Pike County Democrat, Volume 28, Number 4, Petersburg, Pike County, 4 June 1897 — Page 7

LABOR’S SHARK Protection/Can Give Nothin* with Labor on Free List jrI'i* Laborer Row Compete* with Uwwt MntoMiblo Bidder ot the ' World-Low Prices Stlmalate Both Vouapattloi aid Pfodactloa-Ki-ample of Steel Roll Pool. One of the best speeches made in the house while the Dingley bill was being discussed was made by John C. Bell, of Colorado. With facts which are indisputable. aud logic which is unanswerable. he exposed many of the fallacies of protection. His exposure of the absurd claim that protection helps the workingman is especially good. Here is a part of it: “But our friends upon the other side •ay that th^y levy a tariff for the benefit of the wage-workers. I say to you that any tariff bill. 1 care not from whom it comes, that does not contain a

provision for prohibiting the free inflow of immigration from foreign countries is oblivious of the rights of labor and is opposed to th»e interest of all wage-workers. (Applause.) “Protection is always asked in the interest of others. Now, observe how it is asked in behalf of the poor laboring man—just enough to cover the difference between the European scale of wages and our own. What hypocrisy! Who ever heard of the laboring man getting rich manufacturing? The statisticians clearly figured from the census of 1880 that about six per cent, on 0'\y dutiable list would cover the difference between the European wage schedule and ours, or that about IS per cent, ad valorem covered the entire labor cost of our list of 1880. While the manufacturer then asked for the poor laborer his six per cent, he got for himself at the hand of congress six times six per cent. “Is there any reason why a high tariff affects wages injuriously? Yes; by enabling employers to build up a vicious trust system for the manufacturer and against the laborer. The high tariff makes the manufacturer complete master of the wage-worker. “In the review of 11. G. I)ub d; Co., in their weekly review of trade, dated February 12, it is stated: “ ‘No other event of the week approaches in importance the disruption of the steel rail pool. In two days.’says the report, ‘after it a greater tonnage of rails was probably purchased tbau the entire production of the last year, reported at 800.000 tons, and instead of $28 in December and $23 in January, $17 is now the price at which works east and w est are seeking orders. And further.* 6nys the report, ‘the Carnegie company has been selling at $17, Chicago delivery. These sales will employ many thousand hands, with an important decrease in the cost of track laying on renewal of railroads.’ “Now, my frieuds, let me ask you, was it the rising or low ering price that employed these thousands of men? Our friend. Mr. Hopkins, Of Illinois, tells of the benefits of a higher duty on iron and steel.' Did the steel rail pool need more tariff? What is the difference in giving the manufacture a double profit through a high tariff or through a pool? l>o they ever share the profits of the pool with labor? No. Will they ever share the profits of a tariff? Never. “It takes no political economist to answer these questions. If the United States manufacturers can reap twice the profit Hidef a high tariff by limiting thems yes to the home market and running half time, why should they run full time and invade foreign markets? They never will. They will sit down comfortably and sell their limited supply of goods for increased profits, making them more than whole, while the laborer tramps the country in search of work just as he does under the trust system. “It is unfortunate that the hum

■drum of tlie tariff has iwn sounded in the ear* of the people until many of them really believe that foreign trade is unimportant, if not a curse. Why did the breaking of the steel rail pool put so many men to work? It was because the consequent lower price for iron ami steel brought most liberal orders from abroad as well as at home. Suppose the tariff had been prohibitive ami we would have been confined to the liome market. Would the manufacturers have made so many goods? No, but they would have doubled their profits on what they did make. The people could not have bought so many because of the increased price. Who would have suffered? First,, the workmen. because they would have had fewer goods to make; secondly, the consumer, because he could not have bought so many at a higher price. Who would have been benefited? The manufacturer. because he might have made and handled less goods, made a double profit, and really have gained, aa he would have had fewer to handle for the same profit. ••This bill will increase the manufacturer's profits on the individual articles, but will lessen the power of the people to buy or use his w ares. “It is the poverty of the buyer, not the producer, that must be relieved before thing* will thrive. “The manufacturer has every facility to produce, but no facility to sell, “It ia the consumption that must first be stimulated, and that will stimulate production. “There are but a few- crumbs in this bill to aid the epprssed farmer of the Interior or the laborer, but thousands of thing* to further oppress him. Higher sugar; higher salt, higher 1 unlive r. higher clothing, higher manufactured products and Absolutely nothing to raise the price of labor—4 high tariff on la oor*s products, limiting the demand for his labor by narrowing the market, but throwing the port* wide •open for the free importation of other laborers from foreign countries to freely compete with hia work. “ “Consistency, thou art a jewel!* **

HEAVY DUTIES ON LINENS. W»U Deprive tke Peep]« ot a Useful Ftbrle. The foUmin; ere some of the com* menta of a man well acquainted with linens and the linen industry upon the senate doctored Dingley bill: The proposed duties on linen goods under the amended Dingley bill are I heavier than ever, although it has been i claimed that the senate had reduced ! rates. These goods paid for many years ' 35 per cent, and yielded a steady rev- | enue to the government. The rates now s proposed vary from 30 to 109 per cent., and the burden falls heaviest on low 1 and medium goods, which are chiefly j used in the homes of the poorer people, j A cheap tablecloth cow selling at re* tail at 35 cents per yard w ill have to be ■ sold at 37% cents to 40 cents if the ; quality be kept up. Medium linens for children’s summer j blouses will be assessed 99% per cent., | and the retail price will have to go up I accordingly.

Linen forms the raw material for many American industries, as linings for clothing and other purposes where strength and durability are required. Such goods will be advanced 20 to 30 per cent. It is claimed that this advance is not necessary for revenue, but the effect | will be that the people will in many ! cases substitute something cheaper, | and thus be deprived of this useful fabric, and the revenue will be correa- j pondingly diminished. It is said that i linen goods can be made here, but this ! has been tried again and again, and except in the case of a few low crashes J has been a failure, owing to the climate 1 and other difficulties, but even if they j could be made here the rates are un- , necessarily oppressive. The entire cost j ot weaving linen goods in Europe is j about 7y, to 10 per cent, the selling I price of the article here, and in Amer- j iea the cost should not be at the very outside more than double this percent- j age. so that, even if republican theories be true, a protection of 35 per cenL_ should be ample to allow for higher wages and extra profits for our manufacturers. It is possible speculators may start mills on the strength Of these excessive j rates, sell the stock and then step out, leaving the unfortunate laborer and manufacturer to face the difficulties-of ! the situation as best they can. The laborer probably, having been brought here from Europe (for labor is on the free list), with unreasonable expectations. will be left to join the army of disappointment and discontent. Why* should these exorbitantly high rates be assessed on an article more or less in use in every household in the land, and the cost of living so much increased in , these days of keen competition and small profits'* Why should the plain j people be taxed to put more money in the pockets of the rich? If the wealthy manufacturers want to make experi- j meats, let them do so at their own cost, [ not tax the poor for that purpose. Sagar Trust Proflts Cinched. The trusts have a cinch on Dinglev j bill profits. Of course they will make j many times more if the bill becomes i law in anything like its present shape. [ but they are already engaged in taking j part of their profits. Sugar has risen considerably in an- j ticipation of greatly increased duties, j rnd merchants all over the country arc j laying in stores because still higher prices are expected. The sugar trust is i consequently busy and rolling up profits. In April it imported 757,799.527 [ founds of raw sugar, valued at $14,747,- ; 139. An extra profit of one-half cent j per pound on this amount—which is already realized or guaranteed—means nearly $1,000,000 to the trust. If the bill is two months longer in its I passage, the trust will surely pocket $10,000,000 extra profits before the bill j becomes law, Who says protection is not a good thing? And why shouldn’t j Senator Aldrich push it along and in turn get his street railway syndicates pushed along by the sugar trust ? Isn’t this reciprocity? Wouldn’t Aldrich be an ingrate if he should desert his friends and backers when he has an opportunity to help them. ---—— Overgrown ti faat.

I believe in protecting* infant industries, but when the infants get to be si* feet high and grow whiskers, and when they threaten to kick the end out of the cradle if they don't get more pap, I think it's about time to take the bottle away from them.—Gol. R. G. Inger* I soil (Rep.). _ Price* (i«lac I p. Prices of sugar, lumber, tea and other articles have already risen since duties have been increased or new ones impossd. The foreigner appears to be somewhat backward in coming forward \ to pay these tariff duties, but perhaps j he was taken by surprise by the sen- ! ate’s action, and will yet pay all duties assessed against him by republicans. Senatorial CtaaUttaejr. The three senators who are responsible for the present senate bill—Aldrich. Platt and AUison—strongly denounced ad valorem duties in 1894. They now go out of their way to give the sugai trust a gratuitous ad valorem dety Such is consistency.

SUGAR IN THE SENATE. At riM Bui mt tke Tnuta is U« Dlsgley BUI. The man who does not recognize the line Italian hand of the trusts in the sen* ite amendments to the Dingley bill must be the blind man of the proverb, who does uot want to see. We are told that on a “rough estimate'* the senate schedule will yield from sugar a revenue of $90,000,000 a year. The figure is so full one looks for confirmation of so great expectations. The full text of the sugar schedule is not given, but from the synopsis telegraphed it appears that reduced to an ad valorem rate the senate proposes to tr.x sugar 75 per cent, as compared with 72 per cent, in the Dingley bill, and 40 tb44 percent, in the Wilson bill. The McKinley act let sugar in free. It is also stated that the senate bill is so drawn as to place the regular duty on Hawaiian sugar. The senate hardly has put an ad valorem duty on sugar. The report is merely an estimate of an ad valorem

rate. The original Dingley bul taxes sugar not above 16 D. S. in any shape one cent per pound testing not above 75 degrees by the potariaeope. and for every additional degree three-hun-dredtha of one cent per pound. On sugar above 16 D. S., and on all refined sugars, the rates made were to be 1.375 cents per pound. The highest rate possible on sugar below 16 D. S. under the Dingley bill would be 1% cents per pound. It was estimated that the revenue deriv cd would be about $50,000,000. But there was no intention to collect duty on Hawaiian sugar. If the senate bill is to produce $90,000.000 a year, there must be contemplated a stiff advance over the rates provided for under the home schedule. The sugar trust is. of course, at the bottom, and deep down under the foundation of this policy. It seems to have taken the senate a willing captive. The projected abrogation of the Hawaiian reciprocity treaty seems to be a part of the same monopoly-inspired raid on the rights of the people. Sir Claus was the original instigator of that treaty, and he has prospered under it in the twenty odd years of its operation to the tune of many millions. His contracts with the island sugar planters are about to expire. Some are already at an end. we believe. Hence this pronounced interest in American industries demanding that the treaty cease. If behind this little game the heavy trump up Mr. Spreckles* sleeve is the limiting of California beet sugar reeluction, why, it w ould be better for the country to go on losing the revenue on Hawaiian sugar. But sugar is not the only sweet morsel in the senate bill. The hand of the trust and of the monopoly did not grow weary when that piece of work was done. Its skill and cunning are shown broadcast in all the schedules, any report of which has reached here. Taking the reported ad valorem estimates, it appeals that lead ore was raised to 94.74 per cent, from 02*4 in the house bill, 49.37 in the Wilson act and $3.73 in the McKinley act. When we get to .vool. a product of the farmer, and where the interest of the eastern high tariff j monopolist lies in getting it us cheap as possible, this trust-ridden senate committee has lowered the rate from 59.S3 per ceut. in the house bill, the ! same as in the McKinley act. to 43.37 | per cent. But spun yarn, in which the monopolist has put^omeof his money, is raised from 40 per cent, in the Wilson bill to 90.87 percent, in the senate bill. It was only 50.61 in the McKinley act. The Dingley schedule made the duty on yarns run from 15 to IS cents per pound. On machinery generally the house schedule of 35 per cent, is made 45 per j cent, in the senate bill. Both the Wilson and McKinley acts made the rate 43 per cent. On hops, a direct product of the farm, the rouse rate of 07.20 per cent, is lowered] to 53.70. Still wines are dropped from 92.29 to 46.33 per ceut. Hemp comes down from 70.52 to 16.41 per cent. This is as far as the republican mem- j bers of the ways and means committee I of the senate, who alone are responsible for all changes made in the bill sent up from the house, consented to let the people know what they have done. The rest of the bill Is kept locked up in the star chamber secrets, under i w hich the work of revision was carried on. They are probably letting us down easy. And if the rest of the changes manifest the same subservient regard ! for monopoly interests as these, and the same blind indifference to the interests j of the farmers and consumers of the country, they had better let us dowm very easy. A* little of this sort of thing makes a heavy burden of bad news.— Los Angeles Herald.

PARAGRAPHIC POINTERS. -In this Cuban affair McKinley was expected to checkmate the king, and all he has done is to capture a pawn.—Chicago Tribune (Kep.). J—In the bright lexicon of the republican party civil service reform means turning out competent and faithful democratic officials to put in republican campaign heelers.—Atlanta Journal. -It was the law*-defyingtrusts, the political corruptionists, the unfaithful public officers and the tax-dodging millionaires who fed the fires of Bryauism last year—and who are adding fresh fuel to the fire now.—N. V. World. ——President McKinley is said to be ambitious to restore peace and prosperity to Cuba. The country will wish him success in the undertaking, even though he did make a failure of that job of prosperity restoring at home.—N. V. Journal. -The republican papers are bitterly lamenting the heavy imports for March and April, which, they argue, will not only diminish the revenue after the new tariff goes into effect, but will retard the return of prosperity. The republicans in congress ought to have thought of aU thiia before they framed their outrageous bill.—Rochester (N. T.) Herald.

THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM. McKinleyIn Is To* Slow for Iks People. The protective system is subject to one peculiar disadvantage. Its benefit cent effects are cut off at both ends, while by a malign perversity of nature the damning results of free trade extend themselves fore and aft. miraculously antedating their cause and persisting long after that cause has disappeared. The McKinley law was passed in Oc- ; tober. IS90. The next month the peo1 pie rose up and smote it under a mis- | apprehension, as its friends explained, caused by the fact that it had not yet had | time to produce its intended effects. [ In 1S91 these effects had still failed to arrive to a sufficient extent to mollify | the popular resentment, and in 1S92 | the country was so far from recogniz- | ing their presence that it elected the I celebrated Grover Cleveland, then a j statesman of tnuch eminence as a tariff ! I smasher, to clear the protective incum- 1

bra nee out of tne way. It was about this time, according'to the theories of the high tariff school, that the McKinley law should hare been getting fairly to work, but the mere threat of its repeal in the future involved in the electiou of a hostile president and congress. paralyzed itsdelictae mechanism. For more than 21 months after the presidential election the McKinley law remained in full force, but its usefulness was gone. The people continued' to pay the mountainous duties, but their magical power to compel prosperity had disappeared. The vague shadow of a possible but unknown low tariff in the distant future was more potent than the actual workings of a high tariff in the present. Thus it resulted that, although the McKinley law was in force for nearly four | years, it never once got a chance, according to its friends, to show what it could really do. It went to its grave, a mute, inglorious Milton, with all its brilliant possibilities buried under the j clods of adverse circumstances. The Wilson tariff experienced no ; such delay in getting underway. It be- ; gan its deadly work, as the McKinley professorsof economies have frequently explained, more than a year before it j was born, and it has continued its baleful activity ever since. And now there is to be a new and more stringently protective tariff, but j it has none of the preliminary effects I that protectionists credited to the Wil- ' son bill when.it was still without form j and void. Mr. Dinglev explains that his i tariff cannot be expected to bring good j times before it is passed, or even im- j . mediately after. He thinks that it will j take about a year after its passage to j get into good running order. And if ! by that time we have a series of demo- ! cratic victories, the melancholy history of the McKinley law may be repeated. The advance agent of prosperity works only by sample, and there is no assurance that he can deliver his goods in cloudy weather. It really seems hardly worth while to try to build up a protective system in this country. The vicissitudes of polities are so frequent here that a policy whose usefulness is killed by an adverse verdict at the polls, and which can never begin to produce its promised effects until after the people have had time to blast it at the next election, is a fabric too delicate to be of any prac-*; tical use. We might as well try to raise palm trees out of doors in a Canadian ; winter.—N. Y. Journal. WILL GET THEIR SWAG. UoldboK Democrat!* Will Mot Be Forgotten. Let the “gold democrats” hold their peace. Their pound of flesh will be paid them in due time by the McKinley administration. Their clamor for currency reform based upon the Indianapolis plan is to have weighty consideration by the powers that be. The Times-Herald, of Chicago, which is generally considered one of the inspired mouthpieces of the “Advance Agent of Prosperity,” tells its allies not to be downcast, ‘Svhere two have to ride one horse, one must ride behind.” After those who fried the fat so liberally last fall, in the interests of McKinley and his henchmen, get their share of plunder and of tariff concessions to them, then will come the day for the auxiliaries, who are to reap the reward for their perfidy to democratic principles, in the shape of a retirement of greenbacks, substituting therefor l*auk bills based upon the single gold standard, a standard which is the shuttlecock for other nations to play with. The Times-Herald says “that McKinley has expressed his concurrence with the Indianapolis plan, and when the proper time comes will do his whole duty towards its adoption.” This is certainly very candid and very fair. The republican party believes in living up to its agreements with those whom it wishes to make use of on a future occasion, and so will its democratic allies receive savory recompense to their hearts* content, if they will but exercise a little patience. —- Buffalo Times.

-The Dingley bill went to the sen- ! ate with raw wool taxed 'And out I rageous duties on woolens, but with j hides on the free list. The cattle trust did not propose to stand that, and through two or three western senator* threatened to kill the bill it a duty was not put upon hides. The republicans in the senate responded to this hold-up by giving the cattle trust what it asked. So it turns out that shoes and all other manufactures of leather must he t~xed because wool is to be taxed and the duty on woolens increased.—Atlanta Journal. _ -The manufacturing interests of the country are rapidly discovering that the way to build up a great trade is to be freed from customs restrictions. The United States cannot do business with a commercial enemy, and protection makes enemies faster than any scheme of reciprocity cam make friends.—Kansas Cttr Times.

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Only Line Between Louisville and Evansville. Schedule In effect February 7,1897, Evansville St Louie Local Limited Ex Sun Daily St Louie Fast Ex Daily Louisville Louisville LoairvUtn Fast Ex Limited Local Daily Dally Ex Sun 506pm 5 25 p m «98pra 8 48 p m 7 Sop m 400pm S 05 p m 8 30 p m 8 88 p m 9 18 p m |v) 00 p m 8 40 p m 9 05pm 9 00pm 8 43 p m 9 S3 p m 940pm ... Louisville ..... ... New Albany ... Corydon Junction . English 6... , ...Huntinsrbur* .... ..Winslow . ...Oakland 'City.... .... Princeton. ... Mt. Carmel_ . East St. Louis_ ..St. Louis...— 9 35 p m 0 55piu 11 14 pm 12 15 a m 12 45 a m 103am! 1 85 a m ; 1 58 a m 7 18 a m 1 7 86a m ex Sun 1 10 a m 8 50 a ni 9 00am 10 00 a III 10 50am 8 05am 8 25 a m 9 03 a m 9 48 a m 10 48 a m 11 20 a m 11 37 a m 12 10pm 12 20 p m 8 00pm 0 20pm daily 10 20 a m 10 53 a in 11 15 a m 11 22 a ni 12 01 p m 12 38 p m 11 25 am 11 54 a m 12 40 p m 11 25 a m 12 50 p m 1 10 p ni .Jasper — .Huntmgburg _ . Dale . Lincoln City . ... Boon v I lie .. .. Evansville .. . Lincoln City ... Chrtsney .. ... Rockpoit ... Lincoln City ... Tell Ctty .. .. Cannelton . 5 25 p m 5 05pm 4 25 p m 5 41 p m 1 41 p m 2 11piu 1 57 p in 1 25 p in 1 08 pm 7 58a m ’ 40am doily 2 55 p ni 2 40 pm 2 13 p m 2 07 p in 1 25 p m 12 50pic 7 00 a ra 0 40am 5 13 a m 4 10 a m 3 31 a ui 5 15 a ni 240am 2 19 a m 8 53 p m 8 35 p m ex Sim 9 25pm 9 05 p m 8 30 p m 8 lo p m 8 55 p m 8 00pm 7 40pm 7 01 p m 6 20 p m 8 00 p m 8 20 p in 8 00 p m 11 50 a 11 40 a 11 03* 10 12 a 8 55* 9 25 a m 855am 8 28 » St 8 28am 7 42am 7 05am 8 05* m 7 35am S 20a m 8 00am $ 20 am 8 00a m Lowest Rates to all Eastern and Western points. Folders, rates and general information will be furnished upon application to E. D. STRATTON, Traveling Passenger Agent, W. F. HURT, Agent, Mt. Vernon. 111. Oakland City. R. A. CAMPBELL, G. P. A., St. Louis.

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