive right of , a free people to adopt their <4fcn fundamental law and to regulate their internal affairs without the intervention of foreign powers. If the American people are a nation in all other respects, why are they not a nation in respect to their money? What foreign nation, great or small, is proclaiming to the world its inability to regulate its financial policy without the aid of ether nations? Not one. We are the only nation today asking foreign countries to frame our financial laws. Shame on such a party I If Europe is to dictate our money, why not let. it dictate onr laws, custom and religion? Why not ask it to make our penal stat*ntes and divorce laws? Why not ask it

what form of government we may have ? Why not erase the stars from onr flag and recall the Declaration of Independence? Why not forget the victories of Yorktown and New Orleans? Why speak of the battles of Concord, Lexington and Bunker Hill ? Why remember onr splendid achievements on land and sea? Why not denounce onr patriotic forefathers as traitors to the great principle of local self government, for which they contended in 177(5, if it is to be surrendered now? No; it will not do. The people will never consent Tney have enjoyed the blessings of liberty too long to let England control onr financial policy. Foreign nations shall not dictate onr laws. We will legislate for ourselves. The people, independent of politics, are not in favor of the British policy as advocated by the Republican party. It is not patriotic, it is not American, it is not just, and it must not and shall not prevail. If it is wrong for the United States to take 53 cfig3’ worth of silver and shunp it “One Dollar, * ’ it would be equally wrong if other nations aided us in doing it. Those whqlVt&hd us would be particeps criminis to the wrong. It therefore follows that if this country has no moral, legal or equitable right to coin 53 cents’ worth of silver bullion into a dollar it would not make it right because other nations joined us in wrongdoing. It would be doing internationally what the Republican party condemns the Democratic party for doing nationally. Wherein is the difference from a moral standpoint? It is the duty of good citizenship in the discussion of all qhes|ions religious, social and political to bo candid and fair. It is time for the people to lay aside their party fealty and vote fpr principle. Every man should study the financial question with a sincere desire to arrive at the truth, and when satisfied that his party is wrong on this great question, which vitally affects the welfare and happiness of man, he ought to have the moral courage to vote his honest sentiments. The times demand such men. We owe it to our country, to ourselves and posterity to be true to our convic-' tions. It is not a question whether we are Democrats, Republicans or Populists. but the question should be, does our party advocate sound, economic principles? If so, we should uphold it; if not, we should have enough independence to condemn it regardless of party. David Pierce.

Ratio of Metals. What about 16 to 1? Well, my friends, it is not in our power to change this. It is impossible to get anything along any other line. Change the ratio and the whole case dissolves. To be sure, theoreticallythis is not so. bnt we have to deal'with fearfully sad facts. For 20 years both of the great parties denounced the gold standard and demanded the free coinage of silver at the old ratio. It looked as if the question would be settled in a week, but instead the gold standard got more firmly seated in the saddle. How? By corruptly controlling the government and manipulating congress. Open the question of ratio and you will get no action in a century To diop the ratio is to betray .the cause. We are for the old ratio because it is right, because it will undo a great crime, because it will make prosperity possible, because we cannot succeed in any other way, and because the suggestions for a change come only from the enemy.—John P. Altgeld in Hie Jackson Day Speech at Omaha. >

Free Trader* to felave Their Day. 'Republican capitalists themselves are beginning to see that if we are to derive the greatest possible good from our enlargement of territory we must be in a position to both buy and sell: that we cannot continue to exclude other people’s goods and sell our own in foreign markets. The free traders have had,a long wait, but their time is coming.— * Rochester Herald.

REPUBLICANS OF 1890, Maay Toted For McKinley Dellerlaa Blot o Bimetallist. W1 itever the purpose may have been it is within the memory of all that through its press, its campaign 4ocnmentr and its public speakers the Republic in party did advocate bimetallism a every state of the Union all through that campaign of 1896. with a larg measure of double dealing, we grant touching it very lightly in the east. T at urging it with extreme vigor and er. iphasis in the south and west In the latter sections they claimed to be better bimetallists than Mr' Bryan and his followers were, because, as they insisted. they were in favor of bimetallism in a ra tional and practical way—namely, by oiut action with other countries —whil i the Democrats, Silver Republicans and Populists reiterated that Mr. McKin ley was a true bimetallist, a better fri» ndof silver than Mr. Bryan was. and in the far west especially his congressional record and speeches were invoked o prove it. There can be no doubt that large numbers of Republicans with silver leanings voted for Mr. McKinley firm in the conviction that the cause of bimetal!: srn would be safe in his bands. The leaders of the opposition contended at the rime that the Republican declaration in favor of free coinage by international agreement was merely a cunning device to deceive and defraud the American voter. Events have since absolutely proved the truth of this contention Time and again during that campaign Mr. McKinley declared himself a bimetallist and in favor of keeping in circulation all of the currency which ve then had, and yet one of his first Official acts was to name as secretary of the treasury a pronounced and uncomi remising advocate of the gold standard, whose official policy has at all times been to “commit the country more thoroughly to the gold standard. ’’ to retire from circulation all United Stakes paper currency and substitute national bank notes.

LIBERTY AT STAKE. The Time Ham (owe When Every True Democrat Must Act. We are in a crisis. The liberties of a mighty people are at stake. There is no neutral ground; trimming and trading can no longer be tolerated. The world demands earnestness and candor. I dp not believe in the black flag; give every honoral le enpmy quarter. But we have a sacred black motto which we must keep to the front, and that is, “Woe into him who trifles with the confidence of the American Democracy. “ t; rover Cleveland is dead, and he left, no friends to whom to send the obituary notices. Scores of wabbling statesmen are today looking through the fem e into the graveyard for a burial place, because they were hit by the wrath < f a deceived people. Each age furnishes a weapon for the people. The weapon for this age is initiative and referendum. Through it we can restore Democracy. Then fill our people with the spirit of Andrew Jackson, and the corruption of Hamiltt nism, as well as the hypocrisy 'of McKinley ism, will no longer threaten or disgrace our land. Why do wo honor the memory of Jackson? He was hot a great scholar, not a great orator, not a great publicist, not a great military man. and yet he stands like a mighty rock in the ocean towering high in air, while thousands of scholars, orators, publicists, generals and statoefhen who’have come since his time art lost in oblivion. It is because of his character. Amid temptation and threats of destruction he fixed his eye on the star of justice, shook his fist in the face of power and delivered the America n people. This country needs more Andrew Jacksons—and the people believe hat they have found one in William Bryan.—J. P. Altgeld’s Jackson Day .Speech at Omaha.

\ SILVER NIGHT SCHOOL. Lesson Prepared For Literary Bureau. Laity Building-. Chicago. H Organizel We want a silver night school in every precinct in the United States. Organize a school and send fox lesson le; flets. What has been done car be done. Four yonng men organised- in one town ship and agreed to hold a session in every schoolhouse in the township and incidentally to nominate and elect a safe Silver Democratic ticket at the spring election. Example.—In 1873, when wheat was worth $1.31 in the United States, what was it wt rth in the money of India and what wa it worth in Indian money *ih 1893 when worth 63 cents in the United States? Both countries are exporters oi wheat, tr importation to European markets being about the same. In 1873 the exchange was 51 per cent. In 1898 the exchange was .241—i. e..‘ the Indian rupee was worth but little over .241 in our mone y. Answer—1878. 2^ rupees per bushel; 1898. 2 €! 5 rupees per bushel, or $1.32 in our m. ney (silver). The disadvantage to American wheat raiders is apparent. The example may be easily explained to the school byony one fnmii tar with the rules of computing^xch; nge. Problems are hlso given in the lesrson leaflets to show the disastrous effects of low prices in producing business ailures, foreclosures and hard times

Mnkii ; Conceulonit to Decency* The'days of the political millennium ate evidently approaching when we see what is going on in the legislatures Pennsylvania and Delaware. In the former state the Democrats are offering to help the honest v Republicans to beqt Quay, an< l they were willing even to gc the lengti i of voting for a Republican like Wan maker. In Delaware the honest Repv; oliq^q; are trying to prevent the eleci on of Addicks. And in this case the lost feasible way to beat Addicks is by the election of Senator (Stay, a Democr »t.—Utk.i Observer. y

PROTECTIVE TARIFFS. Temporary Duties Have Become Permanent Taxes. MORRILL'S CREATED A MONSTER. What Wtt# Orlarlnmlly Intended na Mean* t« Carry on a War la Now a Constant Bnrdea on the People. Republican Party Snpporta the Pampered Interests. The late Senator Morrill first became widely known to bis countrymen as the reputed author of the tariff act of March 2, 1861. That act was famons as the first Republican tariff—as the first departure from the tariff for revenue principle. upon which was based the act of 1846. and the still more liberal act of 1857. The association of Mr. Morrvli’a name with that act made him a eery conspicuous figure because of its importance as the first of a series of reactionary measures culminating in the Dingley act of 1897. The Republican pasty came into power as tbe party opposed to the extension of slavery. Its predecessor, the Whig party, bad been hopelessly beaten on tbe issue of protection and bad ceased to exirt as a political organization. Tbe Republican party took its place on an entirely different issue. Its platforms mildly favored protection, but kept that subject in tbe background while making the most of tbe slavery issue. But no sooner had tbe new party, or the old party under a new name, and professedly with a new purpose, secured control of"congress than it began to do wbat tbe people bad never directed it to do at all and wbat they had repeatedly

condemned. In March, I860, Mr. Morrill reported his bill from the committee on ways and means, bat it was not till March 2, 1861, nearly a year later, tllat the bill finally became a law. As compared with subsequent acts it was a very mild measure of protection, but the advocates and beneficiaries of that policy professed to be well satisfied with it.. They admitted that it afforded all the protection that any industry could reasonably ask. At that time the people were so deeply interested in the question of slavery extension and so much excited by the secession movement, which had already passed beyond the stage of threats and taken form in ordinances of seoefeion and a Confederate congress, that they paid almost no attention to what congress was doing with the tariff. It is literally true that the Morrill act was passed when the public mind was full of other things and when there was no popular demand for a change of economic policy. The Morrill act went into effect and Fort Sumter was fired on almost simultaneously. The civil war was raging, and presently uie need for more revenue became urgent On the 5tb of August another act was passed which was, in fact, a revenue act, as was the one palsed when we went to war with Spain. Still another jict of the same character was passed Dec. 24 following. Neither of these acts materially increased the protective duties. The following May an internal revenue act was passed, and* this was followed a month later by the reporting of a bill from the ways and means committee “increasing temporarily the duties on imports and for other purposes. ” By the internal revenne act taxes were laid on many articles of domestic production, and the new tariff ;bill laid correspondingly higher duties on imported articles of the same descriptions. The “temporary” increase was to coutinne only until the abolition of the internal taxes for which the bill ostensibly provided only proper compensation. But some industries managed to secure more than compensating duties—duties which reduced the revenues by shutting out goods instead of securing the increase which the treasury so much needed. In May, 1864, the internal taxes were increased and new ouee were added, and the process of increasing tariff duties to correspond was repeated the following month. Mr. Morrill reported from the ways and means committee the bill for that purpose, explaining the purpose clearly, and in the course of : his remarks said, “This is intended as a war measure, a temporary measure, and it is needful that it should pass

speedily. Substantially tbe same | thing was said by other Republican leaders in both houses of congress. It was not pretended that the duties i prescribed by the Morrill bill of March, 1861, were not sufficiently protective. It was tacitly admitted that they were so and that the only object of iucreas ing them was to offset the internal taxes and keep protection up to the mark provided by the original Morrill ' bill. But these professions .were all forgotten or ignored years later. Before j 1873 nearly every article affected by ; foreign competition was relieved freon internal taxation, but the “temporary” j l compensating: duties were uutoufhed. i Republican congresses abolished the dotieson tea and coffee and other articles not competing with home products, but they would not listen to any proposal to .reduce one of the duties wbioh had been “temporarily’* increased even after the last of the internal taxes on acoonnt of which the increases had been made was swept away. Many years after the abolition of the last of the internal taxes ou mannfao~tures a prominent Democratic member of tbe house proposed a revision of tbe tariff on the basis of tbe Morrill tariff •of March, 1861. His proposal was that a large redaction should be made all ;arouud provided that no protective duty -.should be less thau that laid by tbe Morrill tariff on the same article. When 'the Republican leaders looked into the matter far enough to see what it meant, they wouldn’t so much as discuss it

— • m Tl'*>y found that such a bill as wims y * posed would reduce Ibe protective < »- ties far below those prescribed toy t m' Morrison bill, the Mills Mll/$ba W ilson bill or any other bill that hue! 001 ;te from (he Democratic side sinoe the ci il war The Republican leaders ragre id that it would ruin all our “ini'aut Litdnetries” to reduce tbe duties any wbe e near as low as those of tbe Morrill tar f —tbe tariff which they admitted w 3 sufficiently protective in tbe absence of internal taxes on protected psoduc ■ during all tbe years of tbe civil waif and for four or five years following. Senator Morrill was a candid anil honorable man. When be said that thi> compensating duties were to bo tempo • rary only, no doobt be meant it, buu when tbe time came to remove the “temporary” duties he found tba pampered interests too strong for him. Like .Frankenstein, be bad created a monster wliicb he could not control. This chapter of history is recalled not at all for the purpose of censuring tbe late Vermont senator, but because It goes to show how hard it is for a party as well as for an individual not merely to retrace steps in a downward career, but even to arrest tbe descensus av ?rni. It shows that tbe downward career is practically certain to continue, and usually at an accelerated pace, until the growing evil ends in catastrophe and tbe degenerate party sinks beyond, recovery and paeses ont of existence.^Chicago Chronicle.

MONEY AND PRICES. We Canaot Have Higher Price* 5 Without Cheaper Monty. The credulity which marks ;he ideas of average gold standard business men on the money question is alifiost inexplicable. They ail want “higher prices, “ but they are horrified at the thought of having “cheaper money.” It seems impossible for them to realize that they cannot have higher prices without cheaper money. When money and goods are pitted against each other in a trade, if the goods go up, the money must certainly go down. If prices should rise until two gold dollars would be required to buy what can now be procured for one, it ought to be manifest that gold would have become cheaper just as it did become cheaper between 1850 and 1870. But so far from bringing join, rising prices—that is, cheaper money— have always brought prosperity, except where paper issues have been carried to such an excess as to destroy confidence and virtually leave it with no value at all—as in the case of the French assignats and mandats. During recent years the me t distressed countries have been those upon the gold base4where money has risen and where prices have taken a heavy fall. The most prosperous are those which have a curreucy cheaper than gold, and in which prices have either teen steadily maintained or somewhat advanced. The industrial development; of India, .China, Japan and Mexico has been noted by all travelers and officially report* ed by consuls from gold standard countries. TWO LITTLE DEMOCRATS. Tonne Patriot* Give Thoir Pocket Money to the Silver Cause. At the ways and means committee rooms in Chicago no names of those subscribing to the campaign fond of 1900, or the defense fnud of :be people, as it is sometimes called, are gi ven to the public or in any manner made known without the permission of I be persons thns contributing. But the following letters from two little boy^ being received, permission wjte obtained from them tomake publie their patriotic act: Chicago. foec. 2, 1898 Mr. W. H. Harvey, Clnjwgo: Dear Sir—I have^heaid my papa speak of you and your work of receiving iknations to help win the election in U00. I am b years ojd. and 1 have a brother, Samuel Ed$ar Darby Jr., who is 7. %'e are both Democrats all offer, and we want to sec i Democrat eleete#-*presi dent, so we have deck.od to give np our spend ing money anjd send it to you to help out. We have already decided that we want Mr. Bryan for president, hnd we hope that what we send trill be of some help in electing him. Of course ■we can’t vote yet, so this is the only way we can help. We think that if all the little Demo crats would do this much Mr. Bryan will ear tainly be elected Yours truly. Wai.teu Ayres Darby, 378 Dearborn Avenue. Mt Dear Mr. Harvey—My brother thinks he is “the only pebble on the beach” and the only Democrat. 1 also send my spending mon ey to help elect “Billy Bryan” president. ] am 7 years old and go to the Bryan school My name is Samuel Edgar Darby. Accompanying each letter was a subscription agreeing to pay $1 each month till October, 1900, and $1 in money for the first payment.

Leas Per Capita. That country that does not increase in productive energy as it increases in wealth and population is limits decline This country is producing le^ per capita, notwithstanding its great increase in wealth since then, than it did in 1888—less in quantity of nearly every product of human toil except in metals and metal products. Except steel and tin plate, the product is decreasing not only in per capita value, but in, actual valqe. The per capita capacity of the people to buy and consume has been decreased by shrinking values of property, products and labor since the adoption of the gold standard, and there is less per capita demand, hence less production. Study the official statistical reports of nation and state and you will be convinced of the truth of this statement. The Brand on Hanna's Forehead. The word “bribery” has been seared i on Hanna’s brazen forehead by the state i senate of Ohio. That he bought his stht I in the senate is believed by every fair | minded person that was familiar with the scandalous scenes enacted in the | Ohio legislature during his contest for ! the Republican nomination. He has ! been publicly accused; of securing his ; high office by bribery,'but, like Senator Quay, he brushes the accusation aside , as unworthy of notice.—- New York L Journal.

Every citizen of Pike County should be:a reader of one or more of the local papers to keep posted on the affairs of County, State and Nation, that you may readily converse on tire subjects then before the people. It is always necessary to have the best fp keep posted. It is r ecessary that you subscribe for a local paper that publishes all the local happenings of the county. To sc sure that which you desire you should become a subs< riber of the

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